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PR 8633. S*4 no««42 
Lindsay, Robert, 
The? his tori© and 





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" So in this wark that I haue heir asseil3eit 
To bring to licht most humblie I exhortt 
3ow gentill readdaris quhair that I haue feiljeit 
In letteris sillabbis pointtis lang or schort 
That 3e wald of 3our gentrice it support 
And tak the sentence the best wayes 3e may 
I sail do bettir will god ane vthir day." 



Historie and Cronicles 
of Scotland ^ 

From the Slauchter of King James the First 

To the Ane thousande fyve hundreith 

thrie scoir fyftein zeir 


n '/ 



Now first published from two of the oldest Manuscripts, one bequeathed 

by Dr David Laing to the University of Edinburgh, and the 

other in the Library of John Scott of Halkshill, C.B. 






^printetj for tfje Sonets &S 




All Rights reserved 



JOHN SCOTT of Halkshill, C.B. 





€ijt (tijronicles of Scotland, 




THE Introduction explains what is known of Robert 
Lindesay of Pitscottie and his work, and it is hoped 
may add something to the still meagre outlines it is 
possible to trace of his life and character. The purpose 
of the Chronicles is at least no longer obscure, and the 
position of the author as a historian may perhaps be 
made a little more distinct by the statement in the 
Introduction of the ascertained, and to a considerable 
extent newly discovered, facts of his life, as well as by the 
comparison of his work with earlier and contemporary 
writers which has been carried out in the Notes. 

Here it is only necessary to acknowledge the many 
obligations of the editor. First and foremost, the for- 
tunate recovery of the missing decade of the Chronicles, 
from 1565 to 1575, is due to Mr John Scott of Halkshill, 
C.B., whose purchase, at the sale of part of the Phillipps 
Collection of MSS., of the only manuscript which, so 
far as has been discovered, contains this portion of 
the Chronicles, was made soon after the Scottish Text 
Society determined on undertaking a new edition. This 
had long been deemed desirable. It had been projected 


by Mr George Chalmers, the author of * Caledonia,' by the 
Bannatyne Club, and by the Earl of Crawford, the author 
of ' The Lives of the Lindsays,' but the project had never 
been carried out. The use of Mr Scott's MS. will now 
add greatly to its value. 

The owners and custodians of the other known manu- 
scripts have been very kind in allowing them to be 
inspected, and in some cases to be at the disposal of 
the editor for a considerable time for the purpose of 
collation. The Society is specially indebted in this 
respect to the University of Edinburgh, the Faculty of 
Advocates, the Earl of Kinnoull, Mr Wemyss of Wemyss 
Castle, and the Rev. D. Macgregor of Inverallochy. Al- 
though great pains have been taken to ascertain the 
character and ownership of all extant MSS., it is pos- 
sible that some have escaped notice. 

Should the publication of the present edition lead to 
the discovery of any which are not referred to in the 
Introduction, it would be a great favour if their owners 
would communicate their existence to the editor. 

For aid in comparing the MSS., and making the selec- 
tion of those to be used, the editor has to thank Mr 
Clark, the Keeper of the Advocates' Library ; Mr Dick- 
son, formerly Curator of the Historical Department of the 
Register House ; Dr J. A. H. Murray, the editor of the 
New English Dictionary ; and the late Dr Gregor, Secre- 
tary of the Scottish Text Society. 

The Rev. J. Anderson, Assistant Curator of the His- 
torical Department of the Register House, not only made 
the transcript for the text, but also read the whole proof, 
and gave the editor the benefit of his extensive and ac- 
curate knowledge of the details of Scottish history. 


Mr Hume Brown, LL.D., was good enough to read part 
of the Notes in proof, and Mr T. Graves Law, LL.D., 
the Keeper of the Signet Library, did the same service 
for a portion of the Introduction. For replies to special 
queries on particular points, the editor has to thank Miss 
Macgregor of Macgregor ; Professor Copland, the As- 
tronomer Royal ; Mr Balfour Paul, the Lyon King ; Mr 
Ballingall, W.S., Perth ; Mr Babington, W.S., Edinburgh ; 
Mr John Ross, Solicitor, Dunfermline ; Mr Patrick, Clerk 
of the County Council of Fife ; Mr Webster, the Librarian 
of the University of Edinburgh ; Mr J. Maitland Ander- 
son, Librarian of the University of St Andrews ; Mr J. H. 
Stevenson, Advocate, the editor of ' The Scottish Anti- 
quary ' ; Mr David Lees, the present tenant of the farm 
of Easter Pitscottie ; Mr George Neilson, the author of 
1 Trial by Combat ' ; and Mr J. L. Anderson. 

A desire has been expressed by the Council of the 
Society that the text should now be published, and the 
two volumes at present issued contain the Introduction, 
the complete Chronicles, and the Notes. The Glossary 
and Index are passing through the press, and there will 
be no avoidable delay in placing them in the hands of 
the members of the Society. 



lix, Introduction, 1. 9. For MS. Q read MS. P. 
6, note 2. For work read word. 

12, note 1, 1. 5. Delete Badius Ascencius ana read Jacobus du Puys 
19, note 3, 1. 2. For seems read seem. 
28, 1. 13. For Twvin read Twrinyfrr Touraine. 
65, Contents of chap, xiiii. For gair razaf thair. 
71, note 4. .for entern read extern. 
82, note 3. Vallem or Douglas should be a Douglas. 
97, Contents of chap. xxii. For Pacrates read paccates. 
319, top of page. James III. should be James V. 




I. Robert Lindesay of Pitscottie xxxiii 

II. The Manuscripts and Printed Editions of Pitscottie Ik 

III. Pitscottie's Patrons and Authors xciii 

IV. Pitscottie's Language cxxii 

V. Pitscottie as an Historian cxlv 








Heir beginnis the first chapter quhan James the secund was crounit at 
Scone be awyce of the heill nobillitie : and quhen Schir Allexander 
lewingstoun knicht of Callendar was chossin gouernour : and Schir 
William Crichtoun neu approuit chancelar. Of gret extortionis and 
enormeteis done be Allexander Erie of douglas in the south cuntrie 
and in speciall in Annerdeill and in money vther pairtis of Scottland ; 
Of money vther troubillis that fell in Scotland at this tyme and hou 
the queine tuik hir sone out of the Castell of Edinburghe be slicht 
fra Schir Williame Crichtoun capten thairof to the gouernour to 
Stiruilling 13 



Heir beginnis the secund chapter quhou the chanceller persaued himsellfe 
to be disauit in the taiking away the prince frome him. And quhou 
he desyreit the Erlle of Douglas to be of his factioun and tak his 
pairt. And quhat ansuer the Erlle of Douglas send to him againe. 
And quhou the castell of Edinburghe was seigit be the gouernoure. 
The communing betuix the chancellar and the gouernoure 


Hou Schir Williame Crichtoun was resauit be the gouernour in the 
Castell againe : And quhat familiaritie was betuix thame : And quhou 
Schir Allane Steuart was slaine be Thomas boyd and quhat come to 
that thairthrouch : The deceis of the Erlle of Douglas : And quhat 
conditionis his sone was of quho succeidit eftir him ... 23 


Schir James Steuartis asistance to the erlle of Douglas : and the occatioun 
thairof. And quhou schir James Steuart and his brother was put 
in presoune and the occatioun thairof. And hou they war relaxit 
againe. Hou the chancellar was offendit at the proceidingis of the 
governour. Ambassadouris send to france be the erlle of Douglas : 
The king of france mynd touart the erll of Douglas .... 26 


Hou the Earlle of Douglas was mowit to tyranie : of grett oppressioun 
maid be the yllismen : of gret creuelltie done be the men of the yllis : 
of gret dearth in Scotland and the occatioun thairof : and also of gret 
pest in this cuntrie at that tyme. Gret familliaritie betuix the gouer- 
nour and the Erlle of Douglas, hou the Chancellar past to the park 
heid of Stiruilling to apprehend the king : the chancellaris resoun to 
the king : hou the king was convoyit to Edinburghe .... 29 


The gouernouris absence quhen the king was taine : the gouernouris con- 
sulltatioun with him sellffe : And also his consulltatioun with his 
freindis. Hou the gouernour past to Edinburghe. The meitting be- 
tuix the gouernour and the chancellar, and the gouernouris ressoun to 
the chancellar 33 



The Chancellaris answer to the Governour. Hou the governour and the 
Chancellar was finallie appointed in all matteris and purposis. Ane 
parliament sett. Hou the peopill was under the tuitioun of murther- 
aris. Hou thair was writtingis send to the Erlle of Douglas be the 
Counsall 37 


Hou the Chancellar met the Erlle of Douglas and convoyit him to 
Crichtoun : hou the Erll of Douglas tuik the Chancellaris admoni- 
tioun in guide pairt. Hou the Erll of Douglas was forwarnit be 
his father. Hou the Erlle of Douglas enterit in the Castell of 
Edinburghe 4] 


Hou thair was ane bulles heid presentit before the Erlle of Douglas. 
The slauchter of the Erlle of Douglas and in quhat zeir : the chan- 
cellaris answer to the king concerneing the Erllis slauchtor. Hou 
William Erlle of Douglas dieit without successioun. The Mairiage 
of the fair mayden of Galloway upone gros James sone. The 
mairiage disuadit be the Erlle of Angus and the Knicht of Dalkeith. 
Mairiage on guid fryday. Conflict betwix The Sherrife of Perth and 
Johne Gormak the Shireff maior 45 


Ane combat betwix Sempill and Coubrethe : how the erlle of douglas 
was judget to be mowvar of discord. The erlle of douglas past to 
Stirvilling to the king. Ane remissioun grantit to the Erlle of 
douglas and alls maid principall of the secreit Counsall. The chan- 
cellar denudit him selffe of his office : And the Governour also. The 
governour and chancellar summond. Hou the governour and chan- 
cellar send ane writting to the king 49 


Ane parliament proclaimit for forfaltting of the governour and chancellar. 
The seige of Brantoun : how the chancellar meid incoursionis upon 
Corstorphin and the Erlle of Douglas wrait to the Erlle of Craufurd 
and otheris to mak heirschipp upone bishoppis landis. Censuris of 
haly kirk weliependit. Discord for ane office : hou Allexander Lynd- 


x i v CONTENTS. 

say gatherit ane companie of men. The battell of Arbroith : the 
Erlle of Craufurd slane raikleslie : labor for peace. The number that 
was slaine : hou Innerquharritie died : murther in all pairtis : James 
Steuart slaine 


The seige of halis : the seige of the Castell of Edinburghe. Hou Schir 
Tames Steuart was baneist. And hou queine mother dieit. The 
marriage of king James the Firstis dochteris. Hou many bairnes 
queine mother buire to Schir James Steuart. Hou the Chancellar 
was send to the Duik of gildiris for marriage of his dochter on the 
king. The governour his eldest sone, and certaine othiris tame and 
impresonit : hou the governouris sone was heiddit and hou he maid a 





Hou the quene pairted with baime : hou thair was the bodie of ane young 
chyld found. Incurstionis meid in Ingland be Scottis men : hou 
dunbar was brunt : hou Schir James Douglas raised ane armye. 
Hou the Erldome of Murray come to the Douglasis be manage. 
James Erlle of Douglas promoveit to the lordschip of Ballwenie. 
Repititioun of diversitie of surnames yat joysit the erlledome of 
Murray. Hou the herritrix of fendraucht was mareit upon Alex- 
ander Dunbar. Mairiage betwix the Erlle of Murray and Cathenn 
Settoun. The lands of fendraucht gevin to the Crichtounis. Hou na 
man durst reproche the Erlle of Douglas proceidingis 


Slauchtar and murthure at the comand of ane douglas was enemye to 
stop iustice. Spoliatioun of kirkis and chappellis. Hou the bischope 
of Glaskow was movar of mischeiffe ; hou he was sumond be ane 
Thundar ; the Secund woice of the thundar. The Third Voice of 
the Thundar. The maiden of France. The mariage of Henry the 
sext. The duik of Glosister hangit. Hou the King of Inglandis 
armye was defeit be the commonis : certaine courteouris delyverit to 
the commonis : hou the chancellar wreit to the commonis of Ingland : 
hou the commonis past hame. Hou henry thair captaine was heiddit 65 


Provocatioun of weiris maid be the Inglismen. Remeid for staying of 
forrane persecutioun. Hou the armye of Scotland invaidit Ingland. 
Hou thair was ane new armye send to the bordouris. And quha was 
thair cheftaines : libertie grantit to conques I 1 



Hou George Douglas was luiftennent to Scottis men. The dispositioun 
of the battell of Sark : George Douglas to the Armye : hou multitud 
makis nocht victorie : hou the pepill tuik purpois to flicht. The 
pepill comfortit be thair captaine : Magnus redis navie slaine. The 
nomber that war slaine. Craigie Wallice deidlie woundit. The 
Erlle of Ormond banckitit : the kingis harring to the Erlle of Ormond 73 


Promeis of Obedience in Scotland. Hou it was discernit in Parliament 
that thay wald revenge the battell of Sark : civill discord in ingland : 
peace for thrie yeiris. James Auchinlek slaine be ane callit Colvill : 
hou the Erie of Douglas revengit the slauchter of Auchinlek : hou the 
Erie of Douglas past to Flanderis. The Erie of Douglas peregrina- 
tione and resaveing within Rome . 78 


Hou Johne Lord Ballwaine procuratour to the Erie of Douglas was 
sumond and dissobeyit : hou John Lord Ballwaine put him sellfe in 
the kingis will and keipit nocht his promeis. Hou the Erie of Orknay 
was send be the king to Galloway to tak up the Erlle of Douglas 
rentis : hou he dissobeyit : 9 hou the king past to Galloway. The 
Castell of Douglas cassin down : hou the Erlle of Douglas returnit 
heime. The Erie of Douglas thankfullie resavit by the king : hou 
the Erie past to Ingland 81 


Hou the Erlle of Douglas returned haime out of Ingland : hou The 
queine meid intersessioun for the Erlle of Douglas : wrang narratioun 
maid to the Erlle of Douglas : haistie credence givein to fiatteraris. 
The Schancellaris slauchter deuyssit be the Erlle of Douglas : hou 
Schir William Crichtoun was in perrell and counsallit be his sone : 
hou Schir William Crichtoun compellit the Erlle of Douglas to leave 
Edinburgh. Confederance betuix the Erlle of Douglas and othiris 
errlis aganis the king .84 


Hou Johne hereis was hereit be the Erlle of Douglas : Johne hereis was 
hangit schamefullie. The tutor of bombie heidit be the Erlle of 
Douglas : hou the Erlle of Douglas came to Stirvilling at the kingis 
desyre. The kingis resoun to the Erlle of Douglas. The Erlle of 
Douglas proud ansueir to the king. The Erlle of Douglas slaine be 
the king 88 



Money gentillmen in Stirvilling. The burneing of Stirvilling. The 
Castell of Dalkeith beseigit. The seig dissolvit : hou the king send 
for the Erie of Huntlie : hou the Erie of Craufurd stoppit the Erie of 
Huntlie in his cuming : the battell of Brichine 95 


Hou the Laird of bonnimone left the Erie of Craufurde : hou the Erie of 
Craufurd fled. Tua of the Erll of Huntlies brethir slaine. The Erie 
Craufurdis godlie desyre : the Erie of Craufurdis cruelltie : the burne- 
ing of the landis of Strabogie be the Erlle of Murray : hou the Erie 
of Murray left the Cuntrie. The toune of Forrest brunt. Ane 
parliament proclaimit. The Erie of Craufurd foirfalltit the Erles 
was sumond to underly the law : exploratoris send to Edinburge. 
Paccates put on the kirk dures and the tennor thairof . . 97 


Ane armye gadderit : the Erie of Douglas be dispensatioun of the Paipe 
mareis his brotheris wyfe : heirschip in all pairtis. The Erie of 
Douglas counsallit be his freindis to deseist : persuationis to the 
Erlle of Douglas quha wald nocht crave pardoun : ane of tua 
thingis choisin : fiatteraris ever raddie to comand wickidnes. 
The Erie of Craufurdis cunsall to himselfe. The maner of the 
Erie of Craufurdis humiliatioun to the king. The Erie of Crau- 
furdis orisoun to the king : confessioun of offence : Genelogie of 
the hous of Craufurd . . . . . . . . .101 


The kingis ansueir to the Erie of Craufurd. The Erie of Craufurdis 
his assistaris resavit in the kingis favour : The king baneacit be 
the Erie of Craufurd : hou the Erie of Craufurd dieit. Founda- 
tioun of the College of Glascow. Hou the prince of turkis seiggit 
Constantinople 1: 


Ane parliament sett at Edinburge : hou James Crichtoun was restourit to 
the Erledom of Murray : hou George Chrichtoun was maid Erie of 
Cathnes. Ane new armye : Galloway and douglasdeill invaidit. 
Schir James Hamiltoun send to Ingland for support to the Erie 
of Douglas. The Erie of Douglas connsallit to enter in battell 


aganis the king. The seige of Abircorne. Bischope James 
Kennedies counsall to the king. The Erie of Douglas reteird. 
Schir James hamiltounis counsall to himselfe : James hamiltoun 
wardit : James hamiltoun mareit. The Erie of Douglas past in 
Ingland. The Erie put to flicht and all his assistaris . . .113 


Hou James Douglas past to Donald of the yllis : hou Donald of the yllis 
assisted James Douglas. Gret heirschipe done be Donald of the 
yllis : Innernes brunt. Hou the king of Ingland persavit his tyme. 
The Bordouris brokin. Hou the maiden of Galloway complenit of 
hir mariage upone James douglas. The maiden of Galloway mareit 
upone the Erie of Athole . . . . . . . .123 


Hou Donald of the yllis wyfe complenit to the king on hir husband. 
The slauchter of the laird of Caulder : the deid of sindrie nobillis. 
Schir harie peirsie and James Douglas enterit in the bordouris. The 
Inglis put to flicht. Donald of the ylleis send messingeris to the 
king: the Erie of ros remittit 126 


Ane conventioun of the nobillietie. Ambasadouris fra the duik of York 
and thair desyre. The Duik of Yorkis richt to the croun. The 
Inglis ambasadouris orisoune . . . . ... 129 


The kingis ansueir. Ane proclamatioun meid. Hou ane man met the 
king and causit him to reteire and his armye be his lesingis : hou the 
king gadderit ane new armye. Ane battell betwix the king of Ing- 
land and the duik of York and the Erie with ane number of Scottis- 
men. The kingis armye vincuist and him sellffe teine. The names 
that was slaine. Ane conventioun at Londoun : hou the duik of 
York was maid governour : the erle of Warwick maid captaine of 
Calleis : hou the erle of Sarisberrie was meid gret Chancellar . 1 37 


The seage of Roxburghe. Ambassadouris fra the duik of York. The 
kingis ansueir. Hou donald of the yllis come to the king ane armie 
of men quhen he was seaging roxburghe. The comming of Alexander 
Erie of huntlie. The death of the king of Scotland and in quhat 
maner ............ 140 



Of the gret signes and taikins that was seine befoir the deid of that 
prince : of the comit that appeirit : of the skartht yat was born 
of baith the kyndis maile and female : and of ane gret tyraine 
and brigane that was apprehendit and taine in angus at feindisden : 
and of the punischment of him and his bairnes : and of the ex- 
hortatioun and urisonne following heireftir . . . . . 145 

Ane Exclamatioun of King James the Secund . . . .148 



How queine mother brocht hir sone James thrid to the seige and how 
his comming comfortit the peopill. How the Castill of Roxburghe 
was wone. Ane Conventione at Scone and hou the king was crounit 
and delyeverit to Bischope James Kennedie in keeping. The gather- 
ing of the humis and hepburnis. Hou the queine of Ingland past to 
France. The foundatioun of Sanct Salvatouris Colledge. The deceis 
of the queine of Scotland. The duik of Albainie send to France to 
leirne the leid. The deceis of bischope James Kennedie. The 
kingis marriage on the king of denmarkis dochter . . .152 


Of the kingis tua brether to wit Allexander Duik of Albanie and Erlle of 
Marche, and James Erlle of Mar. Hou Allexander Duik of Albanie 
for. his singular manheid and wisdome was chosin Captain of Beruik 
and liuftennent to the king and wardane of the bordouris. Hou the 
said Allexander Duik of Albanie fell at discord with the homes for 
the uptakin of the profhetes and deuities of the Erledom of Marche 
quilk pertenit to him be just titill an hou the homes and hepburnes 
bandit together for thair defence 162 


How the homis and the hepburnis dewysit ane meane to bring the king 
at discord with his brether : and how they assemblit with ane new 
Courteour callit Cochrine for the same intent and purpois. Hou this 
Cochrine caussit ane wiche cum and proministrat * to the king. Hou 
the king send for his bretherin and for quhat purpois. The slaughter 
of the kingis brether the erle of Marr 165 

1 Prognosticate? 



Hou the king past to Dunbar to have gottin his brother the duik of 
Albanie thair in the Castell randerit at the kingis command. Hou 
Cochrene obteinit the erledom of Mar ; PIou Cochrene got licence to 
straik cunzie : hou the Court was misgydit be Cochrene. Hou the 
lordis set ane conventioun amangis thameselfs. The lordis consall to 
the king. The kingis ansuer to the lordis . . 168 


Ane proclamatioun and hou the king tuik arteilzerie out of the Castell of 
Edinburgh. Ane wthir Conventioun amang the lordis. To quhat 
purpois thay concludit : Hou Cochran quha was Erie of Mar come 
to the Conventioun : hou he was accompanyit and quhat was thair 
abulzement : quha was keiper of the dor : hou Cochran come in and 
quhat was tane from him in his incoming : hou the kingis secreit 
serviandis was hangit and Cochrane also. Quhat maner of man 
Cochrane was in his beginning and hou he com to the Court : hou 
money of kingis servandis eschaipit. Hou the king was put in 
presoun : hou thare was guid pace and rest in the cuntrie so long as 
the king was in presoun : hou he was counsalled to speik with the 
Erie of Douglas. The hech wordis of the erle to the king. The 
kingis wow to the Erie of Douglas 172 


Hou the king send ane letter to the duik of Albanie his brother and for 
quhat caus. The king of inglandis ansuer to the duik of Albanie 
concerning his brother the king of Scotland. The king of inglandis 
desyre the king of Scotlandis ansuer. Hou the Duik of Albanie 
came in Scotland to the king with support to him. The Chancellaris 
ansuer to the duik of Albanie concerning the kingis relaxatioun . 1 78 


Hou the king was relaxit out of the Castell of Edinburgh. Hou the 
kingis grace wairdit pairt of the lordis : the number of thame. Pace 
in Scotland. Hou the duik of Albanie mareit the Erie of Orknayis 
dochter : hou he partit with her and passit in France and was mareit. 
Hou the lordis hatit the duike of Albanie : hou the duik of Albanie 
was sumond before the Counsall for certaine crymes of tresoun : hou 
the duik of Albanie was put in presoun : hou the king was counsellit 
to justifie the duik of Albanie 182 



Hou the king of france send support to the duik of Albanie. Hou the 
duik of Albanie slew the captaine of the castell and three of his men : 
hou the duik of Albanie fled and went to France. Hou king Edward 
the fourt of ingland depairtit of this present lyfe. Hou the king gart 
seek the duik of Albanie. Hou the lordis cam to him quhan he suld 
be justified. Gret cumeris in ingland : hou king Edward diet . 185 


Hou the duik of glouster pat doun king Edwartis twa sonis and usurpit 
the crown of ingland. Hou Harie the vii. came out of france to 
ingland be sie with ane armye and landit in Ingland at Millburne and 
faucht with king Edward and slew him and took the croun to him 
selfe 190 


Hou the king passit to Striveling and delyviret his sone to the captaine 
hereof in keiping. Hou the king pat his the Castell of Edin- 
burgh^ in keiping and hou he past to Northland .... 201 


Hou the homes and the hepburnis send for the Captane of Striveling : 
hou the Captaine delyverit the prince to thame : hou they made pro- 
clamatiounis. Hou lord David Lyndsay presentit ane horse to the 
king. The number of the kingis men ...... 203 


Hou the king past to the Castell of Stirveling and desyreit to speik with 
his sone. Hou the king wald nocht treat pace. The order of the 
kingis armyes. Hou the word come that thair contra pairtie was in 
sicht. Hou the king raid to sie the maner. Hou the king remem- 
bereit the speikin of the wiche ....... 205 


Hou the king tuik purpois to flie. The field of bannokburne : hou the 
king fled : hou the king fell from his hors and almost deid : hou the 
king cryit for ane preist ; hou the king was slane. The zeire of his 
death. The wriesoun ......... 207 

Ane Exclamatioun of King James the Thrid . . . .211 




Hou word come and schew the. lordis that Captane wodis schippis was 
travissin up and doune the firth : And hou the lordis send to sie gif 
the king was in his schippis. And hou he denyit that he was thair. 
Hou the lordis send for Captain wood and hou he wold not obey 
without pleagis. And how the pleagis were grantit to him. 
Captane woodis ansuere to the lordis. Hou Captain wood zeid 
to his schippis agane , • 2I 3 


Hou the pleagis had almaist bene hangit. Hou the skipperis and 
marineris of leith refusit to assailyse Captaine wood. The king 
crounit. Hou the Castill of Edinburgh was randerit and als the 
Castill of Stirvilling 216 


The king moweit to repentance. Ane parliament set at Edinburghe : 
the number of thame quha was summond. Hou lord david 
lyndsay was first specifeit in the summondis : lord david lyndsay 
ansuere to the lordis. The Chancellar to the king. Hou maister 
patrick lyndsay desyrit to speik for his brother . . . .217 


Hou maister patrick lyndsay gat license to speik for his brother. Hou 
the sumondis was continuit. The kingis ansuere to maister patrick 
lyndsay : in quhat zeir and month this parliament was set . . 223 


Hou ane certain scheppis of Ingland come in Scottland. Hou schir 
androw wood knicht of largow faucht with the samyn schippis. 
Ane proclamatioun meid in ingland. Hou Captane Stewin bull 
wacht schir androw woodes hame cuming out of flanderis. Stewen 
bull vincuist ........... 226 



Hou Stewin bull was had presonare to the king of Scotland be Schir 
Androw wood. Hou the king of Scotland send hame Stewin bull to 
his maister the king of Ingland as ane propyne. Pace in Scotland. 
Hou the king of Scotland vald ryde out throch the realme alone. 
Hou the king usit mekill justing. Hou the king brocht the realm 
to gret manheid and honouris 230 


Of ane munsture. Hou the king gart tak gret cuire upon the samyn 
munsture : quhat heiddis the munsture had. Hou thair come ane 
duche knicht in Scotland and desyred Justin and hou Schir patrick 
hamiltoun justit with him and wincuist him and hou the king causit 
to sinder thame 233 


Hou king harie the sevint gart taxt the realme of ingland to send ane 
armie in Scotland. Hou the armie of ingland land in Scotland, and 
quha was liuftennant and gouvernour to thame. Hou thay ware 
defiet and chesit out of Scotland. Hou the drummondis brunt the 
Monivaird. Hou dauid drummond was heiddit. Hou the king pat 
ane dume woman in inchkeith and patt twa yung bairnis with hir . 235 


Hou the king of Scotland and his counsall concludit to send to 
ingland ambassadouris for marieage of the king of inglandis 
eldest dochter. And hou the marieage was concludit efterwards. 
Hou the king was mariet. Quhat promises of pace was maid 
betwen the twa kingis. And efterwards how quein margerit 
cum in Scotland and was ressauit be hir husband the king of 
Scotland and his lordis 238 


Hou barnat Stewart was maid gouvernour of naples. The king of 
france send ane lord to be equall with the gouvernour of naples. 
Hou munsure deobaine governour of naplis cum to Scotland 
and hou he was intreattit thair. Hou the king sett ane gret 
Justin and turnament quhilk indurit the space of fourtie dayis . 241 



Hou king harie the Sewint depairted : and hou his son harie the 
aucht send to the king of france for his pentioun. Hou bischope 
Androw forman rid to Rome . 244 


Discord betuix king lues of france and paip Juli. Hou Bischope 
Androw forman drew peace betuik thame. Hou the paipe de- 
lyureit his mull to the said bischope. And hou he maid him 
leggit of Scotland .......... 247 


Hou the bischope maid the paipe and his cardinallis ane denner 
and quhat mirrieness was thairat. Hou the bischope red out 
of Rome to france. The bischopis reward fra the king of 
france. Hou he desyrit the bischope to speik with the king 
of Scotland. Hou margret queine of Scotland [brought hame a 
son and the king] buldit ane schipp ; the lenth breid and thiknes 
of the said schip. And quhat expensis scho was. And hou scho 
was seyit 249 


Quhair ye sail find the schap of the kingis schipe and hir pictour. 
Hou bischope Androw forman consallit the king of Scottland to 
pyk ane quarrell at the king of ingland. The king of inglands 
ansuer to the Scottis ambassadouris 252 


Bischop Androw formans revard frome the king of ingland. The 
king of Scotland's consall to him sellf, Quhat the king of 
Scotland send to france. Hou the king of Scotlandis captanis 
of weir breik his command. Hou bischop forman send ane bill 
to the king of Scotland. Hou the queine of france send ane 
luve letter to the king of Scotland and also ane taikin . .255 


Hou the king of Scotland gart wot of his men of weir dissobeyit 
the kingis herauldis. Hou the king maid proclammatiounis. 
Ane meraikill seine in the kirk of linlythgow quhan the king 
was settand at devotioun 257 



Hou the king tuk arteilzerie out of Edinburgh. Ane proclamatioune 
hird : hou the king wald nocht wse the counsall of his wyfe. 
The nomer of the kingis men 259 


Hou the king passit to the feild of floudane. Hou the king cuist 
doun vverk and norem and fuird and atill. Hou the king mellit 
with the lady furd. Hou the men of weiris wictuallis wer spendit. 
Hou the lady of fuird askit licence at the king to wisie hir freindis. 
Hou the lady fuird schowit the Erie of Surrie all the king of 
Scotlandis secreittis 262 


Hou the erle of Surries sone cume with support to his father from 
the king of ingland. Hou the king of ingland wreitt ane com- 
missioun to the erle of Surrie. Hou the erle of Surrie marchit 
fordward toward the Scottis men. Of the king of Scottlandis 
insolencie. Hou the king raid to wissie the inglis men . . 264 


Hou the lordis pasit to the Counsall. Hou the king come disagyssit 
and hard the Counsall. The lord lindesayis Counsall. Quha 
were nominat to tak the battel on hand ..... 267 


The kingis ansuer to the lordis. The ordour of the kingis armye. 
The desyre of the maister gunner. The kingis answer to the 
gunner. The feild of fiowdoun. The first battell of ingland 
defeit. Secund defeit. Hou the erle of huntlie desyrit the 
lord home to reskew the king. Hou the king was leid out 
of the feild 269 


Hou the erle of huntlie desyrit the lord home to reskew the king. 
Hou the king was led out of the field. Hou the lord home 
left the kingis arteilzerie in the field. Hou the inglis tareit 
away. Hou the Inglismen zeid throw the field seikand the 
king 271 



Hou makcleine a man of the hiland was cummand with ane armie 
to the king. And hou he gat but the battell was fochin and 
the king defeit and than the said makcleine pasit to ane strenth 
and hou he and the inglismen struck. Ane gret battell. The 
orisoun to the Reader 274 

Ane Exclamatioun of King James the Fourt . . . .277 



The cumming of king harie out of france to Ingland. Hou James erle 
of Arane and lord hamiltoune pretendit hiest in the Court. Hou the 
Quene tuik my lord Angus to hir husband. Hou the erle of Arrane 
desyred the lordis in ane conventioun. Hou maister gavin douglas 
zeid to treat peace betuix the erle of Angus and the erle of Arrane . 279 


Hou Schir James Hamiltoun ragit schir patrik for his laubouring of pace. 
Ane battel in edinburgh callit ' Cleinze Calsay. ' Gret heirship be the 
erle of Angus. Hou the lord home gatherit ane counsall at edin- 
burghe 282 


Hou the lordis send for the duik of albanie. Hou bischope Andro 
forman complenit to the lord home of the hepburnis. Hou the duik 
of albanie come out of france to Scotland. Ane Parliament set . 285 


Hou the duik of Albanie maid his aith to be trew to the nobilitie of 
Scotland and the commonweil thairof. Hou pryour Johne hepburne 
clam nixt the governour. Hou pryour John Hepburne schew the 
governour of Bischope Andrew formanis substance. And hou the 
governour passit throw the contrie to wissie faultis. Hou the 
governour send to the king of france for support .... 289 



Hou the lordis conwenit thair consall. Hou the lordis send to stop the 
gowernouris schippis. Hou Bischop andro forman resonit the lordis. 
The lordis ansuer. Hou the lordis randerit the toune of glasgow 
unto the gowernour wpoun certaine conditioriis. The conditionis 
grantit ............ 292 


Ane conventioun set at Edinburgh. Ambassadouris send in ingland. 
Hou the quein was found with bairne to the erle of angus. Hou the 
lord home was send for and his broder to the Counsall and hou thay 
enterit in and war taine and justifiet be the duik of Albanie . . 295 


Hou the erle of angus gat word of the lord home and his brothir slauchter. 
Hou he returned out of france to ingland ; hou he was weill enter - 
tenit thair and hou the quenis grace and he returned hame to Scot- 
land with guid pace in Scotland for fyve zeiris. Hou the duik of 
Albanie was send for to france and hou he pasit to france. Hou 
monseur tilebatie was left regent to the gouernouris hameriding . 296 


Hou luk Stirling invyit ane gentillman callet wiliam meldrum laird of 
binnis. The battell betuix the laird of binnis and the laird of keir. 
Hou monser telebatie zeid to rewenge thame quha hurt the laird of 
binnis. The seage of the peill of linlythgow. Hou monsieur tele- 
batie zeid to the merse to hauld ane Court. Hou Monseur telebatie 
was slaine 298 


Hou the duik of albanie gat word of the slauchter of monseur telebatie. 
The king of france ansuer to the duik of albanie. Hou the duik of 
albanie gat counsall to ask support at the king of france. Hou the 
duik of albanie cum in Scotland. Hou the duik of albanie raisit ane 
armye and past the wastland to Sillway sandis. Hou the bordouraris 
deceavit him. Hou the gowernour gart bild the castell of dumbar. 
The slauchter of the pryour of Codinghame ..... 301 

CONTENTS. xxvil 


Hou Bischop Andro forman depairtit. Hou bischop James betoun 
obtenit the wickar-generallship. Hou the gowernour tuik purpois to 
leive Scotland. Hou the gowernour furnessit dumbar. Quhat thre 
lordis was maid regent in the gowernouris absence. Hou lang the 
duik of albanie was in Scotland. Grett slauchter betuix the lord of 
kilmaurs and the maister of Sempill. Hou the king was brocht to 
the feildis. Hou the auld officaris war cheingit .... 304 


Hou thair war foure lordis chosin to be tutoris to the king. The erle of 
Angus gridiness. Hou the erle of angus past frome the kingis service. 
Hou the erle of Angus gyddit the Court. Hou the quein left the erle 
of Angus and mareit harie Stewart. Hou the erle of angus causit to 
straik cunzie 306 


Hou maister patrik hamiltoun was accusit. Hou maister patrik hamiltoun 
was condampnit : hou maister patrik appealed from the said sentence : 
hou maister patrik summoned his accusar. Maister patrik's oratioun. 
Hou maister patrik was brunt ........ 308 


Hou the king went to Jedwart. Hou the king was displeisit at the erle 
of Angus and wald haue been out of his handis. Hou he send for 
support of the laird bucklewch. The feild of Melreis ; the laird of 
Sesfurd slaine. The erle of Angus wictor 312 


Hou bischop James beatoun counsallit the king to send for support of the 
erle of lennox. Hou the king send for the erle of lennox. Hou the 
erle of Angus gadderit ane armie for support of the king. Hou the 
erle of Angus gadderit ane armie aganis the erle of lennox . . 315 


Hou the erle of angus desyrit the king to mak ane proclamation. Hou 
word come to edinburgh that the erle of lennox was within ane myle. 
Hou George Douglas desyrit the king to pas fordward to help his 
brother. Hou word cam to the king that the armyes was in sicht of 


wther. Hou the king went forth with the toune of edinburgh and 
leith. The erle of lennox slaine. The feild of linlythgou. Hou 
Andro Wood of largo saivit the erle of glencairne .... 317 


Hou the king went to linlythgow. Hou the king was effaird of the erle 
of Angus. Hou the king went to Edinburgh. Hou the Douglasis 
fieyit Bischop James beattoun and also the quein. Hou George 
douglas dressit the bischop and his brother the erle of angus. Hou 
the douglasis thocht to haue forfalt the lord lindesay . . .32] 


Hou bischop James beatoun callit the king and the douglasis to the 
pach. Hou the erle of Angus passt to lowthiane. Hou George 
douglas raid to dundie. Hou archbauldy douglas past to Sanct- 
androis. Hou the king fled from the douglasis out of falkland to 
Stiriling. Hou archbauld douglas cam heime. Hou petter Car- 
michal cam and schew Archbauld douglas zat the king was away be 
flicht to Stiriling and eschapit out of the douglasis handis . . 323 


Hou the king maid proclamatioun. The douglasis consultatioun. Hou 
the king send for his lordis. The kingis lamentatioun to the lordis. 
The erle of Angus and his kin summond. The erle of Angus bannisit 
and put to the home. The oratioun anent the samyn . . . 326 


Ane proclamatione made. The seige of tantalloun. Hou the king tuk 
arteilzerie out of the castell of dunbar. The slauchter of david 
falconer. Hou the king maid moyanis with the captane of the 
Castell of Tantalloun. Hou the captane desyred the erle of angus 
to furneiss him victuallis. The castell randerit at the kingis comand 
wpon certane conditionis. The conditionis grantit .... 330 


Hou the king garnesit tamtalloun. Ane proclamatioun maid. Hou the 
douglasis past in Ingland. Ane parliament set. The douglasis foir- 
faltit. The cheinging of the kingis omcearis. Ane Convention set 
at edinburgh. Ane proclamatioun maid. Hou the king passit to 
Meggitland. John Armstrong hangit ...... 333 



Hou the king passit to the hieland to the hunting. Hou the erle of 
Athole maid ane curius pallice. Hou the erle of Athole maid ane 
bancatt to the king. The erle of Atholes expensis. Hou mony wyld 
beistis the king sleu in the hieland at this tyme .... 335 


Hou the king passit to Sanct Johnstoun dundie and Sanctandros. 
PIou the king biggit ane fair pallice in the abay of halyrudes. 
Hou ane ambassadour come out of ingland. Hou the quene 
tuik ane enterprys. Hou the king promisit to gang to ingland 
to the king thairof. And hou the bischopis wald nocht suffer 
him. And hou thay buddit him nocht to gang. PIou the king 
of Scotland met lord Williame 339 


Hou the lady glames was brunt. The maister of forbes justifeit. 
Ane combat betuixe the laird of drumlenrieg and the laird of 
hempfeild. The burning of the wickar of dolor .... 347 


Hou the king wardit certaine gret men of the border. Certain lordis 
and gentillmen banisst. Hou the king send to denmark for grel 
hors and meiris. Hou the king send ambassadouris to the duik 
of Wandoune. Hou the king was boune to france and hou he 
returnit againe . . . . . . . . . . 35] 


Hou the king assemblit his Counsall. Hou the king was boun to 
pass to france. Hou the Empreoure fled quhan he hard of the 
king of Scotland coming. Hou the king passit to parreis to 
the duik of Wandoune. Hou the duik of Wandounes dochter 
tuk the king of Scotland be the hand and quhat scho said to 
him. Quhat pastyme was maid to the king of Scotland . . 356 


Mony taikins gevin betuix the king of Scotland and the duik of 
wandounes dochter. Hou the king of Scotland passit to the 
king of france. Hou the dolphin of france was poysonned. 
Hou the king of Scotland consentit to marie the king of france 
dochter. The king of Scotland solemnized .... 




The conditioun betuix the king of france and the king of Scotland. 
Hou the king of Scotland send for certane of the lordis and 
barronis out of Scotland. The king of Scotlandis marieage. 
Hou the king of Scotland desyrid to pas ham and quhat pro- 
vision the king of france maid to pas into him .... 363 


Quhat propynes the king of france gaue to the king of Scotland and 
also to his dochter the quein. Hou the king imbarcat and come 
in Scotland. The death of Magdallen the king of Scotlandis wyf. 
The death of the duik of wandomes dochter .... 367 


Of the deploratioun of quein Magdalenis deith. Hou the king send 
the ambassadouris for marieage of the duches of longawyll. Hou 
the king passit with ane navie of schippes to the Ylleis and for 
quhat purpois. Hou the king of Scotlandis wyf the duches of 
Lorenis cum in Scotland. Hou the quein was ressauit. Hou 
the quein wisited the kirkis and colledges of Sanctandrois . . 370 


Schort quhyle heirefter the king of Scotland send his ambassadouris 
to france for mariage. To wit the lord askyne and david beatoun 
Cardinall of Scotland Archbishop of Sanctandrois and bischop of 
Meripois in france and abbot of atbrothock. And that with ane 
Commissioun to the duik of gueis [Guise] and Marie duches of 
lorens his dochter quilk maraige they dressit heistilie as ze sail 
heir eftervvard . . ........ 377 


Hou the queen exaulted and lowit the realme and peopill of Scot 
land. Hou scho passit syne to Couper of fyfe and to falkland 
And syne to Striviling and linlithgow and syne to Edinburgh 
Hou the quein was delyuer of ane sone and hou he was baptisit 
And hou the quein consawit and buir ane other sone. Ane parlia 
ment set. The kingis general revocatiouns ..... 380 



Hou the king becum insolent. Hou the king of ingland desyred 
to speik with the king of Scotland. Hou the bischopis buddit 
the king nocht to pas to ingland. Hou the bischopis and 
freiris gave up ane bill of delatioun to the king. Hou the 
bischopis desyred ane temporall judge and hou the king grantit 
the samyn 383 


Hou the bischoppis cheissied Schir James hamiltoun to be thair judge. 
Hou the king directed Schir James Hamiltoun to pas to the ros of 
Bute. Hou the king was passand to Falkland and hou James 
Hammiltoun met him and desyred to speik with him. The kingis 
ansuer. Hou James Hammiltoun passit to the Chaik-hous and spak 
with the kingis officiaris 388 


Schir James hamiltoun is impresonit. Schir James hamiltoun releasit 
agane be the king. Sir James hamiltoun heiddit. The oratioune 
concerning the samyn 390 


The kingis grace of ingland cum to Zork to resawe the king of Scotland. 
The king of Scotlandis visiouns and dremes. Hou the prince de- 
parted and also the duik of Albanie the kingis second sone : hou the 
quein comforted the king. Hou the bordouris was brokin. Ane 
parliament set at Edinburghe. Hou the king maid ane taxatioun 
throch the haill realme of Scotland ...... 393 


Hou the erle of huntlie was maid luiftennand generall. Hou the erle of 
huntlie went to the bordouris. Hou the inglismen purpossit to 
burne Jeduard. Hou the inglismen fled the battell of hadanrig. 
Hou the king of ingland gaue up treuis with the king of Scotland. 
Ambassadouris sent to Ingland 396 


Ane proclamatioun maid. Hou the lordis convenit ane counsall. The 
reid of phala. Hou the lordis wald nocht gif battell. Hou the king 
was displesit at his lordis ........ 400 



Hou the king maid olipher sincler luftennand owir his armie. Hou the 
lordis consentit nocht to fecht under olipher sinclers baner. Hou 
the scottis reteird. The battell of Sollen mos. Hou mony of the 
scottis men war taine and slaine. Hou the king passit to Edinburgh 
and syne to falkland ......... 403 


Hou the king tuik seiknes and displesure in falkland. Hou word come 
to the king that his wyfe was delywr of ane dochter. Hou the 
Cardinal held ane throch of paper to the king and causit him wreit 
his hand wreit thairon. Hou the king depairtit out of this present 
lyfe. The oratioun thairon 407 

Ane Deploratioun of King James the Fyft . . . .411 



In the parish of Ceres, on a ledge of the brae or rising The home 
ground below Pitscottie or Ceres Muir, a continuation of ° 

& scottie in 

the hill of Tarvit, which the Ceres burn here cuts off from Fife, 
the Blebo Craigs and Hill of Kemback, and to the right of 
the road south of the Eden from Cupar to St Andrews, 
three miles from the county town and seven from the 
ecclesiastical metropolis, stands a modern farmhouse called 
Easter Pitscottie. The farm has been tenanted for three 
generations by the family of Lees. The grandfather of 
Mr David Lees, the present tenant, lived in 1821 in an 
older house, then taken down as inadequate for a nine- 
teenth-century farmer. This farm, according to a tradition 
there is no reason to distrust, was the home of Robert 
Lindesay the Chronicler during the latter half of the 
sixteenth century. From it, by an old custom where the 
same surname was frequent, he acquired the name of 
Pitscottie, to distinguish him from other members of his 
clan then numerous in Fife, by which he is still com- 
monly known, and will be called in this edition of his 


The old house had when demolished an appearance of 
great antiquity, with crow-stepped gables and high-ridged 
roof of heavy grey slates. It was not one of the many 
castles of Fife, only a substantial farmhouse of the period, 
and was described as 'a countrie house covered with 
' strae and reed.' A few of the ridge stones were unearthed 
some years ago in altering the farm offices. Two old 
stones have also been found which were supposed to have 
been part of the building. One of these, however, with the 
date 1690, belonged not to the farmhouse but to the meal- 
mill of Pitscottie. The other, which came from the old 
house and is now built into the wall of the farm engine- 
house, appears to bear three carved capital letters, which 
it is tempting to read, as has been done, M.R.L., and to 
interpret Master Robert Lindesay. But the last letter 
turns out to be a crack in the stone, a warning to 
antiquaries not to draw rapid conclusions. There is no 
evidence that Pitscottie was entitled to be called Master, 
which meant the eldest son of a peer, or more frequently a 
Master of Arts. Nor is he likely to have carved his initials 
on a house of which it will be seen presently he was only 
tenant. So meagre are the fragments of our knowledge 
as to the old house of Pitscottie, which probably did not 
differ from that of other well-to-do farmers in Fife. 
Some- Very little, too, is known of the life of its most famous 

thing, tenant, and materials for a detailed memoir do not exist. 


little, Still some further information has been gathered that 

to his life was not ava ^ a t>le when the learned chief of his family told 
what was then known in a single page of the ' Lives of 
the Lindesays.' 1 If we cannot figure the Chronicler him- 
self except so far as disclosed by his work, we can at 

1 Lives of the Lindesays, i. p. 208. 


least discern his position in life, the circle in which he 
moved, and the circumstances which led to his work being 
written but not published by the author, hitherto somewhat 
of a mystery. 

Neither the precise date of the birth nor of the death of He lived 
Pitscottie have been ascertained, but he must have been I ween , 

1532 and 
born about 1532, and he died probably soon after 1578, 1578. 

certainly before 1592. He was a sixteenth-century Scots- 
man, resident* in Fife, of a good family, and moderate 
means, a contemporary of the whole Reformation move- 
ment in Scotland, which began in his early manhood 
and triumphed before his death. He belonged to the 
generation prior to the Union of the Crowns, when Scot- 
land was still a separate kingdom with independent 
institutions and a speech Pitscottie used, something more 
than a dialect of English though less than an original 
language. Politically Scotland was divided into a French 
or Catholic, and an English or Protestant party with which 
Pitscottie sympathised, though he never played a part in 
public life. His name rarely appears either in the public 
or domestic records. He is first mentioned on record on 
19th December 1553, when a grant of the escheat of 'all 
' goods movable and immovable of the late Andrew 
1 Lindesay, burgess in Edinburgh,' was made by Queen 
Mary to ' Robert Lindesay in Pitscottie, his heirs and 
' assignees.' 1 He had probably claimed the escheat of 
a bastard, and it is scarcely likely that he would claim 
or receive such a gift prior to his majority. So this 
document supports the conjecture that he was not born 
later than 1532. 

Freebairn in his disappointing dedication of the Chron- 

1 Privy Seal Register. 



icles to John, Earl of Crawford and Lindesay, and Lord 
Lindesay of the Byres, the only preface to his edition of 
that work, in 1728, says, C I thought I could not in justice 
' to the memory of my author, who had the honour to be 
' a cadet of your family, address his work so properly to 
' any patron as to his own chief,' and this is the solitary 
fragment he contributes to the biography of Pitscottie. 
An old manuscript in the Advocates' Library names 
Grandson amongst the sons of Patrick, fourth Lore? Lindesay of 
fourth 1 C ' ^ e Byres, ' William Lindesay of Pyotstoun, of whom was 
1 Robert Lindesay of Pitscottie, the historian, and of it also 
' are descended the Lindesays of Wolmerstoun,' now Wor- 
miston, an estate close to the East Neuk of Fife, whose 
present representative is Lord Lindesay of the Byres 
and eleventh Earl of Lindsay. As William Lindesay of 
Pyotstoun, a son of Patrick, fourth Lord Lindesay of the 
Byres, married Isabella Logan in 1529, 1 Pitscottie the his- 
torian, who was a younger son, may likely enough have 
been born about 1532. He appears to have had two elder 


of the 

1 Charter of confirmation by James V. of charter by John, Lord Lindesay of 
the Byres, to William Lindesay, his uncle, and Isabella Logan, his wife, of the 
lands of Pyotstoun (Great Seal Register, 20th May 1529). William Lindesay 
of Pyotstoun and David Lindesay of Kirkforthar are witnesses to a charter in 
favour of David Lindesay of the Mount (the Lyon King) and Janet Douglas, 
his wife, by John, Lord Lindesay of the Byres (Great Seal Register, 8th August 
1542). On 13th January 1565 David Lindesay of Pyotstoun appears as one of 
the Fife lairds exempted from the jurisdiction of the Earl of Rothes as Sheriff 
of Fife (Privy Council Records, i. p. 315; see also pp. 368, 437, 445, 630, 
and 631). The last entry is in 1568, but he was still living on 10th September 
1579, when he became cautioner for John Wedderburn, servant to the Earl of 
Crawford (Privy Council Records, iii. p. 215). He is described as * filius et 
'hseres Willelmi Lindesay de Pyotstoun,' 19th October 1555 (Great Seal 
Register, vol. iv. No. 1006; see also No. 2174, where Pyotstoun is spelt 
Pyistoun). Douglas in his Baronage has inserted in the genealogy of the 
family a Patrick Lindesay as a son of William and father of David Lindesay of 
Pyotstoun, but the above charter of 19th October 1555 proves this to be an 
error. The MS. in the Advocates' Library is now marked 34. 6. 24. 


brothers — David, who succeeded to Pyotstoun, and John, 1 
a merchant in Cupar, to whom that estate reverted through 
failure of his elder brother's issue. 

Some of the most graphic stories in the Chronicles 
relate to his ancestors, and were derived from family tradi- 
tion : the loan by his great-uncle David, Lord Lindesay of 
the Byres, of a horse to James III. on the fatal day of 
Sauchie ; the trial of Lord David after the accession of 
James IV., and acquittal by the dexterous defence of his 
younger brother Patrick, Pitscottie's grandfather, after- 
wards fourth Lord Lindesay of the Byres, who for his skill 
got the Mains of Kirkforthar, which adjoined Pyotstoun, 
from his grateful brother ; and the counsel of the same 
shrewd adviser to James IV. not to stake life and fortune 
on the issue of the ill-chosen field of Flodden. 

Pitscottie's own contemporary, his cousin Patrick, sixth 
Lord Lindesay of the Byres from 1563 to 1589, was the 
Reformer, the staunch friend of John Knox, and the un- 
relenting adversary of Mary Stuart, whose part in the 
siege of the Castle of Edinburgh is carefully chronicled 
by Pitscottie. The Fife seat of Lindesay of the Byres, 
a title taken from their older estate in Haddingtonshire, 
was the Castle of Ochterutherstruther, conveniently short- 
ened and known as 'The Struthers,' in the same parish 
and within a few miles of Pitscottie. At that time one of 
the greatest of the castles of Fife, it is now one of its most 
complete ruins, only a few fragments of wall remaining. 
In it the historian as a youth probably met his remoter 
kinsman Sir David Lyndesay of the Mount, the Lyon 
King and poet, who celebrates the hospitality of The 

1 John, second son of William Lindesay of Pyotstoun and grandson of Patrick, 
Lord Lindesay, being born a younger brother, was bred a merchant and settled 
in the town of Cupar in Fife (Douglas's Baronage, p. 257). 



Why and 
how he 
farmer of 

Struthers in the time of the fourth lord in his poem of 
' Squire Meldrum,' the soldier of adventure, who ended 
his days there, and who acted for a time as depute for 
Lord Patrick (fourth Lord) when Sheriff of Fife. The 
Lyon King died about 1553, and is named by Pitscottie 
as one of his authors. If this is taken literally, he must 
have begun historical inquiries at an early age, but prob- 
ably it only means that Pitscottie had access to manu- 
scripts and early editions of the works of the Lyon King. 
There is an interesting document amongst the Hadding- 
ton charters 1 dated Ochterutherstruther, 30th May 1550, 
by John Lord Lindesay and Patrick his son (sixth Lord), 
to which, amongst other witnesses, there are the names 
of David Lindesay of Kyrkforthar, William Meldrum of 
Bynns, a son of Squire Meldrum, and Robert Lindesay, 
who may have been the future Pitscottie, as the name 
Robert was by no means common amongst the Lindesays. 
As a younger son of a small laird he would not receive 
any large portion, and would have to earn his own liveli- 
hood. It is a reasonable conjecture that he was provided 
for between the years 1553 and 1560 by a lease of Easter 
Pitscottie, at that time held in property by Sir William 
Scott of Balwerie, through the forfeiture of his vassal 
Sir John Melville of Raith in 1548, and forming part 
of the barony of Strathmiglo, to which, along with the 
neighbouring lands of Dura, it had been annexed in 1509. 
A charter dated 30th April 1548, confirmed 1 8th May 
1550 2 by Sir William Scott, transferred the barony, in- 
cluding the whole lands of Pitscottie with the mills, to 
his son and heir William Scott, reserving his own liferent 
and the terce of his spouse, Isabella Lindesay, a cousin 

1 Memorials of the Earls of Haddington, ii. p. 261. 

2 Register of Great Seal, vol. iv. No. 200. 


of the historian. The lands of Pitscottie had been granted 
in ward to John Melville, Laird of Raith, so far back as 
1400 by an earlier William Scott of Balwerie, 1 so it can 
only have been the forfeiture which brought the property 
into the superior's hands, in which they may have re- 
mained during Pitscottie's life ; for although the forfeiture 
of Sir John Melville was rescinded by Parliament in 1563, 
it does not appear when the lands actually returned 
to the possession of his son John. His general service 
as heir to his father is dated 10th November 1563, and 
David Lindesay of Pyotstoun, Pitscottie's brother, served 
on the inquest. 2 But his special service in the lands of 
Raith was not obtained till nth April 1566, when it was 
opposed, though ineffectually, by John Kinnimonth, an 
angry creditor. As Wester Pitscottie, a separate farm, 
belonged to Andrew Kinnimonth of Callange as early as 
1589, it is possible that John Kinnimonth made good his 
debt over that part of the original Pitscottie, which was 
henceforth severed into two halves, Easter and Wester 
Pitscottie. The date of John Melville's special service in 
the lands of Easter Pitscottie has not been found, but he 
paid off in 1577 a mortgage his father had granted over 
these lands. 3 

In or before 1587 at latest Pitscottie must have again 
been in the possession of the Melvilles, for it was then 
settled on John Melville the younger, heir-apparent of 
Raith, by his father, John Melville the elder, and his 
stepmother Grizel Meldrum. 4 This lady appears to have 

1 Fraser's 'Melville Book.' Charter by William Scot of Balwerie to John 
of Melville, Lord of Raith, iii. p. 17. This conveys ' totam terram de Pitscoty.' 

2 Retour printed in ' Melville Book,' iii. p. 109 ; and see pp. 112-115 as to 
John Kinnimonth. 

3 Fraser's 'Melville Book,' iii. p. 57; and see i. p. 176. 

4 Agreement, 31st January 1587 (' Melville Book,' iii. p. 128). 



to Pit- 
in the 

of his son 
pher in 

farmed the lands, for in the inventory of her testament, 
26th December 1598, there is mention of nine oxen and 
forty-eight yeld sheep upon the ground or lands of Pit- 
scottie. 1 In neither of these documents is there the least 
reference to Lindesay of Pitscottie as tenant or farmer, 
from which it seems a fair inference that he must have 
ceased to be so prior to 1587. As Pitscottie's name has 
been found on no record as the owner, he can only have 
been a tenant under Scott of Balwerie. He is first desig- 
nated Robert Lindesay of Pitscottie on 22nd November 
1560, when he sat on an inquest at Cupar which valued 
the lands of Colliston in Fife. 2 Two years later he 
was on another inquest in the same town which served 
John Campbell of Lundie heir to his father. 3 This 
is the last mention of his name during his life which 
has been found in the records, but he must have lived 
for a considerable time after 1562, as his Chronicles are 
continued down to the end of 1575, about which date 
their Preface appears to have been written. He was 
certainly dead before 1592, when his son Christopher 
married a member of the Scott family, Christian, daughter 
of James Scott, uncle of William Scott of Abbotshall, 
a kinsman of the Scotts of Balwerie. A succession 
of intermarriages between two families was common in 
Scotland at this period, and even in later times, producing 
an intimacy of knowledge with reference to particular 
districts and families and their traditions. In his marriage 
contract 4 Christopher is described as lawful heir to the late 
Robert Lindesay of Pitscottie, and he bound himself to in- 

1 Fraser's ' Melville Book, lii. p. 142. 

2 Great Seal Register, iv. p. 313, note. 

8 Douglas Charters. Riddell, Peerage and Consistorial Law, i. p. 500. 
4 Register of Deeds, General Register House, vol. xlv. f. 269 a. 


vest 200 merks along with his wife's tocher of 350 in land 
or annual rent in favour of himself and his spouse in con- 
junct fee and liferent and their heirs in fee. This marriage 
contract confirms the conjecture that Pitscottie himself had 
not been a landowner, for his son had no land to settle, but 
only a substantial farmer of good family. It seems prob- 
able that Pitscottie had died some years before his son's 
marriage, for his Chronicles were not continued after 1st 
January 1576, and the habit of writing diaries or chronicles, 
once begun, is not readily discontinued. 

A search in the kirkyard of Ceres has failed to discover 
any trace of his tomb or monument to his memory. The 
minister of the parish from 1578 to 1599 was Thomas, 
nephew of George Buchanan the historian, 1 who, one 
might expect, would have commemorated the chronicler 
had he died during his incumbency. The tomb of his 
contemporary chief, Patrick, sixth Lord Lindesay of the 
Byres, who died in 1589, is still there, neglected by his 
representatives and crumbling to decay. 

The parish in which Pitscottie spent most of his days Character 
still retains the peaceful character it then possessed. It of Ceres 
lies away from the seats of active business, a natural home 
of an industrious farmer or reflective chronicler rather 
than of one engaged in the stir and turmoil of public 
affairs, so that we cannot be surprised that few traces of 
Pitscottie's life have come down to our time. Perhaps 
Ceres is even quieter and more remote from the world 
in the nineteenth than in the sixteenth century. The 
hospitality of Struthers has vanished. The more recent 
splendid mansion of the Hopes at Craighall, and the 
striking solitary tower of Scotstarvit on the crest of the 

1 Rev. Hew Scott, Fasti Ecclesise Scoticange, Parish of Ceres. 


hill of Tarvit, both erected after Pitscottie's death, have 
also become tenantless. The hamlet of Pitscottie, on the 
Ceres burn just before it enters the prettily wooded den 
of Dura, famed for the fossil fish of its sandstone-beds, 
still houses only a few labourers. 
Personal All that is further known of the chronicler is matter of 
in Chron- m f erence or conjecture from his single work. Though the 
icles. Chronicles do not afford so much information as might 

have been anticipated, for Pitscottie is a reticent author 
who seldom appears in person except occasionally to point 
a moral or preach a lay sermon, yet some facts of im- 
portance may be gathered from them which have hither- 
to escaped notice. In the short Preface it is distinctly 
stated that they were written and collected ' by ane Robert 
' Lindesay of Pitscottie,' and it is difficult to understand 
the doubt of Sir John Graham Dalyell, who says : ' We 
' can hardly affirm that it is satisfactorily established who 
' was the real author of the Chronicles. The older manu- 
' scripts are silent on this head.' It is true the Preface 
does not occur in the manuscript of the Laing Collection 
in the University of Edinburgh, 1 probably the oldest ex- 
tant, but it is found in the Cholmondeley manuscript, now 
belonging to Mr John Scott, 2 which is only a few years 
later in date, contains the only complete text, and is itself 
a copy of an older manuscript. The former or oldest 
manuscript being torn at the commencement, there is no 
proof that it may not have had the Preface, and there is 
no reason why the ascription to Pitscottie should have 
been falsely made even in later manuscripts. No doubt 
in the earlier part of his history he is only a compiler, 
although he gave his compilation a character of its own. 
1 MS. A. 2 MS. I. 


But this is exactly what he claims in his Preface, where Statement 
he names his authors and states that the matter of his ^ ^^ 
history was 'sought gathered written and collected be authors. 
1 ane Robert Lindesay of Pitscottie instructed and learned 
' and laitlie informit be thir authoris as efter followis to 
' wit Patrick lord lyndesay of the byres Schir William 
' Scot of balwirrie knicht Schir Androw Wood of Largow 
' knicht Maister Johne Mair doctour of theologie quha 
1 wret his cronickill heirwpone and alsua schir dauid lyn- 
4 desay of the mont allias lyoun herauld king of armes with 
1 Androw wood of largow principall and familiar servand 
' to King James the fyft Androw fernie of that ilk ane 
' nobill man of recent memorie Schir William bruce of 
' erleshall knicht quha hes wrettin werrie justlie all the 
1 deidis sen flowdane feild.' He does not name Hector 
Boece, from whose Latin the i8th book of the Chronicles 
is almost literally translated. Probably he thought this 
was sufficiently indicated by his work being styled 'the 
' historie and cronickillis of Scotland quhilk was left on- 
1 wrettin be the last translative to wit maister hector boes 
' and maister Johne ballentyne.' The authors he names 
are all, with the exception of John Major, Provost of 
St Salvator's College in St Andrews, whose history was 
published in 1 521, country gentlemen of Fife, Pitscottie's 
kinsmen or neighbours or their predecessors. It is possible 
that as a young man he may have met the venerable Pro- 
vost of St Salvator, who did not die till 1550. Although 
it is not likely that he had at so early a date come to 
reside in the farmhouse of Pitscottie, he is described three 
years after the death of Major as living in Pitscottie. 

Patrick, fourth Lord Lindesay of the Byres, was, as we His au_ 

thors all 

have seen, his paternal grandfather. Sir William Scott of Fife men. 


Balwerie, Knight, was superior, and for a time pro- 
prietor of the lands of Pitscottie, and also his relation 
by marriage. Sir Andrew Wood of Largo, Knight, was 
the gallant sea captain of James IV., who drove the 
English from the Scottish firths; and his son Andrew 
Wood of Largo, who is another of his authors, continued 
his name and fame in the reign of James V. Sir David 
Lindesay of the Mount, alias Lyon Herald King of Arms, 
was a cousin of Pitscottie, descended from the Lindesays of 
Garmylton, an older branch of the Lindesays of the Byres. 
Andrew Fernie of that ilk, ' a nobleman of recent memory,' 
was owner of an estate near Falkland ; and Sir William 
Bruce of Earlshall built the castle so called after an older 
hunting seat of the Earls of Fife, on the Tents Muir in 
the parish of Leuchars, north of the mouth of the Eden. 

All his informants being Fife men, though spread, it 
may be noticed, over the county, it does not appear likely 
that Pitscottie travelled much or perhaps ever quitted his 
native soil except on an occasional excursion across the 
Forth to the capital, or across the Tay to Angus, where 
many of his clansmen, including their principal noble the 
Earl of Crawford, had settled ; so that a large portion of 
that shire was called ' The Land of the Lindesays.' 
References Even if Pitscottie had not given this list it would 
[° i.jf in have been easy to detect that he saw events with Fife 
icles. eyes. He narrates minor incidents if they happen in 

the shire, especially in its eastern district or the neigh- 
bourhood of Cupar or St Andrews. When he becomes 
a contemporary, he gives like a farmer the rise or fall 
in the price of grain, and notes as to the contest for 
the sheriffship, the teinds of Fife, and the reform of 
the kirk of Cupar. He mentions that Andrew Bell 


kept the sheep of James V. in the Forest of Ettrick 
as safely as if they had been in Fife. Meteors, or 
monsters, for which the Scotch of his time had a singular 
appetite if they appeared in Fife, are specially noted. 
The number of Fife knights made on special occasions is 
chronicled. The Forth is called by him 'our Firth.' So 
too historical events — and during the sixteenth century 
there were many in Fife or on the opposite coast of 
Lothian — are told with the minuteness of a near observer. 
The siege of the Castle of Edinburgh from its commence- 
ment to its fall is narrated with so much particularity as to 
suggest that Pitscottie might have served at Leith, where 
his chief, Lord Lindesay of the Byres, commanded. But 
he never gives the remotest hint that he was present, and 
he probably attended to his farm during the progress of 
the siege, getting frequent news from friends or relations 
who were actual combatants. 

The Palace of Falkland, a favourite residence of the Character 
Scottish sovereign, and the city of St Andrews, with during his 
its bishop's castle and colleges, both within an easy ride life - 
from Pitscottie, as well as the many havens of the east 
coast in constant contact with the Continent, made Fife 
at this period one of the busiest and one of the most 
intelligent districts of Scotland. The waters which almost 
surround it kept it comparatively free from English raids, 
for its seamen and lairds knew how to ward off the 
descents of English men-of-war and privateers. Sub- 
division of property, favoured by the introduction of feus, 
of which the kings set an example near Falkland, had 
begun, and moderate fortunes promoted both bodily and 
mental industry. Not only clever younger sons, but even 
the older lairds, had the generous love of learning which 



fosters historical studies. Few of the Scottish gentry now 
write, or it may be feared even read, history, but we find 
in Pitscottie's immediate neighbourhood a group of landed 
men who took pride and pleasure in collecting and record- 
ing materials of history. No doubt it made some difference 
that there was important history to record. Their manu- 
scripts have not been preserved, and their contents would 
have been lost had not the substance been embodied by 
Pitscottie in his Chronicles. 
Scottish Scotland was during his life the scene of events which 

istory gt j r t j ie p U j se Q f tfi e student of history, — the melancholy 

during his r J ' J 

life. romance of Mary Stuart ; the conflicts of the Reformation, 

as fierce in words as deeds ; the wonderful combination of 
circumstances which was so soon to lead to the fortunate 
Union of the Crowns. An historical instinct like Pitscottie's 
naturally went further back, and tried to trace the sequence 
of events through the earlier history of the Stuart kings, — a 
succession of tragic scenes only surpassed by the supreme 
tragedy of Queen Mary. It had been left as yet unwritten 
by prior chroniclers, and it was of great value to him that 
he found in the records or traditions of so many Fife 
families notices of what had happened so far back at 
least as the reign of James III. Although an unpolished 
writer and an untrained historian, he had a strong sense 
both of the value and of the continuity of history. 
No proof Martine, the secretary of Archbishop Sharpe of St 
studied at Andrews > calls Pitscottie ' Maister Robert Lindesay,' 1 a title 
college. generally implying graduation. But his name is not in 
the Registers of St Andrews, and it is unlikely he would 
have graduated elsewhere. He must have known Latin 
to read Major and to translate Boece, but so much Latin 
might have been learned at school or from a tutor. Nor 

1 Reliquiae Divi Andrese. 


is Pitscottie's skill as a translator conspicuous. His ver- 
sion of the posthumous book of Boece, itself not a good 
specimen of Latinity, is often crabbed. Sometimes he 
seems not to have clearly understood his author. It 
was fortunate that he used his own vernacular, and not 
Latin, like his contemporary Buchanan, for his Chronicles 
were written not for the scholars and statesmen of Europe, 
but for his own countrymen of every class. Even in his 
use of broad Scotch there is a homely rusticity which 
confirms the view that he had not studied at any college, 
and was more country gentleman than scholar. He never 
thought about style, but knew well how to tell a story or 
describe a character. The New Learning, which came to 
Scotland about the time of his birth, had touched him 
in its moral and religious rather than its secular and scho- 
lastic bearings. A reformer, not a humanist, he knew the 
translated Bible, but little of the Greek or Latin classics. 
He omits a passage of Terence from his translation of 
Boece, who, like Major, in marked contrast with their con- 
tinuator, was an accomplished scholar. There had been 
in Wyntoun a remarkable example of an earlier poetic 
chronicle in the Scots dialect, written with wonderful skill. T he first 
But verse is not the appropriate language of history, vernacular 

prose his- 

and Pitscottie first wrote the annals of his country in torian of 
vernacular prose. It was a sign of a new era. Scotland. 

So near a neighbour could scarcely fail to have relations 
with the university town, whose markets as well as those 
of Cupar he no doubt attended. One of his St Andrews 
acquaintances was Robert Stewart, Titular Bishop of 
Caithness and Commendator of the Priory of St Andrews, 
an office to which he had been presented by his brother, 
the Regent Lennox, on the death of the Regent Murray. 
It was to the bishop that Pitscottie addressed the Dedica- 


Verses of tory or Commendatory Verses prefixed to his Chronicles. 
to 6 Robert 1 Tk e bishop was a great-uncle of James VI., a man of 
Stewart, some consequence though fluctuating fortune in his own 
Caithness. ^ay. Lord Lindsay, unfortunately misled by the more 
delicate literary taste of the nineteenth century, ex- 
pressed the opinion that he ' saw no reason for supposing 
1 Pitscottie guilty * of the dedicatory epistle,' and ridiculed 
' the sublime stanza' which describes the death of James II. 
by the bursting of a gun at the siege of Roxburgh. 

'This potent prince this roy ofgret renowne 
' Was murdreist be ane misforttunit gown.' 

This language is, however, of the same date as that of 
the Chronicles, of whose contents the verses give a sum- 
mary, and they bear to be written by the author. It seems 
fair to ask what reason there is for ascribing the verses to 
any one else ? Who so likely as their author to send his 
manuscript before publication — for the verses expressly 
bear that the Chronicles were not yet published — to the 
bishop as a patron, and to ask him to forward it to 
his kinsman the Earl of Athole, whose daughter he 
married in 1578? Both the Bishop and Athole were 
Pitscottie's contemporaries, and the verses prove the date 
Date of of the Chronicles to be between 1st January 1576, when 
they conclude, and 25th April 1579, when the Earl of 
Athole died. Pitscottie too, it must be remembered, was 
a prose chronicler, not a poet, but it was common at this 
period to write indifferent occasional verses. His con- 
temporary, Kirkcaldy of Grange, was the author of only 
a single 'rusty rhyme.' 2 Abakuk Bisset in the begin- 
ning of the following century introduced his ' Rolment of 
Courts,' a dry law treatise, to Prince Charles with a copy 

1 Lives of the Lindsays, p. 209. 2 Satirical Poems of the Reformation. 

the Chron 


of dedicatory verses. The tone and tendency of the 
verses prefixed to the manuscript of Pitscottie are identi- 
cal with those of the Chronicles. 

Pitscottie showed himself in both a son of the Scottish 
Reformation, as his elder kinsman the Lyon King was 
one of its fathers, and his chief, Lord Lindesay of the 
Byres, one of its champions. The breach with Rome 
was now complete. It was no longer a question of 
reform within the Catholic Church, but of separation 
from the Papacy. Fife, where Pitscottie passed his life, 
was a part of Scotland in which the outward causes that 
produced the Reformed Church had operated more rapidly 
than in any other district. It might even be called, at 
least when Knox lived and preached in it, the centre of 
the Scottish Reformation. The Highlands and the Borders 
continued longer Catholic. ' The nearer to Rome the 
1 farther from the Pope,' had its parallel in the neigh- 
bourhood of James Beaton the archbishop, and his 
nephew David the cardinal. Their long successive tenure 
of the Scottish primacy, from 1522 to 1546, exhibited to 
Fife the spectacle of the ambitious prelates, miniatures 
of the ambitious Popes, whose conduct alienated Scotland 
from Rome. Pitscottie had been born during the life of 
the cardinal, and if he was as inquisitive a boy as he was a 
man, the scandalous passages in it, magnified by the gossip 
of the country-side, yet founded on fact, must have early 
reached his ears. He can scarcely have failed to read, 
perhaps before it was published, 'The Tragedy of the 
Cardinal,' and may likely enough have been on the play- 
field of Cupar when the ' Satire of the Three Estates ' was 
acted there in 1552. Probably he had not been present at 
the burning of Wishart at St Andrews on 28th March 






brother of 


1 546, of which he has given a narrative in his Chronicles 
without any personal reminiscences ; but, like Knox, he 
sympathised with Norman Leslie, Kirkcaldy of Grange, and 
the band of conspirators who slew the cardinal, though 
his humanity revolted against the ignominious treatment 
of the corpse. If he did not hear, as he may well have 
done, some of the sermons Knox preached at St Andrews 
and in the East of Fife, their teaching sank into his spirit, 
and he borrows words and phrases from the historian of 
the Reformation. All classes were still divided on the 
question of the Church. The leading men of the Commons, 
especially in the boroughs, were Reformers, and so large 
a number of the nobility in the Lowlands, especially in 
Fife and Angus, as gave to their party the name of the 
Lords of the Congregation. The royal house, some power- 
ful nobles and their followers amongst the Commons, 
continued Catholics. A third party still wavered or 
appeared to waver. The two patrons Pitscottie chose for 
his Chronicles were examples, the one of the nobles who 
had become Protestant, and the other of the Waverers. 

Robert Stewart, brother of Lennox, had early embraced 
the principles of the Reformation. He had been nomi- 
nated when a youth and only a deacon, Bishop of Caith- 
ness in the reign of James V. Having taken part with 
Lennox in his rising against the Regent Arran in 1545, 
he fled to England, where he remained eighteen years 
and became Protestant. On his return home he retained 
the title of bishop, and in 1570, when his brother became 
regent, he received the office of Commendator of the 
Priory of St Andrews, but, according to Pitscottie, ' very 
1 little of the benefices of the office was reservit to the 
' said bishop saifand his title and superiority of the 
'same.' As a result of the murder of Lennox in 1571, 


and the death of his nephew Charles in 1576, the bishop 

succeeded to the earldom of Lennox ; for though James 

VI. as son of Darnley had a preferable claim, he waived 

it, and the bishop sat in Parliament for two years as 

Earl of Lennox. In 1581, however, an arrangement was 

made to provide for the king's favourite Esme Stewart, 

the Bishop's nephew, who was created Duke of Lennox 

with a grant of the lands of the earldom. The bishop, 

who resigned both lands and title, received in exchange 

the title of Earl of March. As he is not designed in 

Pitscottie's dedicatory verses either Earl of Lennox or 

Earl of March, but only Commendator of St Andrews, 

it seems a fair inference that they were written at least 

prior to March 1578, when a charter of the earldom of 

Lennox was granted to him, or possibly a year or two 

earlier when the succession opened by the death of his 

nephew Charles. This is confirmed by the passage where 

Pitscottie refers to Lady Margaret Douglas, the wife of 

Lennox, as still living when he wrote * ; as we know, the 

date of her death was 7th March 1578. 

John, fourth Earl of Athole of the Stewart line, was Position 

a hereditary Catholic, and generally a supporter of Mary gtewart 

of Guise and of Mary Stuart. He married as his second Earl of 

Athole, to 
wife Margaret, daughter of Malcolm, Lord Fleming of wn0 m 

Cumbernauld, a family warmly attached to the young Chronicles 

queen. He was one of the three lords who declared in 

1560, at the crucial point of the Reformation, that 'they 

' would believe as their fathers had believed.' But even 

before Queen Mary's return to Scotland in 1561 he had 

shown symptoms of a disposition to assist the Lords 

of the Congregation, and he took part in the expedition 

against Huntly in 1562. He was intimate with Lennox, 

1 1. 297, l. 13. 


Maitland of Lethington, who married his wife's sister, 
and to a less extent with Lord James Stewart, the future 
Regent Murray. After Mary's abdication he joined in a 
bond to assist in putting the king on the throne, and in 
April 1569 signed a second bond acknowledging Murray 
as regent. Yet on 16th April 1570 he signed a petition 
of ' divers Scottish lords ' to Queen Elizabeth praying her 
to restore Mary to Scotland. This is referred to in the 
satirical poem against Lethington, 'The Cruikit leads the 
Blind,' in which Lethington is the crooked politician who 
leads the blind nobles, and amongst them Athole : — 

1 Gif ye gar Athol do sic schame, 
' As to consent to bring her hame, 
' And gif the gyding to Madame, 
1 They will put downe the King.' 

In ' Lord Methven's Tragedy,' a poem by Semple, printed 
in 1572, he is addressed in terms which show that though 
mistrusted by the king's party it was thought he might still 
be won over : — 

' Fy on the ! Atholl ! quhat dois thow requyre ? 
' May not their murthers mufe thy hart to Ire ? 
' Gif thou had mettall, man, to bring the to ! 
' Thy dowbill faith may not abyde the fyre, 
1 Swa misbelief sail leif the in the myre. 
( Or hes thy wyfe the wite of it ? quhair is scho ? 
1 Defend the caus, man, quhill the King cum to : 
' Gif natural kyndnes kindillis vp thy breist, 
1 We, beand doun, na dout thow salbe neist.' 

His opposition to the election of Morton as regent again 
raised hopes that he might still act along with, though he 
could scarcely belong to, the party of the Reformers ; but 
when he failed to prevent Morton's election he withdrew to 
his seat in the country, where he lived ' in great splendour 


1 on his own estate.' Proceedings were taken against him 
in 1574 as a Catholic, which he evaded by declaring that 
' he was not fully resolved upon sundry headings of 
1 Religion,' and though he was given only to midsummer 
1 to be resolved,' it is very doubtful whether he ever even 
outwardly conformed. He continued to live in Athole 
till the spring of 1578, when he took part with Argyle in 
depriving Morton of the regency, and was made Chancellor 
on 28th of March. Next year, after meeting Morton in 
arms near Stirling, they were apparently reconciled by 
the influence of Bowes the English Ambassador ; but he 
died at Kincardine on 24th April 1579 a f ter a banquet 
given by Morton, who was accused by his son and 
widow, it would appear without ground, of poisoning him. 

It must have been while he was still in Athole, and 
probably before he came south in 1578, that Pitscottie's 
verses were written, for he requests the bishop after he has 
read the manuscript to send it to — 

1 Athoill that most hie cuntrie 

' And to that lord hairtlie zow commend.' 

The concluding lines of the verses could scarcely have been 
written after the first downfall of Morton in 1578 : — 

' Salute his lordschip with all humillitie 

' Beseikand him of his benegnitie 

' That of thy fame nothing as zit be sprong 

1 Into the cuntrie quhill that the king is zoung. 

1 Becaus thow mellis with the authoritie 

1 At this tyme quha hes it now in hand 

' And als declairis of that clan the veritie 

' Thairfoir I wald thay did nocht vndirstand 

' That thow hes taine sick hie matteris in hand 

' To this guid lord gif thy haill credence 

' Quhan he thinkis tyme thy matter to avance.' 


Relation The Bishop of Caithness married a daughter of Athole, 
° . h e Elizabeth Stewart, the widow of Lord Lovat, shortly 
Athole. before her father's death, and this connection must have 
increased the intimacy already existing between the house 
of Lennox and the house of Athole. It is clear from the 
dedicatory verses that it was to confirm the bishop, and 
through him Athole, in their opposition to Morton, who 
is referred to as ' the Authoritie,' and the whole Douglas 
clan, that the manuscript of the Chronicles was sent before 
its publication to the bishop and the earl, and the time 
of its publication placed in their discretion. Possibly Pit- 
scottie may have looked to them to defray the necessary 

Once this clue has been caught it is impossible to 
maintain the Chronicles have not a partisan character, 
or seriously to doubt their author was the author of 
the verses. The copy now for the first time published 
is continued from 1565 down to 1st January 1576, 
and so fulfils the promise of Pitscottie in the Preface. 
It is very singular that none of the other manuscripts 
which have been found come down further than 1565. 
This point will be further considered when the manu- 
The pres- scripts are described. It appears certain that we now 

first com- ^ or t ^ le ^ rst ^ me nave a complete copy of the original 
plete text work, though probably not Pitscottie's own copy, but one 
I575 as made from it a little later, before the end of the sixteenth 

promised or shortly after the beginning of the seventeenth century. 

in Preface. 

The importance of having a new independent and con- 
temporary narrative of the momentous decade of Scottish 
history between 1565 and 1575 needs no comment. Un- 
fortunately the pressure of the time, or the circumstance 
that he was writing of events of the most critical character 


in which men still living had taken part, led the Chronicler 
to adopt the briefer and drier style of the annalist. There 
are none of the characteristic stones or personal portraits 
which make the earlier part of his work so picturesque 
and interesting. 

Why were the Chronicles not earlier printed ? The Why not 
condition of the manuscripts now used, and that of P" nte tx 
several others which have either contents of chapters or 
marginal notes or both, indicate that publication must 
have been contemplated. In particular the Cholmondeley 
MS., now Mr Scott's, 1 may be almost described as pre- 
pared for the press. The last lines of the verses already 
quoted, indeed, commit it to the decision of the Bishop 
and Athole when the Chronicles should be given to the 
world. But they also contain a caution that they should 
not be printed while Morton had still the supreme power, 
because they * mell ' or meddle ' with the authoritie.' This 
no doubt explains why they were not printed during 
Morton's life. There had been a recent illustration that 
the Press, though the natural ally of the Reformation, 
was not free so long as he was Regent. Pitscottie him- 
self tells the story. ' In the month of January 1574/ he Regent 
writes, 2 ' there was two or thrie doctoris of the colledgis of and th 
1 St Andrews that set ane dialog touching the oppressions Press. 
1 of the pure and the down putting of the ministrie, thrie 
' or four kirkis to ane minister, and the heidis of the 
1 dialogue was that the regent and the consal had dune 
1 wrong in the inputting of thrie or four kirkis to ane 
1 minister with uthir things quilk sal be declairit and so 
1 they commit this dialog to be prented in Edinburgh for 
1 the quhilk cause the regent causit to tak the prenter 
1 MS. I, fully described below, p. lxviii. 2 MS. I, p. 162 b. 


1 [Lekpreuik] 1 and put him in prisoun and summond the 
' makar of the same dialog calleit Mr John Davidson and 
' quhat wes done ye sail heir heirafter.' In June of the 
same year he adds : 2 ' At this tyme the maist pairt of 
' the nobilitie and ministrie was in Edinburgh anent cer- 
1 tane artickillis and about the suffering of ane day of 
1 law anent the clairk quha had set furth the dialog as I 
' have schewin to you callit " the clairk and the courteour " 
1 bot the said clairk durst nocht enter and was fugitive 
' and the ministrie was disappoinitit and nothing done 
' but continuation till September following.' The result 
was that Davidson had to fly to England. 3 

At such a time no one who valued a quiet life and 
wished to avoid the imminent risk of prison or exile 
would care to publish a work with statements such as 
the following : ' There was mony wreittings cassin in upon 
' the regent of his grediness but nocht avowit ' ; and, 
1 There was sindrie ministeris that set up dialoggs agains 
' the regent and his consaill ' when Morton and his council 
declared their view in the never-ending conflict for power 
between Statesmen and Churchmen to be that ' the king 
' and his consall sould be suppreme heid of the Kirk under 
' God,' and that ' the lords were reavand at the beneficies 
' out of all the papistis handis to the effect there awin 
' profeitt might flourishe and not the glore of God.' 

After the execution of Morton in 1581 the immediate 
object of publishing the Chronicles did not exist, but the 
principal obstacle to the publication was also removed. 
The Bishop of Caithness died in 1586, and if the conjec- 

1 Calderwood in his Larger History gives the indictment against Lekpreuik. 
Appendix to Calderwood's Wodrow Society edition, viii. p. 201. 

2 MS. I, p. 162 a. 3 Calderwood, iii. p. 313. 


ture be correct that Pitscottie predeceased him, there may 
have been no one sufficiently interested to superintend or 
pay for their publication. James VI., who after his mar- Reflec- 
riage in 1589 assumed the personal government of Scot- Q°" s e ° n 
land, was not likely to relish the outspokenness of the Mary. 
Chronicles as regards Queen Mary or their Presbyterian 

The striking scene at Buchanan's deathbed will be 
recollected, when his friends dissuaded him from printing 
certain passages in his history for fear of the anger of the 
king, and Buchanan declared that he would brave ' his 
' feid and that of all his kin.' Pitscottie had not the 
strength or boldness of Buchanan. Whatever may have 
been the reason, it was not till the last Stuart sovereign 
had died, and the Hanoverian succession had been secured 
by the defeat of the Rebellion of 171 5, that the work of 
Pitscottie was printed by Freebairn in 1728. In the 
interval it had been often copied ; but it would seem that 
it was not thought safe, even in the seventeenth century, 
to copy the part which related to the period between 1565 
and 1575. 

While the personal character of Pitscottie and the course Pitscottie's 
of his uneventful life must be left almost a blank, the 

' as a writer 

Chronicles themselves leave little doubt as to his char- of history. 
acter as a describer of past and an observer of contem- 
porary history. He was a graphic and, in the main, an 
honest chronicler, skilful in selecting salient points or 
characteristics, able to represent them in a lively fashion, 
ready, after the manner of his countrymen, to moralise on 
the past. He was not a historian by profession, or an edu- 
cated scholar like Boece or Bellenden, Leslie or Buchanan. 
Probably he gained in naturalness more than he lost in 


art. But he had other defects. He had some of the 
credulity of an earlier age, from which, indeed, few of his 
countrymen were altogether free, and he had the prejudices 
of his own time and party. He does not write with the 
exactness or strict accuracy now demanded of historians. 
Probably this was not within his reach. His dates, especi- 
ally prior to 1542, and his genealogies require revision. 
His opinions will be often contested by modern his- 
torians ; always by those of an opposite party or with 
different prejudices. We cannot yet escape in the nine- 
teenth from the conflicts of the sixteenth century. 

Nor, though his opportunities of obtaining information 
were considerable, did he belong to the inner circle of those 
who were making the history of their time or were intimate 
with the chief actors. He was an outside observer keenly 
interested, like every man of intelligence and patriotism, in 
what was going on ; but his narrative is not to be accepted 
without comparison with other sources, some of them only 
revealed in recent times. Yet not only in his pithy ver- 
nacular but also in his attitude and sentiments he is a 
genuine Scot of a now distant generation whose character 
he represents. He also throws important lights on the 
history of Scotland during nearly the whole period from 
the death of James II. to the commencement of the per- 
sonal reign of James VI., — a period during which we cannot 
afford to dispense with any light that can be obtained. In 
the house of history there are many mansions, and a place 
will always be found there for one from whom every sub- 
sequent historian of Scotland has borrowed even when he 
criticised, and who was called affectionately by Sir Walter 
Scott, who made better use of his Chronicles than any 
other writer, 'Auld Pitscottie.' 



Sixteen manuscripts of the ' Chronicles of Scotland ' by Manu- 
Pitscottie have been examined for the present edition, examined 
Though every effort has been made to render the exam- 
ination exhaustive, there is reason to believe that other 
manuscripts may exist. Two which were in the library 
of the eighth Lord Belhaven have been lost sight of, 
and this is confirmed by a reference in MS. Q to Lord 
Belhaven's folio MS. The agents of the present lord 
were good enough to make inquiries as to their fate ; 
but the books of the eighth lord were sold, and these 
manuscripts may have been sold with them. Another 
MS., believed to have been in the Auchinleck Library, 
and a MS. called the Kilravock MS., have not been 
traced. It is likely there were other manuscript copies, 
for few books of Scottish history were in more request 
at the close of the sixteenth and during the first 
quarter of the seventeenth century. It had then the 
interest of modern or recent history, and it told the an- 
tecedents of the reigning dynasty of Great Britain. The 
value of such a work was known throughout Scotland, 
and the fact that it had not been printed enhanced its 
interest. Its vernacular, then familiar to every Scot- 
tish reader, its graphic narrative, and well-told stories, 
made it more popular than the older chronicles of Wyn- 
toun and Fordun, or the Latin histories of Major, Boece, 
Lesley, and Buchanan, though not so popular as the 
poems of Blind Harry and Barbour, who had sung the 
tales of the heroes who won the independence of Scot- 
land. Pitscottie has a character all its own. The period 


it covers, from the death of James I. to the regency of 
Morton, contains most of the romantic and tragic incidents 
in the history of the Scottish sovereigns of the race of 
Stuart. It possesses another and different interest as the 
work of an ardent advocate of the Scottish Reformation, 
and, as a necessary consequence, of an English in prefer- 
ence to a French alliance. Its language is one of the best 
specimens of Scottish prose of the seventeenth century. 

Some of the manuscript copies contain marks of pre- 
paration for publication which will be pointed out when 

Causes of they are separately described. But its publication was 
e *y m delayed by a series of untoward circumstances, — the death 

tion. of Pitscottie, probably, as we have seen, about 1578, and, 

within a few years, of his patrons the Bishop of Caithness 
and the Earl of Athole, the troubles of the times, the 
suppression of the press of Lekpreuik, and, as I have con- 
jectured, the reflections on the Douglas family, one of 
whose members, James, Earl of Morton, was regent when 
it was completed, and in one at least of the manuscripts 
on Mary Stuart, the mother of the reigning Scottish king. 
The original manuscript has probably not been re- 

The copies to be presently described were made, some 
soon after the- completion of the work, others, with 
additions and omissions, at later, possibly some, not 

Only one carried so far down, at earlier dates. Singularly, only 

compete one ^ an( j ^^ ^ Q most recently recovered copy, which 
wandered across the Border, fulfils the promise of Pit- 
scottie in his Preface to continue his history 'sen fyftie- 
'aucht zeir wnto the thrie scoir fyftein zeir.' All the 
other manuscripts, with the possible exception of MS. A, 
which breaks off unfinished in 1564, end on 8th March 


1565, the date of a Parliament of Queen Mary of which 
no record except that of Pitscottie has been preserved. 
Most of the copies contain an Addition, but it is an The Addi- 
1 Addition by another hand/ or rather ' other hands ' ; for J™ tt "° by 
after a few brief jottings of events between 1565 and the Pitscottie. 
death of Elizabeth upon 24th March 1603, including a 
notice of a Danish embassy to her on 25th February 1598, 
there is a somewhat minute account abridged from a 
pamphlet published at the time of the progress of James 
VI. from Scotland to take possession of the vacant throne, 
and a narrative of the embassy of the Earl of Rutland to 
announce to Christian IV., King of Denmark, the christen- 
ing of Prince Charles, and to deliver to the Danish king 
the Order of the Garter. The ' Addition ' ends with the 
return of the ambassador to Hampton Court on 8th 
August 1605. There is no reason to suppose that any 
of this additional matter was written or added by Pit- 
scottie, who was certainly dead in 1592, probably some 
years earlier. Yet not only most of the manuscript 
copies, but the printed edition of Sir John Graham Dal- 
yell in 1 8 14, treated the Addition as if it was the work 
of Pitscottie himself, or at least copied it without any 
warning that it was not. Freebairn had known better, 
and his edition in 1728, and its reprint by Urie of 
Glasgow in 1749, state on the title-page that the 'Addi- 
tion ' was ' by another hand.' This error of some of 
the copyists and of Dalyell has now been finally ex- 
posed by the recovery of Manuscript I, purchased by 
Mr John Scott, C.B., of Halkshill, at the sale of the 
Phillipps library in 1896. Through his courtesy, it has 
been placed at the disposal of the Scottish Text Society, 
and largely used in the present edition. 


MS. A the Prior to its discovery eight other principal manuscripts 

resent ^ad Deen examined, and after consultation with several 

text, sup- gentlemen well qualified to judge on such a point, 

by MS. I. Manuscript A, in the Laing Collection, now in the 

Library of the University of Edinburgh, was chosen as 

the oldest, and, on the whole, though not free from 

blunders in copying, the best text to follow in this 


A considerable portion of the beginning of Manuscript 
A had unfortunately been torn off, and has been supplied 
from Manuscript I. Large omissions had also been made 
in Manuscript A, and probably in the original, of which 
it is a copy, and these also have been supplied from 
Manuscript I. The most important of all the additions 
which Manuscript I supplies is the missing matter from 
1565 to 1575, which is printed for the first time, so that 
we now have the whole Chronicles as promised in the 
Preface from the death of James I., when the original 
edition of the Chronicles by Hector Boece terminated, 
down ' to the fyftein hundred thrie scoir and fyftein zeir.' 

The Chronicle of the reign of James II., however, as 
has long been known, is merely a translation from the 
posthumous edition of Boece's Chronicles by a Piedmon- 
tese monk, John Ferrerius, some time resident at Kinloss, 
published at Paris in 1574. 

The decade, of which we now have an independent 
narrative by a contemporary, contains the murder of 
Darnley, the Bothwell marriage, the engagements of 
Carberry and Langside, the flight of Mary Stuart to 
England, the regencies of Murray, Lennox, Mar, and 
part of that of Morton, the death of John Knox, and 
the siege of the Castle of Edinburgh, the execution of 


Grange, and the death of Lethington. Few discoveries 
of more importance in the original MS. materials of 
Scottish history have been made in recent years. Yet 
expectation must not be raised too high. The dis- 
covery is not what that of a lost decade of Livy would 
be. The new matter will not by itself solve any of the 
critical points in the central crisis of the Scottish annals. 
Vindicators of Mary Stuart will still continue to defend 
her from the charges of complicity in a murder of more 
than ordinary atrocity and adultery of a more than com- 
mon shamelessness. Her adversaries will still believe her 
capable of almost any crime. There will still be admirers 
and detractors of Knox and of Murray, of Kirkcaldy of 
Grange and Maitland of Lethington. Pitscottie, though 
a close observer of the events he narrates, took no promi- 
nent part in the great drama, and he wrote as a partisan 
of the Reformation. Impartiality was then an impossible 
virtue, nor is it easy now when three centuries of contro- 
versy have made darker what was dark enough before. 
Still an independent record of this time cannot be neglected 
by any reader or writer who may attempt to sift the facts 
and ascertain the truth as to the character of Mary and 
the transition from mediaeval to modern Scottish history. 

The existence of this part of the Chronicles in only a 
single manuscript raises a minor problem already alluded 
to which concerns the present survey of the known manu- 
scripts of Pitscottie. Why are all the other manuscripts Why all 

incomplete or mutilated ? Did Pitscottie circulate his l e M s - 
* except 

Chronicles in two forms, at first without and afterwards M S. I in- 
with the last decade from 1565 to 1575? Or were the C ° mp e 
scribes who made copies afraid to copy the story of these 
years as he had written it, even in the reign of James 


VI. ? I incline, as has already been stated, to the latter 
opinion. It would be difficult otherwise to account for 
the express promise of the Preface, and it will be found, 
when the manuscripts are carefully examined, that not 
only in this period, but in several others of an earlier 
date, omissions have been made which we are now able 
to restore from Manuscript I. Examples of these may be 
found in the account of the conduct in her widowhood of 
Mary of Gueldres, which is evidently drawn as a reflec- 
tion on the behaviour of the widowed Mary Stuart ; the 
narrative of the events which placed Henry VII. on the 
English throne, with the part, hitherto unknown, which 
Sir Alexander Bruce of Earlshall played at the battle of 
Bosworth Field as Captain of the Scottish Horse, and the 
comic incident of Macgregor's theft of the crown of 
England, the truth of which may, however, be doubted. 
Before describing in detail the manuscripts examined, 
and explaining the reasons why they have or have not been 
adopted for use in this edition, it is expedient to state 
on what principles the present text has been edited. 

The de- Taking Manuscript A as the oldest, and on the whole 

fiaencies ^^ text SQ f ar as ^ t j s extant j ts deficiencies have 

of MS. A 

supplied been supplied from Manuscript I, pointing out when 

J?™ T each has been used. Obvious blunders of the scribes of 
either manuscript have been corrected, but some readings 
have been left, as is explained in the notes, which may 
or may not be blunders ; for it is possible that they are 
only instances of the strange modes of spelling preva- 
lent at this period in Scottish manuscripts, when the 
older Scottish literary dialect was being replaced by 
a modern English, not yet itself completely settled 
in its present forms of spelling and grammar. In the 


portion printed from Manuscripts A and I, the probably 
second oldest independent Manuscript B, also in the MS. B 
Edinburgh University Library, has been collated and co ate * 
any important differences noted. It was at one time 
thought that it might be expedient to collate also the 
undoubtedly old Wemyss Castle Manuscript H, and J 
the Innerpeffray manuscript ; but on examination the 
differences between these manuscripts and Manuscripts 
A and B were found to be insufficient to justify the 
extra labour in collation. Indeed the collation which 
has been made may perhaps be thought to have been 
carried too far and into trivial details. For apart from 
the important and large additions which have been sup- 
plied from MS. I, the collation of the MSS. does not 
result in much difference in the sense. But as the 
present edition is published by the Scottish Text Society, 
it was thought proper to show even minute differences in 
spelling, grammar, and phraseology. For the same reason 
almost the only liberty taken with the text printed has 
been in some cases to break up long into shorter 

The chief variations from the printed Freebairn's edition 
of 1728 and Dalyell's of 18 14 have been pointed out. The 
methods of these editors were very different. Freebairn Free- 
printed an honest and straightforward modernised version *! r . n s 

c & edition. 

of Manuscript D, or a copy from the same original. So 
we have in his edition an important index of the change 
in the Scotch vernacular between the last half of the 
sixteenth century, when the older MSS. were written, just 
before the union of the crowns, and the commencement 
of the eighteenth century, just after the union of the 
Parliaments. There is little in the grammatical forms, 



and not very much in the words used in Freebairn's 
edition, which any English reader cannot easily follow. 
Dalyell's Dalyell attempted to restore the original text from 
what he deemed the best manuscripts. Credit is due 
to him for the attempt. But he did so in an uncritical 
manner, and at a time when the modifications and 
mutations of language had not begun to be carefully 
studied. He does not give any clear explanation of 
what manuscripts he used, but he had not access to 
more than a small number of those now examined. 
He says in his Preface : ' Several manuscripts have 
' been employed in preparing these volumes, all of un- 
' equal date and exhibiting considerable discrepancies in 
' style and matter. Two, to judge from external circum- 
' stances, belong nearly to the same period, the earlier 
' part of the seventeenth century ; a third, which is divided 
1 into chapters and terminates with the year 1598, is some- 
' what more recent ; and a fourth, intimately correspond- 
' ing with it, is scarce above a century old. Probably 
' manuscripts of greater antiquity may still be extant, as 
' a fragment has occurred which, according to the speci- 
' men annexed, is not posterior to the age of Mary. The 
' two older manuscripts (i.e., of the earlier part of the seven- 
' teenth century), though defective in some incidents found 
1 in the rest, are more copious on the whole ; they narrowly 
' coincide in substance, and are besides distinguished by 
' that simplicity which in coeval writings makes an ap- 
1 proach to originality. . . . Both these manuscripts con- 
1 tain the introductory description which is not seen in the 
' others ; but the poetical address prefixed to the first 
c printed edition appears only in a single instance.' 
Accordingly he prints the ' Introductory Descriptione 


' of Ingland Scotland Waillis and Cornewall,' and he does 
not print the Introductory or Dedicatory Verses to the 
Bishop of Caithness. 

As to the Description of Great Britain, although it may The De- 

. scription 

have been written by a Scotchman, there is no reason to of Great 
suppose he was Lindesay of Pitscottie. It is not con- Britain 

printed by 

tained in the two best manuscripts (A and I), and it would Daiyell 
have been quite inappropriate to introduce it in the con- " ot written 
tinuation of Boece's Chronicles which Pitscottie's work scottie. 
bears to be, as Boece himself had already given a much 
fuller and better description of Scotland. Pitscottie's 
own Chronicles are also concerned with Scotland only, 
with the exception of a few digressions into English or 
Continental history, so that the account of England, Wales, 
and Cornwall, and the treatment of Wales and Cornwall 
as the third and fourth parts of the island of Britain, 
would be inappropriate as an introduction to a Scottish 

This Description contains some curious remarks, pos- 
sibly from the point of view of a Scottish Highlander, or 
at all events a Celtic writer, which would account for the 
importance he attaches to the Celtic districts of England. 
It probably was inserted by one of the copyists of Pit- 
scottie on some blank leaves at the commencement of the 
volume in which he transcribed Pitscottie's own Chronicle, 
and was called by him or one of his followers an Intro- 
duction to Pitscottie's Chronicles, and so continued to be 
frequently copied, until it was at last printed by Daiyell 
as if it had been part of the work of Pitscottie. I have 
had no hesitation in following the example of Freebairn 
and omitting it. 

On the other hand, I have already shown that the 


The verses verses to the Bishop of Caithness which Dalyell omits, 
Bishop of anc * Lord Lindsay thought unworthy of Pitscottie, are his 
Caithness genuine work, and indeed very intimately connected with 

not print- . . . 

ed by the history of his manuscript and its purpose. They are 
Dalyell therefore printed in this edition. Their insertion in a 

written by 

Pitscottie. manuscript copy may indeed be regarded as a mark of 

the acumen and diligence of the copyist. 

The remarks of Dalyell as to the four manuscripts he 
had seen deserve notice, and may probably enable us to 
The four detect those he used. As an advocate he had access to 
veil prob- ^ e tw0 Manuscripts E and F in the Advocates' Library, 
ably used. They are in Ruddiman's Catalogue of 1742, and F is 
probably the one to which he refers as ' a third, which is 
' divided into chapters and terminates with the year 1598 
' and is somewhat more recent,' for F ends in 1598, and 
is undoubtedly a more recent manuscript than A and B 
in the University Library, the Wemyss Castle Manu- 
script H, and the InnerpefTray Manuscript J. It is also 
divided into chapters in Book xviii., though not further, 
and Dalyell was not sufficiently careful an editor to note 
when the division into chapters stopped. Manuscript I 
continues the division into chapters down to Queen Mary's 
reign, but there is no reason to suppose Dalyell was aware 
of its existence. 

From a letter to him by George Chalmers, the author 
of the ' Caledonia,' which has been left loose in Manu- 
script C in the University Library, formerly belonging 
to Chalmers, there seems little doubt that Chalmers had 
communicated this manuscript to Dalyell. In this letter, 
dated 4th June 1809, ne says: ' I have for some time been 
1 engaged in preparing an edition of Pitscottie, in the 
' course of which three different manuscripts have fallen 


' into my hands, all of unequal date. The oldest belongs 
1 to the earliest part of the seventeenth century, the second 
' to the reign of Charles I., and the last to the last year 
1 of the same century, so far as I can guess from the 
1 different hands in which they are written. The two 
1 former profess to be a continuation of Bellenden's Boece 

* in the same way as that you mention. They differ 
' extremely from the printed copy, but more in expres- 
' sion than the sense. Indeed that copy is full of 

• interpolations by some of the latest transcribers.' 

By ' the oldest manuscript ' in this letter, which may 
be one of the two referred to in Dalyell's Preface as of 
the earlier part of the seventeenth century, it is probable 
that the University Manuscript B is meant. It is at least 
certain that Dalyell used this or a similar manuscript, for 
the Table of Contents, which is printed at p. 627 of his 
edition, is identical with the one in Manuscript B. 

It is possible that he also had the use of MS. A, which 
at the time he wrote belonged probably to the father of 
Mr David Laing, and may be alluded to as * a fragment,' 
because it is incomplete both at the beginning and the end. 

Dalyell neither adopted the oldest text nor did he leave 
the text which he adopted unmodernised. The variations 
between his first paragraph and that of Manuscript I will 
show this as well as any other passage. 

I rgads ' murdrest,' Dalyell has ' slaine.' 

I ' condinglie,' Dalyell ' condignlie.' 

I ' punischit,' Dalyell ' punisched.' 

I ' na aw,' Dalyell ' no awe.' 

I ' surfTetting,' Dalyell ' furthsetting.' 

I ' greit/ Dalyell ' great.' 

I ' but doubt,' Dalyell ' without doubt' 


In all these cases I has the older form. Of course 
there are others where they agree in using the same old 

DalyelPs text is, in fact, an amalgam of several manu- 
scripts adapted, when the editor thought proper, to modern 

It is not wonderful that the late Lord Lindsay, after- 
wards Earl of Crawford, projected a new edition, and 
made some preparation for one on the basis of the 
Wemyss Castle Manuscript, which is certainly one of the 
oldest. It is matter for regret that his intention was not 
carried out, and the Chronicles of Pitscottie remained un- 
edited by his kinsman and chief, one of the most accom- 
plished of Scottish noblemen, who had a rare interest in, 
and still rarer knowledge of, Scottish history. It is, 
however, some compensation that the delay in the issue 
of the new edition has led to a fuller examination of 
the various manuscripts, and above all to the recovery of 
Manuscript I. 
MS. I. After the end of Pitscottie's Chronicle MS. I has a 

manuscript copy of Bishop Adamson's Recantation, which 
was printed in the year 1598. It is written in the same 
hand as the Chronicles. And a written copy is not likely 
to have been made after it was printed. It almost looks 
as if both this copy of the Recantation and the copy of 
Pitscottie's Chronicles had been prepared for the press, 
and that we may have the press copy. The date of MS. I 
is therefore about 1598. MS. A may be about twenty 
years earlier. 

The name of the transcriber of MS. I is unknown. He 
speaks so modestly of himself in the note to the reader 
that we should like to have known it. The transcription 


of the verses Thomas Davidson prefixed to Bellenden's 
translation of Boece, beginning— 

' Ingyne of man be Inclinatioun 

' In sindrie wayes is giwin as we sie,' 

proves the transcriber knew Bellenden's work. The alter- 
ation of the verses so as to make them suit a writer 
instead of a printer, and similar alterations of parts of 
Sir David Lyndesay's ' Complaynt of the Papingo,' to 
answer the purpose of a brief description of the reigns of 
the Jameses, and the insertion of this and of Lyndesay's 
' Deploration for the Death of Quein Madelein/ must not 
be looked on with the eyes of a keen modern hunter of 
plagiarisms. Nothing was more common at this period 
than to use and adapt the works of others in chronicles 
and other compositions. Although the writer depreciates 
his own skill, his manuscript is one of the most distinctly 
written and most free from blunders. When they do occur 
they have when clear been corrected in the text, when 
doubtful in the notes to this edition. 

What remains to be said as to the manuscripts will be 
better said in the description of each which follows. 

The object of this section of the Introduction is to 
enable the reader to judge for himself of the materials 
and sources of the present edition. It is scarcely to be 
expected that the original manuscript will now be found ; 
but we have got what is next best, a copy of the whole 
work the author designed, and probably in the form in 
which it was prepared for publication from the best copies. 
Yet recent examples show that it is as impossible to limit 
the chances of discovery in the small field of manuscript 
as in the large field of nature. When a poem of Sappho 


and a treatise of Aristotle have recently been found buried 
in Egypt, who shall say that this Chronicle of Scotland 
may not lie hid in some Scottish or English library dis- 
guised by its title or neglected by its owner ? The latter 
seems to have been the case with MS. I. Its fate affords 
an illustration of the general rule that MSS., like other 
antiquities, should be preserved in collections and libraries 
of the countries to which they belong. No one will rejoice 
more than the present Editor if the original text should be 
discovered, and more information than he has been able 
to collect should be obtained as to the author and his 

Detailed The manuscripts which have been found and examined 

T°™** f wil1 now be described in detail. 

the MSS. 

MS. A. 

MS. A. MS. A, Laing Collection, University of Edinburgh 

Scroll Catalogue, Division I. No. 218, is the oldest manu- 
script both in handwriting and language of those which 
have been examined, and accordingly so far as it goes 
has been taken as the basis of the present edition. It 
was probably written towards the end of the sixteenth 
century. Unfortunately it is not complete, and has a 
piece wanting both at the beginning and end of the MS. 
The discovery of MS. I has enabled these defects to be 
supplied, and more than supplied, as will be presently 
explained. MS. A has been copied by a somewhat care- 
less scribe, and his mistakes have been in some instances 
corrected by collation with MS. B, which, although not 
of so old a date, appears to be a copy from the same 
original or one very similar to MS. A, and retains as 
ancient a text. 


MS. A now contains 191^ folios, numbered from the 
present beginning of the MS. by a hand of the seven- 
teenth century, which has added a few Memoranda on 
the two last pages, coming down to 161 2. The MS. of 
the Chronicles itself commences with the words, ' At 
' hame in respect of his enemeis .... [manuscript 
' torn here] the houre and tyme sa justlie keepit and 
1 the kingis glad depairting,' p. 33, line 18, of this edition, 
and p. 28 of Sir John Graham Dalyell's printed edition 
of 1 8 14. This passage refers to the relations between 
James II. and William, Earl of Douglas, about the year 
1439. This MS. ends abruptly in the year 1564. It 
contains some matter not in the other MSS., especially 
in the reign of Queen Mary. Its phraseology is less 
smooth than most of the other MSS., and apparently 
it has been less subjected to an editorial hand. It was 
probably written not long after the last events recorded 
in it. There are some omissions — e.g., the story about 
M'Lellan of Bombie (Dalyell's edition, 18 14, vol. i. pp. 
96 to 100, note, and present edition, pp. 89-93), an d the 
account of the campaign of Henry VII. against Richard 
III., are not given, and are supplied in the present edition 
from MS. I. 

This MS. belonged to John Gordon of Buthlaw, whose 
bookplate is on the inside of the cover, and there is an 
entry below the last line of the text, ' liber Johannis Gordon 
1 de Buthlaw Advocati 16 die Maii 1761 Edinburgh. 5 It 
is in a plain leather, apparently the original binding. 
The water - mark of the paper supports the view that 
the MS. was written in the sixteenth century. 


MS. B. 

MS. B. MS. B, Laing Collection, No. 216, is a more complete 

but somewhat later MS. than A, written continuously and 
including what in most of the MSS. is called ' An 
Addition/ and in some c An Addition by another hand/ 
consisting of meagre and irregular jottings from 1566 to 
1598 ; a somewhat detailed account of James VI. 's progress 
to London after the death of Queen Elizabeth, and also 
the embassy in the same year sent by James to Copen- 
hagen to Christian IV., King of Denmark, none of which 
were, as has been shown, written by Lindesay of Pitscottie. 
This MS. has a Table of Contents, which is the same as 
that printed at p. 627 of Dalyell's edition of 18 14, and has 
the same mistakes, so that it is undoubtedly one of the 
MSS. from which Dalyell compiled his edition. It is 
probably the copy which he described in his Preface as one 
in which the continuity of the text is uninterrupted. As 
the text in the same hand comes down to 1603, it cannot 
have been written before that year. It belonged to the 
family of Seton of Meldrum, and as that family changed 
its name to Urquhart in 1635, its date may be fixed as 
between 1603 and 1635. The language in this MS. is 
undoubtedly old, and a few readings have been supplied 
by a collation of it. But it has been very inaccurately 
printed by Dalyell. The MS. has at the commencement 
' The briefe descriptioune of England Scotland Waillis 
1 and Cornwall,' which, as we have seen, there is no reason 
to suppose to be the work of Pitscottie. But it does not 
contain the Preface in which Robert Lindesay of Pitscottie 
himself claims the authorship of the work, nor does it 


have the dedicatory verses to Robert Stuart, Bishop of 

These have been added on separate loose sheets inserted 
by some recent possessor of the MS. 

MS. C. 

MS. C, University of Edinburgh, Laing Collection, MS. C. 
Division I. No. 583. This MS. belonged to George 
Chalmers, the author of the ' Caledonia.' It had been 
in the library of the Duke of Roxburghe, whose Arms 
are on the cover, and has a marking which shows it 
was lent by Robert Pitcairn, W.S., the editor of 'The 
Criminal Trials of Scotland,' to Lord Lindsay, after- 
wards Earl of Crawford, when he projected a new 
edition of Pitscottie in December 1843. 

It contains 141 pages, not folios. It has the usual 
Preface by Pitscottie, and the Verses to the Bishop of 
Caithness. The Description of Britain is not prefixed. 
The text, as usual, begins with the death of James I., 
and there is an abbreviated copy of the Addition. Book 
xviii. is divided into the same chapters as I, but the 
chapters have no Tables of Contents, and there is no 
further division into chapters. 

A few of Andrew Melville's epigrams, written ap- 
parently in a somewhat older hand than the MS. itself, 
are copied on pp. 1 and 2, and at the close there are 
some miscellaneous entries of historical events, and a 
copy of Drummond of Hawthornden's verses for his own 
epitaph. This MS. is in the handwriting of the Rev. 
Charles Lumsden, minister of Duddingston between 1640 
and 1 68 1, and its date, from a note in his hand, appears 
to be between 1640 and 1642. A further notice of 


Lumsden, who was a well-known copyist of this period, 
is given in the notice of MS. M, which, as well as MS. 
N, was copied by him. 

MS. D. 

MS. D. This MS. is also in the University Library, D. C. I, 

and is in one handwriting throughout, not earlier than 
the reign of Charles II. It contains the Verses to the 
Bishop of Caithness and the Preface by Pitscottie, and 
also the Addition, which comes down, however, only to 
1598, in which year the interview between Queen Eliza- 
beth and the Danish Ambassador is given. It is in 

plain leather binding, with the capital letters T ' im- 

J. L,. 

pressed on the cover, which may refer to John, Earl of 
Lindsay. It has notes which show that it had belonged 
to Sir George Lockhart of Carnwath, whose Arms are 
inside the cover, and afterwards to Sir Henry Jardine, 
the King's Remembrancer, from whose library it prob- 
ably passed into that of the University. Its date may 
probably be about the end of the sixteenth century, or 
a little later. 

MS. E. 

MS. E. MS. E, Advocates' Library, 35-4-10, is a well-written 

MS. of 152 folios. The text of Pitscottie ends at folio 
133 with the Parliament of Edinburgh in 1565 and the 
marriage of Earl of Bothwell to the sister of the Earl of 
Huntly. The usual Addition follows (fol. 133 to 145), 
and carries the History down to 8th August 1603, and 
as it is written in the same hand as the text the MS. 
cannot be of earlier date. Folios 146-152 contain 'The 
Table.' The regularity of the writing throughout and 


the style of the language prove it to be not only a copy, 
but a copy in which the text has been to some extent 
modernised. It does not contain either the Preface or 
the Verses to the Bishop of Caithness, or the usual 
Introduction, but it has the brief description of England, 
Scotland, Wales, and Ireland. There is nothing in the 
volume to show to whom it originally belonged. Its 
date may be about the beginning of the seventeenth 


MS. F. 

MS. F, Advocates' Library, 35-4-1 1. This is a well- MS. F. 
written MS. containing 108 folios and the Addition, which 
goes down only to 1598. It has the full Preface, but not 
the Verses to the Bishop of Caithness. The Introduction, 
' Heir begineth the 18th buik of the Chronicles of Scot- 
1 land,' is somewhat abbreviated. This MS. is divided 
into chapters, but without tables of their contents or 
marginal notes. The division into chapters is continued, 
however, only through Book xviii., after which the nar- 
rative is continuous. It is evidently a copy from another 
MS., and appears to be all written in the same hand, 
including the Addition, so that it cannot have been 
copied prior to 1598. Probably both this and the MS. 
from which it was copied were not written until at latest 
the first quarter of the seventeenth century. 

MS. G. 

MS. G is the property of Mr John Scott, C.B., of Halks- MS. G. 
hill, by whom it was purchased at the sale of the Beckford 
portion of the library of the Duke of Hamilton. It is 
a modern copy and of no independent value for the 



MS. H. 

MS. H. MS. H, the Wemyss MS., is the property of Mr 

Randolph Wemyss of Wemyss Castle, Fife. It bears on 
the fly-leaf the following inscription : ' In anno 1670. This 
' Book was given me by Mr James Nairne Minister of 
' Wemyss who was Chaplane to the King Cha s * Secund 
1 and the said Mr Nairne died in anno 1678 in Febry. 
' Wemyss.' 

It contains 155 folios, and has the usual Preface and 
Verses addressed to the Bishop of Caithness. On the 
page opposite the fly-leaf there is the usual Introduction, 
slightly varied in these terms : ' Heir begineth the auctent 
' buik of the cronickles of Scotland quhilk wer left on- 
1 writtin be the last translatoure to wit Maister Hector 
' Boyce And Maister Johnn Bannatyne Quha left thair 
' Cronickles and endit at King James the First so this 
* buik begineth at King James the Secund and ordourlie 
' proceeds of all Kings Oueinis Gouernoures and Regents 
' to this hour quhilk is 1575 yeiris With ane breif de- 
' scription of Scotland Ingland Wailes and Cornewall,' as 
follows. It does not contain the Addition, and comes 
down only to 1565 (which is curious after the explicit 
declaration that the Chronicles are carried down to 'this 
' hour quhilk is 1575'). It has at the close of the text, 
' The Table of this buik orderlie as writtin from ye first 
1 to ye last and in quhat leafe ze sail find ye samen.' 
The last entry in this table is, ' The Erie Bothwell maried 
1 the Earl Huntlie's sister. Parliament Haldin at Edin- 
' burgh the suits called mony compeired and I came my 
1 way and so continued 

' Finis quod ego.' 


In the text the closing paragraph is, ' In the quhilk 
1 parliament the Earl of Huntlie was restorit againe that 
' same day and the rest of all matters continuit to the 
' twelth day thairafter quhilk my authour continues to 
' this houre to speik further of.' From these fragment- 
ary entries it would appear that the scribe had been 
present at this Parliament, and possibly had employed 
his leisure time in writing up the copy of Pitscottie, and 
expected that he might continue his copying work at 
some other time, which, however, he never did. This of 
course is merely conjecture from the above brief entries. 
I remember seeing Mr Cosmo Innes occupying his time 
during tedious debates in the court of which he was clerk 
in this way. 

This undoubtedly is an old MS., and much consider- 
ation was given to the question whether it should not be 
made the foundation of the present edition, especially as 
the late Earl of Crawford at one time contemplated using 
it for the purpose of a new edition of Pitscottie. But the 
opinion of the best judges is, as before explained, that on 
the whole the University MS. A is an older text, and as 
the defects of that MS. have not only been completely 
supplied, but much additional matter added through the 
discovery of MS. I (Mr Scott's MS.), it has been thought 
better to take these two MSS. as the foundation of the 
present edition. 

The Wemyss MS. is substantially the same text as MS. 
J, the Innerpeffray MS., to be presently described. Both 
contain at the close in identical terms the curious entry 
above quoted, and a marginal note opposite to it : ' Parlia- 
' ment haldin at Edinburgh the suitis callit money com- 
1 peirit and I come my way.' MS. J has 'name' instead 


of ' money/ and the former is perhaps the correct reading, 
as it would account for the scribe, who was probably one 
of the clerks of Parliament, coming away. The date of 
MS. J, as will be seen from the colophon by the writer, 
where it is more fully described, is 1600, and the Wemyss 
MS. is probably a copy of about the same date. 

MS. I. 

MS. I. MS. I, now the property of Mr John Scott, C.B., of 

Halkshill, was acquired by him at the Phillipps sale on 
16th June 1896, being MS. 1023. The text of Pitscottie is 
on 164 folios, which contain much more matter than the 
191^ folios of MS. A, through the folio being larger and 
the writing closer, as in the 155 folios of MS. H, which, for 
the same reasons, contain more than the igi}4 of MS. A. 
It was bought in 1827 at the sale of Sir J. Page Turner's 
library by Sir Thomas Phillipps, and formerly belonged 
to the Right Honourable Hugh, Viscount Cholmondeley, 
who was born about 1663, and succeeded as third Viscount 
Cholmondeley of Kells in 1681. He was Lord Lieutenant 
of North Wales 1702-1713, and was created Earl of Chol- 
mondeley 29th December 1706. He died 18th January 
1725. As his armorial book-plate in this volume describes 
him as Viscount, he must have owned this volume before 
1706. The water-mark in the paper is the grape. 

This MS. substantially has, with a few variations, the 
same old spelling as MS. A in the University, but is in 
a later hand. It is also much fuller, and has scarcely 
any lacunae. It begins with the common Preface, after 
which follows in large capital letters the following 
note : — 










But although this note, as well as the MS. itself, show some 
bad or doubtful spellings, the transcript is one of the best 
of all the MSS. of Pitscottie's Chronicles. It is written 
apparently all in one hand, although some of the additions 
in the same volume appear to be in a different hand. 
These are at folio 166: 'The accusatioun confessioun and 
' death of the Bishope of Sanct Andros called Jhoune 
' Hamiltoun'; and at folio 170: 'Mr Johnne Strattonis 
' sermon anno 161 1.' 

Amongst the additional matter in this MS. may be 
noted : — 

1. The introductory poem from Bellenden's Boece, 
beginning — 

4 Ingyne of man be Inclinatioun 

' In sindrie wayes is giwin as we sie,' 

and ending — 

' And tak the sentence the best wayes that ze may 
1 I sail do bettir will god ane vther day. 5 

This poem was written by Thomas Davidson the printer, 
and prefixed to the translation of Boece by Bellenden. 
It is followed by the copy of verses to the Bishop of 

2. The MS. of Pitscottie then begins, and is styled as 


usual 'The 18th Buik of the Cronicles of Scotland quhair 
1 Maister Hector Boes left and M. Johone Ballentein 
* translaitit of the five Kingis of the Steuarts begynning 
' at James II.' But it differs from almost all the MSS. 
by having a division into chapters and a table of contents 
at the head of each chapter, down to the murder of 
Darnley. The first may be taken as an example : — 

1 Heir beginnis the first chapt quhan James the Secund 
1 was crounit at Scone be awyce of the heill nobillitie : 
' and quhan Schir Allexander Levingstoun of Callendar 
' was chossin governour : And Schir William Crichtoun 
1 neu approvit Chansellar. Of gret extortionis and enor- 
' meteis done in spetiall in annerdeill : and in money 
' other pairtis of Scotland. Of money other troubillis 
' that fell in Scotland at this tyme : And hou the queine 
' tuik her sone out of the Castell of Edinburghe, be slicht 
1 fra Schir Williame Crichtoun capten thairof to the gov- 
1 ernour to Stiruiling.' 

After narrating the murder of Darnley the division into 
chapters ceases and the concluding portion of the MS. is 
in one unbroken narrative, though in the same style and 
handwriting as the preceding portion. The division into 
chapters and statement of their contents seem to show 
the MS. had so far been prepared for publication. 

3. There are verses at the end of each of the reigns of 
James II., III., IV., and V., and 'The Deploratioun of 
Quein Madelein's death ' by Sir David Lyndesay is in- 
serted at the commencement of the 21st book, chapter 
xxviii. Most of the verses at the end of each reign are 
taken from Lyndesay's ' Complaynt of the Papingo/ the 
rest appear to be original, or at least have not been 


4. Book xx. The Reign of Queen Mary is much fuller 
than in the other MSS., and extends from folio 93 verso 
to folio 134 recto. Folios 135 to 164 have a history of the 
reign of James VI. between 1565 and 1575, which is 
contained in no other MS. 

5. There are also other smaller and a few considerable 
additions of details or incidents not in the printed editions 
or in most of the other MSS. 

From the above it appears that this MS., although not 
written at quite so early a date as MS. A, contains 
almost as early and substantially the same text as A 
so far as A goes. It is also much more complete, and 
enables the missing parts of A at the beginning and 
end to be supplemented. It seems certain, therefore, 
that MS. I is the only MS. which contains the com- 
plete and authentic text of Pitscottie, for it closes in 
1575, the date fixed for the end of the work in the 
Preface ; and it has none of the continuation or addi- 
tional matter, certainly not written by Pitscottie, but 
found in most of the other MSS. It also omits 'The 
Description of England, Scotland, Wales, and Cornwall,' 
found in many MSS., and printed in Dalyell's edition, 
with which there is no reason to suppose Pitscottie had 
anything to do. 

To fix its exact date is difficult, but the best judges of 
such a point incline to place it about 1598. 

As the copy of ' The Recantation of Maister Patrik 
Adamsone swmtyme Archbischop of Sant Andros in Scot- 
land,' is dated 1598, in which year it was printed, 1 is written 
in the same hand as Pitscottie's History, it is not probable 
that either can have been written long if at all after 1598, 

1 See Dickson and Edmond, Annals of Scottish Printing, p. 511. 


though it was no doubt not uncommon to make manu- 
script copies of works after they were printed. The 
authenticity of the Recantation has been doubted, but it 
is thought without sufficient ground, as the names of the 
witnesses and the scribe are given, and some of them were 
certainly alive in 1598. Whether authentic or spurious, 
there is no doubt that it was printed in that year, and 
copies are now known — (1) in the British Museum, (2) 
in the Bodleian, and (3) in Mr Huth's library, (4) in 
the Advocates' Library, (5) in Mr John Scott's library at 
Halkshill. Mr Edmond conjectures that it was printed 
secretly in England or abroad, but possibly in Scotland 
by Robert Charteris. The discovery of this MS. copy 
of the Recantation, the work of a Scottish scribe, favours 
the conjecture that it may have been printed in Scotland. 

MS. I may be deemed, therefore, very nearly, though 
not quite, as old as MS. A in the University Library, and 
older than MS. B there, or MS. H, the Wemyss Castle, 
and MS. J, the Innerpeffray MS., which are the other 
oldest MSS. 

MS. J. 

MS. J. MS. J has in pencil on the inside of the cover ' Inner- 

peffray Library/ but is at present in the library of Dupplin. 
It appears to be all written in one hand, and consists of 
143 folios, which bring the history down to the marriage 
of the Earl of Bothwell with Lady Margaret Gordon and 
the restoration of Huntly at the Parliament of Edinburgh 
in the year 1565. 

It has the Addition in the usual form contained in 5 
folios, which continue the History down to King James 
VI. At the end of the text, before the Addition, there 
occurs this entry: 'Liber hie inceptus a me scriptore 23 


' mensis Aprilis ac finitus penultimo die mensis Julii anno 
1 salutis humani, 1600.' 

The usual Preface and the Verses to the Bishop of 
Caithness are omitted from this copy. On the page 
opposite the commencement there occurs the usual In- 
troduction slightly varied : ' Heir beginis the auchteind 
1 buik of the croniklis of Scotland quilk was left one 
1 vreetin be the last translatouris to wit maister Hector 
1 Boyis and Maister Jhon Ballatyne quha left ye croniklis 
1 and endit at Kyng James the First. So this buik be- 
' ginis at Kyng [James] the secund and ordourlie proceidis 
' of al Kyngis Quens Gouernouris and Regentis to this 
' hour quhilk is 1575 yeiris.' 

This MS. contains an old text, but the copy itself can- 
not, as the above entry proves, have been made before 
1600, and is therefore somewhat more recent than A or B, 
or probably than I. 

MS. K. 

MS. K was found by Mr J. T. Clark, Keeper of the MS. K. 
Advocates' Library, in the library of the Earl of Kinnoull 
at Dupplin Castle. It is a late MS. and of no special 
value. It consists of 136 folios, of which 115 are in an 
older hand than the remainder. At the commencement 
of folio 1 it is stated in the older hand : ' Heir beginis 
' the auchtent buik of the cronnicles of Scotland begining 
1 at the regne of King James the secund Quher Maister 
1 hector boice left Quha was collecter of the Scots hestorie 
1 And contenis the perfyt historie of all Kings Quenis 
1 princes and Gouernors and Regents of this Realme 
' alsueil concerning ciuill police as ecclesiasticall admin- 
' istratione, to this present zeir of God ane thousand fyue 
1 hundreth thrie score and fyiftene zeiris, begun to be 


* writtin the first day of Appryll ane thousand sex hun- 
' dreth and auchtent zeiris, And to be follouit furth and 

* outred quhen God shall offer leasour to do the same.' 

So this copy cannot be of an earlier or much later date 

than 1618. 

MS. L. 

MS. L. MS. L, which belongs to the Rev. D. MacGregor, The 

Manse, Inverallochy, Rathen, has the Preface by Pitscottie, 
and the Verses to the Bishop of Caithness. These are 
immediately followed by the commencement of the 18th 
Book of the Chronicles of Scotland with the usual some- 
what modified heading, that it begins where ' Mr Hector 
1 Boes left and Mr John Ballantyne translated of the five 
1 kings of the Stewarts beginning at James II., and going 
' down to the Parliament of 8th March 1565.' It also has 
the Addition from 1566 to 1598 in a very abbreviated 
form, answering to pp. 572 to 578 of Dalyell's edition. 
The * Description of Brittain ' is not inserted at the com- 
mencement, nor are there any verses except those to the 
Bishop of Caithness. It contains 236 pages not numbered 
in folio. The whole MS. is modern in the character of 
the language, but the first ten pages are in a somewhat 
earlier handwriting. There is no division into chapters, 
and only a few unimportant marginal notes. It is too late 
a MS. to be of any value as an authority for the text. 

MS. M. 

MS. M. MS. M, University Library, D. C. 5, is a folio volume in 

plain calf binding. It contains the usual Preface, Dedi- 
catory Verses to the Bishop of Caithness, and the text 
in common form from the death of James I. down to the 
restitution of the Earls of Huntly and Bothwell in the 


Parliament of 1564, which is the last entry of the 
Chronicles. The Addition follows with the usual jottings 
or short entries of various matters down to the embassy 
from the King of Denmark to Queen Elizabeth in 1598, 
and Queen Elizabeth's answer. It is believed to "be in 
the handwriting of Mr Charles Lumsden, minister of 
Duddingston from 1640 to 168 1, who was a well-known 
transcriber of documents. It is some confirmation of this 
that it has the name William Livingston on the last page 
of the volume, and Lumsden was married to a Margaret 
Livingston. The broad Scotch has been turned into the 
English of the period. This text is of course too late to 
be of any value as an authority. 

MS. N. 

MS. N, No. 198, Laing Collection, is a small quarto in MS. N. 
a hand of the seventeenth century identical with the pre- 
ceding, and therefore also a copy by Charles Lumsden. 
The text is also identical both as regards the Chronicles 
and the Additions, and the language is the English used 
in Scotland, not the broad Scotch of the period. The 
name 'Johannes Kirkwood,' with the date ' 1655/ appears 
on the first page — and if this date can be taken as the 
date of the MS., which is probable though not quite 
certain, it is a curious proof at how early a period English 
was supplanting broad Scotch as a literary language even 
in Scotland. This MS. is also of no value as an authority. 

MS. O. 

MS. O is in one of the miscellaneous volumes of the MS. O. 
Wodrow Manuscripts, XLVIII., No. n. The table of 
contents has the following entry : ' The Chronicles of 


' Scotland, from the death of King James the first to 
' King James ye 6th his birth 1567 with an addition 
1 mostly as to King James reception at London 1603. 
1 Ye author I know not. Its Pitscottie Lindsay.' The 
last three words being added later. 

This MS. is a copy by Wodrow or his transcriber 
of one of the ordinary MSS. which carry the Chronicles 
down to March 1565 — the marriage of Bothwell to Lord 
Huntly's sister, Lady Jane Gordon, and the restoration 
of Lord Huntly. It also contains the ordinary addition 
from the birth of James VI. to the return of the Earl 
of Rutland's Embassy to Denmark on 8th August 1605. 
It is not a MS. of any independent authority or value, 
and is at times somewhat condensed. 

The notice in the Table of Contents appears to show 
that the owner did not at first know, but afterwards 
found out, that this copy was a transcript of Pitscottie's 
work. This circumstance deserves notice, as it is quite 
possible there may be other MSS. of Pitscottie extant 
which have been lost sight of owing to their having the 
same general title of Chronicles of Scotland, and no refer- 
ence to Pitscottie. 

MS. P. 

MS. P. This is a modern MS. in the collection of Mr Scott 

at Halkshill. It contains only a translation of the xviii. 
Book of Boece, and has the title-page, evidently prepared 
for the press, which is printed on the opposite page. 
Although this MS. is not of any independent value, it 
supplies some curious information as to one of the abortive 
projects of re-editing Pitscottie. 






















& ©arfe ^**to& of tf)t Scottish ^tetorg 














As has been seen from George Chalmers's letter to Sir 
John Dalyell, the indefatigable author of ' Caledonia ' had 
projected in 1809 a new edition of Pitscottie, which 
probably he laid aside when Dalyell undertook the work, 
and this MS., which is in a hand of the commencement of 
the present century, had probably been prepared by or for 
him with a view to this new edition. It contains a note : 
'The black words are the parts of the common version, 
' which are retained/ meaning the words in black ink, but 
these are only in the proportion of about one in five to the 
words in red ink, which supply what is called in the title- 
page 'the literal version.' The literal version, although 
in Scots, has been apparently made by the compiler, 
and certainly does not correspond with any of the MSS. 
I have examined, though the Innerpeffray version has 
been read by the compiler, and is occasionally used in 
the text. Reference is also made, but not frequently, 
to Lord Belhaven's folio MS., and also to the Kilravock 
MS., both of which, as already noted, have disappeared. 

This MS. contains the whole of the xviii. Book of Boece, 
but it has never been finally revised. The notes point out 
some, but only a few, of the mistakes of Boece, especially 
as to dates. It is characteristic of Chalmers that the title- 
page refers to ' the errors and omissions ' of Pinkerton, 
although his 'valuable contributions' are also acknow- 
ledged. As Pinkerton, whose ' History of Scotland from 
the Accession of the House of Stuart' was published in 
1797, is called the 'latest historian,' the MS. must have 
been written after that date, and probably not long before 
Chalmers's letter of 1809 above referred to. 

Printed The character of the printed editions of Pitscottie has 

editions. a i r eady been indicated. There are three of these, and it 

is only necessary here for the sake of completeness to give 

their title-pages. 


I. Freebairn's edition is a small folio entitled — 





From 21 February, 1436. to March, 1565. 

In which are contained 

Accounts of many remarkable Paffages altogether 
differing from our other Hiftorians; and many 
Fadts are related, either concealed by fome, or 
omitted by others. 

By Robert Lindesay of T^itfcottie. 

'Done from the mojl authentick and mofl correct Manufcripts. 
To which is added 

A Continuation, by another Hand, 
till Augujl 1604. 


Printed by Mr. Baskett and Company, His Majefly's Prin- 
ters, and fold at Mr. Freebairrfs Shop in the Parliament- Clofs ; 
and at London by Andrew Millar Bookfeller, at his Shop over 
againfl St Clemen fs Church in The Strand. MDCCXXVIIL 


II. Urie's edition is in i2mo, and is not now commonly- 
met with. I am indebted for the loan of a copy to the 
Library of the Free Church College, Edinburgh. This is a 
verbatim reprint of Freebairn's edition, with substantially 
the same title-page and the addition of the words — 

The Second Edition 
glas go w 

Printed by R. Urie. MDCCXLIX. 

There is also an index, to which I am indebted for aid in 
the compilation of the index to the present edition. 

III. Dalyell's edition is in two volumes 8vo — 


Chronicles of Scotland 


Robert Lindsay of Pitscottie 

From several old Manuscripts 


Printed by George Ramsay and Company, 

For Archibald Constable and Company, Edinburgh; 

and Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown, London. 


None of these printed editions could satisfy scholars 
or assist the general reader to understand Pitscottie. 
They did not give an accurate text, and the editors 


appear ignorant that a large part of the Chronicles was 
omitted, while no attempt was made to explain the 
obscurities or correct the errors of the author. It is not 
wonderful, therefore, that three projects for a better 
edition were made — the first by Mr George Chalmers, in 
1809; the second by the Bannatyne Club between 1826 
and 1829, who employed Mr Macgregor Stirling to make 
transcripts and notes 1 ; and a third by the late Earl of 
Crawford in 1843. Whether these very competent persons 
were deterred by the undoubted difficulties of the under- 
taking or by other circumstances from carrying their pro- 
jects out, is not known. If the present edition has been 
more fortunate, it has been due to the generous aid of 
many friends ; and it is a matter of deep regret that 
one of them, the Rev. Walter Gregor of Pitsligo, the 
editor, who was the chief encourager of the work, has not 
lived to see its completion. 


The two patrons of Pitscottie to whom he intrusted Pitscottie's 
the publication of his Chronicles when the fit time came, S^irh 
were Robert Stuart, Bishop of Caithness and Commen- and the 


dator of the Priory of St Andrews, and John Stuart, 
fourth Earl of Athole. They were both of the blood 
royal, and were more nearly and recently connected with 
each other, for a daughter of the first Earl of Athole 
had married the third Earl of Lennox, the father of the 
bishop. Athole was also related to the Lindesays, as Lady 

1 These Chronological Notes are now in the Library of the University of 
Edinburgh, and contain much valuable matter. 


Helen Stuart, daughter of John, third Earl of Athole, was 
the wife of John, fifth Lord Lindesay of the Byres. 

Even when republican opinions were making way 
amongst the Scottish commons, of whom Pitscottie was 
a representative, there remained a strong attachment to 
royalty and the royal kin. Neither the bishop nor the 
earl were persons of very great importance, though 
Athole, as a leading Catholic noble who might become 
Protestant, was the more important. They were both 
pushed aside by stronger men, and their names only 
appear casually in history. Yet their connection with 
royalty, and, in the case of Athole, his great estates, 
gave them a certain influence. We know more about 
them than we do about Pitscottie; and it is worth while 
to pursue their half-forgotten history a little farther than 
has been already done, in order to explain their relations 
to each other and to Pitscottie and his Chronicles. 

Robert Stuart, second son of John, third Earl of Lennox, 
Robert was born in 15 16. His mother was Lady Ann Stuart, 
g! uart ' f eighth daughter of John, Earl of Athole, uterine brother 
Caithness, of James II. by the marriage of his mother with the 
Black Knight of Lome. When still young, he was 
nominated in 1542 by the Pope Paul I. Bishop of Caith- 
ness on the death of Andrew Stuart, son of John, third 
Earl of Athole. It was said he had nothing sacred 
about him save the tonsure ; but he had taken deacon's 
orders, and was already Provost of Dumbarton College — 
an appanage of the House of Lennox. He abetted his 
brother, the future regent, in his rising against the Regent 
Sent to Arran, and when its failure seemed imminent was sent by 
onfaUure Lennox to En g land in I 543- 1 On 17th May of that year 

1 See vol. ii. p. 25. 


he signed at Carlisle a contract between Henry VIII. and of Len- 
nox's rii 
in 1543. 

the Earls of Lennox and Glencairn, by which the earls 

agreed to support Henry, and Lennox received in return 
a promise of the hand of Henry's niece, Lady Margaret 
Douglas. The bishop was to remain a hostage in 
England while his brother continued the war against 

On 10th July 1544 Lennox became a naturalised 
Englishman, and on the same day married the Lady 
Margaret. On 7th December 1545 Darnley was born. 
Both before and after his marriage Lennox took part in 
expeditions to Scotland. The chief of these — Hertford's 
raid on the East Coast, with which he co - operated — 
ended like the others in nothing but pillage, and Lennox 
again retired to England. 

On 1st October 1545 the Bishop of Caithness, along 
with Lennox, was not unnaturally accused of treason 
in a Parliament at Edinburgh. Cardinal Beaton pro- 
tested that the bishop, being a churchman, was subject 
to the authority of his ordinary, and the proceedings 
against him were allowed to lapse, although Lennox, 
being a layman, was forfeited on 9th October 1 545. 1 
To such a height had the privilege of clergy risen in 
Scotland on the eve of the Reformation, that a clerk was 
not allowed to be tried by Parliament even for treason. 

The Bishop of Caithness lived for several years, chiefly 
in England, but made occasional visits to Scotland. 
While on one of these we find him in contact with a 
curious character well known to those who have wandered 
in the bypaths of Scottish history, John Elder, a member 

1 The 'Diurnal of Occurrents,' p. 41, says that the Earl of Huntly 'gat the 
1 Bishoprik of Catheness at this Parliament.' 


Letter by of the College of Dumbarton, of which the bishop was 
Elder a nea d. Elder was the author of the letter 1 written in 1542 
protege ®i to Henry VIII. advocating union with England, in which 
' the often-quoted description of the Highlanders as ' rough- 
footed Scots' occurs. In 1555 he published in London a 
letter 2 sent into Scotland, and addressed to ' The ryghte 
' reverende and his very especial good lord Robert Stuarde, 
' Bishop of Catheness and provost of Dumbritane Colledge 
* in Scotlande, John Elder his humble oratour wishes 
1 health and prosperous felicitie.' The letter bears to be 
written for New Year's Day 1555 ; and its most interesting 
part contains an account of the arrival and marriage of 
Philip of Spain to Queen Mary, and the legation of 
Cardinal Pole. The writer appears in sympathy with 
Pole and the restoration of the Roman Catholic Church. 
He confesses his repentance for his lapse from it during 
the last twenty years. Curiously, while he absolves him- 
self from ' association with hereticks,' he accuses himself of 
1 voluptuous living.' Whether he thought the bishop at 
that time shared his sentiments in matters ecclesiastical 
is not quite clear, yet he would hardly have written to 
him in such terms otherwise. The Lennox Stuarts were 
by no means quite safe Protestants, though the bishop 
ultimately became one. He encloses certain verses and 
adages written by Darnley, the bishop's nephew, then only a 
boy of nine, at Temple Newsome, the mansion Henry VIII. 
gave his father for a residence, and praises his ' towerdness 
1 in the Latin tongue and the French, and in sundrye other 
' virtuous qualities whom also God and Nature hath 

1 Bannatyne Miscellany, Part L, pp. 1-18. 

2 Reprinted in Chronicle of Queen Jane, Camden Society, First Series, 
No. 48. 


* endowed with a good wit, gentilness, beautie, and 
' favour.' The parents of Darnley he calls his ' singular 
good patrons,' and the bishop had evidently befriended 
him. How or why this New Year letter, as he styles it, 
got into print is not clear. It was a fortunate accident, 
for it contains the only full account of Philip II.'s marriage 
to Mary Tudor, and the earliest description of Darnley. 

In 1 563 the bishop finally returned to Scotland, where The 
he became a supporter of the Reformers, though the T ™ n °^s to 
date when he turned Protestant, probably before he left Scotland 
England, is not certain. When the death of the Regent ™ d is 
Murray in 1570 opened the regency to Lennox, his brother made 

•11 ^. /-. Commen- 

shared the spoils, and was made in October 1570 Com- datorofSt 
mendator of the Priory of St Andrews, continuing to hold Andrews 

Priory in 

the designation of Bishop of Caithness, and probably to 1570. 
draw the revenues, without discharging any of the duties 
of the see. He seems to have resided chiefly in the 
Priory House at St Andrews, where he maintained a 
certain state. A son of Andrew Wood, the younger, of 
Largo is mentioned as one of his servitors, and there are 
several allusions to his hospitality in contemporary docu- 
ments. He seems to have been a man of a genial tem- 
perament, and tried to be good friends with everybody, 
and was a natural man to choose as a patron. 

Almost the solitary episcopal act with which he is Con- 
credited is that in 1571 he took part with John Spottis- Toh r ^ 
wood, Superintendant of Lothian, and David Lindsay, Douglas 
minister of Leith, afterwards tulchan Bishop of Ross, in b^w, 
consecrating John Douglas, Morton's tulchan Bishop of of St 


St Andrews. He was charged by the Presbyterian 
clergy with granting pensions out of the revenues of the 
priory; and James Melville mentions in his Diary a curious 


contest he and his uncle Andrew had with the prior and 
his gentlemen pensioners, ' wha colluded with the rewallars 
1 of the town to hald the ministery vacand and in the 
' meantime tuk upe the stipend and spendit the sam with 
' the rest of the kirk rents of the priory at the goff archerie 
' guid cheer.' 1 He also mentions that c Williame Stuart,' 
called the 'Accusar,' who brought an accusation against 
Andrew Melville in 1583, was one of the prior's pensioners. 
The charge of dilapidating the church revenues was a 
common and often a just one against commendators, the 
Scottish equivalent for the English Lay Impropriators ; 
and it is not at all likely that Robert Stuart, himself a 
titular bishop, who had accepted the Reformation in its 
English and Episcopal form, would abstain from im- 
propriations or would be favourably judged by Presby- 
terians like the Melvilles. 

The murder of his brother the regent in 1571 made 
his tenure of the priory precarious, and Queen Elizabeth 
wrote to the Regent Arran in November asking that 
the bishop might still be allowed to enjoy the priory as 
he had surrendered another benefice for it. The death of 
his nephew, Charles, fifth Earl of Lennox, without male 
issue, in 1576, opened the succession of the earldom to 
the Bishop. 2 Sir Robert Bowes reported in July 1578 
that the king proposed to create him earl in succession 
Created to his nephew, and the bishop was created earl in the 
Lennox Parliament of October, to the prejudice of a grant already 
I 578. made to Charles and the heirs of his body, under which 

Lady Arrabella Stuart, his daughter, would have suc- 
ceeded. In spite of the remonstrance of Bowes, the 

1 James Melville's Diary, p. 1267. 

2 Bowes' Correspondence, letter, 23rd July 1578, dated Stirling, from Sir 
Robert Bowes to the Earl of Leicester. 


charter, dated 16th June 1578, in favour of the bishop 
was ratified by the Parliament of October 1579. 1 In 
this Parliament he bore the sword, and was one of the 
Lords of the Articles. He did not long enjoy the Deprived 
title of Lennox, for in the spring of 1580 James VI., gjj/ 
by an Act which shows the arbitrary power of a 1580. 
Scottish king in dealing with titles, revoked the grant 
in favour of the bishop, as he had revoked that in favour 
of Charles and the heirs of his body, and bestowed 
both title and estates on his then favourite, Esme 
Stuart, Lord of Aubigny, son of the bishop's younger 
brother, John, Lord of Aubigny, who was created Duke 
of Lennox in 1581. A voluntary 2 or involuntary com- 
promise had been made with the bishop, who received 
in exchange the earldom of March. An attempt was 
made about the same time to get the bishop to surrender 
the Priory of St Andrews to another royal favourite, 
Captain James Stuart, afterwards Earl of Arran, and a 
procuratory of resignation was in fact executed, but re- 
voked by the bishop on 9th June 1580. This was not Divorced 
wonderful, for the scandalous process of nullity of mar- wife 
riage was then in progress at the instance of the bishop's 
wife in order that she might marry Arran. This lady, 
Elizabeth Stuart, a daughter of John, fourth Duke of 
Athole, is described by Spottiswood as 'a woman in- 
' tollerable in all the imperfections incident to that sex.' 
When very young she had been married to Hugh, seventh 
Lord Lovat, and after his death on 1st January 1576 
she became the wife of her cousin, the bishop, on 6th 

1 Act. Pari. 1579, c. 39 and 40. 

2 Moysie's Memoirs, p. 26, calls it 'a voluntar demissioun,' but this may be 
doubted. The bishop, however, had no male heir, and possibly may not have 
been unwilling to favour his nephew. 

St An- 


December 1578. They separated in November 1579, and 
she raised her action against the bishop before the Com- 
missaries on 22nd March 1580, in which, after very singular 
pleadings, 1 she obtained decree on 19th May 1581. On 
6th July 2 following she married Arran, with whom she 
had been carrying on a criminal intrigue. This process 
was a Scottish rehearsal for the still more odious suit of 
the Countess of Essex in England. On the whole, the 
bishop appears to have been more sinned against than 
sinning. It has been said that he lived a retired and 
His life at studious life at St Andrews. The scandal of which he 
was the victim cannot have conduced to his prestige, and 
indicates a weak character. But in fact he took a con- 
siderable, though not a leading, part both in private and 
in public business. He acted as one of the curators of 
the daughter of the Regent Murray, and is one of the 
somewhat numerous body of persons mentioned as having 
visited Knox on his deathbed. He was a commissioner 
for visiting the Universities of Glasgow and St Andrews, 
and continued to attend Parliament and the Privy Council, 
acting as auditor, and more than once on the Committee 
of the Articles. 3 On 17th October 1582 he attended a 
convention of nobles at Holyrood. 4 When James VI. 
visited Fife in the beginning of June 1585 he supped 
with his great-uncle the Bishop at St Andrews. In the 
end of that month he was named one of his Privy 
Council. 5 One of his last acts was to sign, in 1585, the 
' Band anent the Trew Religioun,' and ' Act of Estates 
' for a League offensive and defensive with England ' 

1 Riddell, in his Peerage and Consistorial Law, describes the pleadings 
from the record. 

2 Moysie in his Memoirs (p. 24) gives the date as 6th June. 

3 Moysie's Memoirs, p. 40. 4 Ibid. 5 Ibid., p. 45. 


against the Catholic Powers, negotiated by the skilful 
diplomacy of Sir Henry Wotton. He died at St Dies 1586. 
Andrews in 1586, and was buried in the Chapel of St 
Leonard's. In its roofless aisle a tablet to his memory 
may yet be seen with the lines on the architrave — 

1 In portu fluctusque omnes classemque relinquo, His epi- 

' Me spectans mundumque omnem fascesque relinque.' taph. 

John, fourth Earl of Athole of the Stuart line, succeeded John 
his father, the third earl, in 1542. His family was nearly Earl ' f 
connected with the royal house, and strongly Catholic. Athole. 
He supported Mary of Guise against the Lords of the 
Congregation, but the rivalry between him and Huntly, 
his relation by marriage, gave hopes that he might join 
them against Huntly, and he had meetings with Argyle 
and Lord James Stuart. In 1560 his name occurs in a 
contemporary memorandum of ' The mannour how the 
' Scottes be divided ' amongst those nobles marked 
1 Neuter,' as to whom it was ' doubtful to whether party 
' they will incline,' x and Randolph reported in the autumn Attempts 
of that year that he had joined the Protestant League, t0 e 
but he had voted in Parliament against the Confession of 
Faith, and afterwards became, according to Knox, recon- 
ciled with Huntly, a Catholic who never wavered. Yet 
on Queen Mary's return to Scotland in 1561 he again 
acted with Lord James Stuart in the Council, and took 
part in the expedition against Huntly which ended in the 
victory of Corrichie. Lethington and Lennox put him 
forward as a rival to Lord James, who already began to 
aim at supreme power, and he promoted the Darnley mar- 
riage. Both Lennox and Darnley were still deemed doubt- 

1 Hamilton Papers, ii. p. 748 ; No. xxxix. of Longleat MSS. 


ful Protestants. He took no part in the murder either of 
Rizzio or Darnley, but opposed the Bothwell marriage, 
and approved of Mary's imprisonment at Lochleven, sign- 
ing the bond in favour of Murray's regency. Yet after 
her escape to England he signed a petition to Queen 
Elizabeth for her restoration. He fell much under the 
influence of Lethington, who married Mary Fleming, his 
wife's sister ; and after the death of Murray he did not 
approve the election of Lennox, now turned Protestant, 
as regent. In 1570 a council, called the Council of 
Balloch, was held in Athole, of which the earl was 
nominal head ; but Lethington pulled the strings, and 
by his skill organised a formidable party in support of 
Mary. Athole naturally opposed, though unsuccessfully, 
the election of Morton as regent after the death of 
Mar. In 1573 tne writer of the ' Historie of James the 
Sext' notes: 'there was na man could judge whase 
1 faction he inclined maist to.' An attempt to make 
him conform to Protestantism in 1574, by threatening 
his excommunication from the Kirk, failed, partly 
through his temporising and consenting to meet the 
ministers to resolve his doubts, and partly through the 
protection of James Paton, titular Bishop of Dunkeld. 
There is no proof that he even outwardly conformed, or 
that the sentence of excommunication was ever pro- 
nounced. 1 But a common opposition to Morton, who was 
hated by Athole as a Douglas, and by the Protestant Pres- 
byterians as a favourer of a modified Episcopacy and a 
spoiler of the Kirk, led again to the possibility of at 
least a temporary political alliance of the Protestant 
lords with Athole. He joined Argyle in 1578 in depriv- 

1 Calderwood's History, iii. pp. 11, 341, 349.? 


ing Morton of the regency, and was made Chancellor on joins 
28th March of that year. When Morton got possession Ar ^ yle 
of Stirling Castle from the king, Athole and Argyle pre- Morton, 
pared to meet him with force. They were reconciled by Chancel- 6 
Bowes, the English ambassador, and became members of !or, 1578. 
the new coalition council under Morton. The reconcilia- 
tion was only nominal, and it is not wonderful that when 
he died suddenly on 25th April 1579, after a banquet 
given by Morton at Kincardine Castle, the rumour that 
he had been poisoned was not only current, but believed 
in by his own kin, and even in the next generation by 
Calderwood, though he acquits Morton of the charge, 
which Morton himself denied at the time of his execu- 
tion. 1 Bishop Leslie, who calls himself his intimate 
friend, assures us that Athole never swerved from the 
Catholic faith, and that his leading object was to restore Dies 
the faith of his forefathers. There is little doubt this is ' ' 
true. But there were moments when his interest and 
that of the Protestant party were the same. It was 
during one of these, between 1576 and the first downfall 
of Morton in the spring of 1578, that the intimacy 
between Athole and the Bishop of Caithness was closest, 
through the marriage of his daughter Elizabeth with the 
bishop on 6th December 1578, and the negotiations which 
preceded it. It must have been at this time that Pit- Copy of 
scottie sent his Chronicles through the bishop to Athole, s^tohim 
and it is even possible that their perusal had some in- between 
fluence in inducing Athole to take the part he did in act- I57 s, a 
ing with the Presbyterian party, and in the deposition of 
Morton from the regency. 

The patrons of Pitscottie seemed not ill-chosen for his 

1 Calderwood's History, iii. p. 563. 









of the 


purpose. They were both noble and wealthy, inclined for 
the time to support the Protestant cause, yet requiring to 
be confirmed in their support. But neither the good- 
natured but weak bishop nor the vacillating earl did 
anything for the Chronicles, which had to wait for a 
more convenient time and public patronage. 

Let us now trace the sources from which Pitscottie de- 
rived the material for his work. Patrick, Lord Lindesay 
of the Byres, is the first of the authors to whom he acknow- 
ledges indebtedness. As Pitscottie's grandfather of that 
name, fourth Lord Lindesay of the Byres, died in 1526, 
and his cousin, also Patrick, sixth lord between 1563 and 
1589, was the Chronicler's contemporary, it is perhaps 
not quite clear to which he refers. But the position 
given Lord Lindesay in the list of authors, and the fact 
that several anecdotes of the fourth lord are recorded in 
the Chronicles, make it almost certain that he is intended. 
The expression that Pitscottie was ' lately informed ' by 
the authors he names, must not be taken in this case 
literally, for he could not have been informed lately or 
personally by his grandfather, who died either before he 
was born or in his early childhood. It seems to follow 
that the fourth lord had left a historical manuscript of 
some kind to which Pitscottie had access, though, of 
course, he may have got his information only through 
family tradition. He narrates also the deeds of the 
sixth lord during the period his History covers, but 
it is with brevity, and without the evident pride he had 
in his grandfather. Patrick, the fourth lord, was a re- 
markable character, of whom it is fortunate his grand- 
son has told so many anecdotes. He was the fourth 
son of John, first Lord Lindesay of the Byres, who 


succeeded to the title as his brothers, David and John, 
the second and third lords, died without issue in 1490 
and 1498. Their father, John, who died in 1479, is the 
first of the race mentioned on record * as a lord of 
Parliament. He is usually treated, as by Lord Lindsay 
in the 'Lives of the Lindsays,' as the first lord, though 
his father, William de Lindesay, being styled ' Dominus,' 
has been deemed so by others, as in the old genealogy 
in the Advocates' Library. 2 Being the fourth son, 
Patrick Lindesay had little chance of succeeding to the 
title. He was probably educated in law, hardly with a 
view to practice, but as a useful part of a gentleman's 
education. The death of his brothers David and John, 
and the renunciation of the succession by his third brother 
George, who had no male issue, opened the succession to 
him ; and his brother John, who died in 1498, made a 
conveyance of the estate, which was heavily encumbered, 
to him. This conveyance probably carried the title. 3 He 
is described in the old genealogy as ' a wise man and good 
1 manager.' He had shown his wisdom by securing himself 
in the succession through the influence of Lord Elphin- 
stone — a courtier to whom he gave a grant of the lands of 
Airth by the advice of William Elphinstone, Bishop of 
Aberdeen, and by his good management he ' recovered 
1 the estate to its antient opulence.' 4 His first appearance 
in history was at the trial of his brother David, when 
accused of treason for siding with James III. against the 
nobles, who set up his son James IV. as his rival, of which 
Pitscottie gives so lively an account. 5 For his service in 

1 Act. Pari., ii. p. 122, 1478. See also Act. Pari., ii. p. 153. 

2 Adv. Lib. MS., formerly marked Jac. V. 7. 12 ; (now) 34. 6. 24. 

3 Adv. Lib. MS. 4 Adv. Lib. MS. 
5 Book xx. ch. iii. 


casting the indictment, his brother gave him the Mains o 
Kirkforthar. Douglas in his Peerage discredits the story, 
on the ground that he is already described as Patrick 
Lindesay of Kirkforthar in a charter of ioth November 
1478 ; but this seems an insufficient reason, as he may 
have resided there before he became owner of the Mains. 
He succeeded to the title of Lindesay of the Byres in 
1498, on the death of his brother John. In 1503 he was 
one of the witnesses to the marriage settlement of James 
IV., so he must have made up his quarrel with the king. 1 
In 1508 he had a licence to go a pilgrimage to Rome, 
though it is not certain whether he went. He accom- 
panied James to Flodden in 15 13, and his speech dissuad- 
ing the king from venturing his person against the Earl 
of Surrey is another of the characteristic passages of Pit- 
scottie. He \^as appointed one of the council to assist the 
queen-mother in the Parliament of 1st December 15 13, and 
in 1 5 14 received a grant of the sheriffdom of Fife, 2 which 
was long a subject of conflict between him and the Earl 
of Rothes. Bishop Lesley mentions, on 17th June 15 18, 
a ' curst cumbat ' upon the ' calsay ' of Edinburgh between 
him and Rothes, when both were put in ward, but soon 
released, the matter having been accommodated for the 
time ; and Lord Lindesay held the sheriffdom by a gift in 
1524, ratified in the Parliament of 1525. He died in 1526, 
and was succeeded by his grandson John, son of his eldest 
son, Sir John of Pitcruvy, who predeceased his father. His 
other sons were Patrick Lindesay of Wormiston, and 
William Lindesay of Pyotstoun, the father of the chronicler. 
He was the patron of Sir David Lindesay, the Lyon 

1 Act. Pari., ii. 270 B. 

2 MS. Records of the Sheriff Court of Fife, Register House. 


Herald, and Squire Meldrum acted as his depute in the 
sheriffdom of Fife. 1 From him Pitscottie probably in- 
herited the quaintness and simplicity of expression for 
which he is distinguished above all the historians of 
Scotland, and possibly also his taste for historical 
study. John, fifth Lord Lindesay of the Byres, held 
the title from 1526 to 1563, when he was succeeded by 
Patrick, the sixth Lord, Pitscottie's cousin and contem- 
porary, who died in 1589. From him also, or per- 
sons in his suite, Pitscottie got many of the facts in the 
later part of his Chronicles, especially the details of the 
siege of Edinburgh, in which this lord took a prominent 

1 Schir William Scot of Balwerie, knicht,' was the name Sir Wil- 
in the sixteenth century of a succession of representatives, ^ g al . C ° 
father and son, of one of the old families of Fife, who, like werie. 
the Lindesays, had migrated from the Lowland Borders to 
Fife as far back as the thirteenth century. 2 There was 
a regular movement northwards of many members of the 
Norman families, originally settled in or near the Borders, 
and they retained their ancestral proclivity for acquiring 
land. Sir Michael Scot, the ambassador who went with 
Sir David Wemyss to fetch home the Maid of Norway in 
1290, was then Laird of Balwerie, and the more famous 
Michael, the so-called Wizard, probably belonged to it 
before its migration from Tweedside. 3 The eldest of 
three Sir William Scots of the sixteenth century was the 
son of an earlier Sir William Scot of Balwerie, and Isobel, 
daughter of Sir John Moncrieff of Moncrieff. As he served 

1 'The Historie of Squyer Meldrum,' 1. 1535. 

2 Cartulary of Dunfermline. 

3 J. Wood Brown's Life and Legend of Michael Scott. Edinburgh, D. 
Douglas, 1897, p. 8. 


at Flodden in 15 13, and was a witness to charters in 1503 
and 1 507, in both of which he is described as a knight and 
apparent heir of Sir William Scot of Balwerie, he must 
have been born at least as early as 1482. He was 
knighted before 1503, and in 1506 both he and his father 
are described as knights in the same charters. 1 He suc- 
ceeded to Balwerie before 15 13, and having been taken 
prisoner at Flodden, he sold part of his lands of Strath- 
miglo to pay his ransom. 2 He served in the Parliament 
of 15th February 1524, and was one of the Lords of the 
Articles for the Barons. On 24th November of the same 
year he was one of the judges on a commission to try the 
' malt makers ' of Leith for oppression by causing a dearth 
of corn. 3 He was then acting as Justice in the absence of 
the Justice-General. In the Parliaments of 12th June and 
nth November 1526 he was again one of the Lords of 
the Articles ; and on 21st June of that year he was one of 
the councillors appointed to wait on the king, 4 then under 
the custody of the Earl of Angus. He married Janet 
Lundie, daughter of Thomas Lundie of that ilk, by whom 
he had two sons, William and Thomas Scott of Pitgorno. 6 
On the foundation of the Court of Session in 1532 he 
was appointed one of the first Judges, but held the office 
only till autumn of the same year, when he died ; and on 
19th November his son, Thomas Scott of Pitgorno, 6 was 
appointed in his room. 

His elder son, the second Sir William, succeeded to 

1 Great Seal Register, vol. ii. Nos. 3052, 3457. 

2 Ibid., vol. iii. No. 43, charter 28th September 151 5, confirming charter of 
nth September 1514; and in a charter of 18th January 1514 he is designed 
Sir William Scot of Balwerie, ibid., vol. iii. No. 22. 

3 Act. Pari. ii. p. 315. 4 Ibid., p. 304. 

5 Great Seal Register, 22nd March 1552, No. 686. 

6 Brunton and Haig, Senators of College of Justice, p. 40. 


Balwerie 1 and other large estates, which he held till 1579, 
when his son was served heir to him. 2 This Sir William, 
who married at least as early as 1535 Isabella, a daughter 
of John, Lord Lindesay of the Byres, and a cousin of 
Pitscottie, was the contemporary of the chronicler ; and it 
was he, or his son, a third William, to whom he had 
transferred his baronies of Inverteil and Strathmiglo, 
which included the whole lands of Pitscottie, 3 as we have 
seen, who probably gave Pitscottie a tack of the farm of 
Easter Pitscottie, from which he derived his designation, 
when it fell into the hands of the superior in consequence 
of the forfeiture of Sir John Melville of Raith. 

There may be some doubt which of the William Scotts 
of Balwerie it was Pitscottie refers to as his author ; but 
as the Lord of Session was a man of importance and 
knowledge of affairs, and Sir William Scott is mentioned 
in the list of Pitscottie's authors immediately after Patrick, 
fourth Lord Lindesay of the Byres, and before the elder 
Sir Andrew Wood of Largo, it seems almost certain that 
it was the first, who lived between 1482, or earlier, and 
1532. If so, it was probably some written record to 
which Pitscottie had access, and it may well have ex- 
tended as far back as the commencement of the reign 
of James IV. 

1 Schir Androw Wood of Largow, knicht,' was the gallant Sir 
sea captain who shares with the Bartons the honour of ^ T ndr ? w ,. 

1 Wood of 

being the makers of the Scottish Navy, whose cradle Largo. 

1 Great Seal Register, vol. iv. No. 872, 4th December 1553, confirming 
charter of 19th March 1536. See also Great Seal Register, 30th April 1548, 
vol. iv. No. 200. 

2 An elder son, Michael, seems to have predeceased his father. See Great 
Seal Register, 4th December 1553, vol. iv. No. 872. 

3 Great Seal Register, 30th April 1548, vol. iv. No. 200. 



was the Forth. He is believed to have been born 
about the middle of the fifteenth century at the Old 
Kirkton of Largo on the Fife coast, and is first men- 
tioned on record in 1480 in a lease of the lands of 
Largo in his favour. But in 1483 and 1488 he is de- 
scribed in charters as still living in Leith. From entries 
in the Exchequer Rolls he appears to have been engaged 
as a merchant trader who conveyed grain for the king 
from Largo to Leith, and had a fee of £20 a-year. He 
early distinguished himself by his services at sea against 
English and other pirates. The armed vessels he com- 
manded, the Flower and the Yellow Carvel, each of about 
300 tons, drove in 148 1 an English squadron from the 
Forth and another from the Clyde which threatened 
Dunbarton. In 1483 he was knighted by James III., 
and his lease for nineteen years of the lands of Largo 
was converted into a feu-farm 1 for his gratuitous ' service 
' by land and sea, especially against the English enemies, 
' to the danger of his life.' This was confirmed on his 
marriage to Elizabeth Lundy 2 in 1488, when it was set- 
tled on the longest liver in liferent and their issue. He 
was a faithful follower of James III., who took refuge in 
one of his ships when threatened by his rebellious nobles, 
and was reported to have done so a second time after 
the battle of Sauchie. This appears to have given rise 
to the singular story in Pitscottie that James IV. mis- 
took Sir Andrew for his own father, which is hard to 
credit, though Pitscottie probably received it from the 
traditions of the Wood family. When assured of James 
III.'s death he entered into the service of the young 

1 Great Seal Register, 18th March 1483, No. 1563. 

2 Ibid., 2 1 st March 1488, No. 1720. 


king, and in 1489 captured some English cruisers off 
Dunbar. In 1490 he received an additional grant of 
the cotlands and milnland of Largo 1 and a pension of 
£20 out of the feu-mails of the estate. In the same 
year he defeated the English captain, Stephen Bull, in 
the Forth; and on 18th May he was granted a licence 
to build a castle with iron gates 2 at Largo on account 
of his great services and losses, and the services it was 
confidently hoped he would yet render. He went on 
acquiring lands in Fife between 1504 and 15 13, con- 
tinuing also his naval service. 3 In 1504 he commanded 
along with Barton the fleet which subdued the insur- 
gent chiefs of the Western Isles, and after his return 
superintended the building at Newhaven of the Michael, 
the largest ship built up to that date. It was destined 
by James IV. to co-operate in the war against England, 
but unfortunately the king intrusted the command 
to the Earl of Arran, under whom Sir Andrew was 
placed. It did no service, being taken by Arran 
on a bootless cruise to Carrickfergus and thence to 
France, where it was sold after Flodden to the French 
king. The minute account of this vessel in Pitscottie 
must have been derived from the memoranda of Sir 
Andrew Wood. He undoubtedly lived to old age, and 
the date of his death has been put by some biographers 
in 1 521 and by others in 1540; but the payments to his 

1 Great Seal Register, nth March 1490-1, No. 2019, and see 18th March 
1503-4, No. 2775. 

2 Great Seal Register, 18th May 1491, No. 2040; Act. Pari., ii. pp. 227 
and 270. 

3 On 2 1st August 15 13 his whole lands in Fife were created into a barony, 
with the Hall Walls of Largo as the principal messuage, and the Nethertoun 
and Seytoun of Largo as a burgh of barony. Confirmed in favour of his son 
by James V. Great Seal Register, 16th June 1542, No. 2691. 


relict in the Exchequer Rolls, as well as references to 
his own decease, 1 prove that he died before 1516. He 
was succeeded by his eldest son Andrew. 2 The second 
Andrew Wood, who is called by Pitscottie principal and 
familiar servant of James V., was a constant attendant 
at his Court, and was present at his deathbed. He 
died himself in 1579. He married Alison Hume, and 
had, besides other children, Andrew, who succeeded him 
in the estate of Largo ; Mr John Wood of Tullidavie, 3 
who became secretary to the Regent Murray, and was 
murdered in 1570 a few days after his master; and 
James 4 of Lambilethem. 5 It was from the Woods, and 
probably from the second Andrew, the son of the old 
sea captain, that Pitscottie got most of the nautical 
details which form a very interesting portion of his 
Mr John The next author to whom Pitscottie refers was the 
a J or * well-known philosopher and historian, 'Mr John Mair, 
1 Doctour of Theologie,' commonly called by his Latin 
name, John Major, who inscribed on the title-page of 
his ' History of Greater Britain,' published in Paris in 
1521, that he was c Natione quidem Scotum professione 
1 autem theologum.' A memoir of his life and an account 
of his works have been given so recently by the present 

1 Vol. xiv. pp. 170, 171. 

2 Great Seal Register, 18th December 1556, vol. iv. No. 1129, marriage 
contract of Andrew Wood and Egidia Gourlaw at Largo, 28th November 
1556. Great Seal Register, 5th September 1528, vol. iii. No. 657; 4th 
January 1539, vol. iii. No. 1888 (grant of Inchkeith) ; 16th June 1542,. 
vol. iii. No. 2691. 

3 Great Seal Register, vol. iv. No. 1850. He was also a Judge of the Court 
of Session, Brunton and Haig, p. 114. 

4 Great Seal Register, 20th May 1566, No. 1747. 

5 Wood's East Neuk of Fife, p. 275. 


writer in the introduction to the translation of that 
History by Mr Archibald Constable, published by the 
Scottish History Society in 1892, that it would not be 
proper to repeat any but the few facts which brought 
him into possible contact with Pitscottie and show the 
relation of his History to the Chronicles. 

In 15 3 1 Major, who had already lectured at St Andrews 
some years before, returned there from Paris, and three 
years later was appointed Provost of St Salvator's College 
— an office he held till his death in 1550. It is possible, 
therefore, that Pitscottie when a youth may have seen 
him in his old age ; and it is certain that he knew his 
historical work, which appeared ten years before Major's 
return to St Andrews. There were copies of it not only 
in the university but also in many private libraries in 
Scotland. It contained the history of England as well 
as of Scotland in outline from the earliest time down to 
the marriage of James III. to Margaret of Norway in 
1469, and of Henry VIII. to Catherine of Aragon in 
1509. It closes with the words, ' Haec Hactenus: Reliqua 
' alii, aut nos alias.' But Major never resumed his his- 
torical labours. Between 1521 and 1531 his publications 
were on the Aristotelian physics, logic, and ethics, and 
a commentary on the Four Evangelists — chiefly new 
editions of works he had composed when a lecturer in 
the University of Paris. After 1531 he ceased to write, 
being sufficiently occupied with the duties of his office, 
and already in declining health. From the history of 
Major, Pitscottie has not taken much. Major's account 
of the reigns of James II. and James III. is indeed very 
slight. The remark on the death of James II. — that kings 
should not expose themselves to danger through curiosity ; 


the notice of the expedition of Peter Breze to Northumber- 
land in aid of Henry VI. ; the praise of Bishop Kennedy, 
modified by the censure on his pluralities and extravagant 
tomb ; and the account of the part taken by the Scots, 
amongst whom was a native of Haddington, in Henry of 
Richmond's victory over Richard III., are almost the only 
passages in which he seems directly indebted to Major. 
But the indirect influence was considerable. Major set the 
example of a Scottish history of the modern, reflective, 
and reasoning kind — not merely a chronicle of events, but 
an attempt to trace their causes and consequences and 
to read their lesson. His work was trammelled with the 
bonds of a scholastic method and a half- dead language, 
but both writers were moved by the same modern spirit. 
This spirit had already touched the old orthodox Catholic 
Major ; but it had freer play when the pen was taken 
up by Pitscottie, a Protestant layman of a younger gen- 
eration, who was ignorant of the Latin of the Sorbonne 
and the logic of the schoolmen. While opposed to each 
other in their opinions about religion, they agreed in 
finding a genuine Scottish patriotism not incompatible 
with a desire for an English rather than a French alliance. 
This led both authors to pay considerable attention to 
contemporary English history. Each was firmly attached 
to his own faith ; but, at least as regards the past, Major 
was a liberal Catholic and Pitscottie a liberal Protestant. 
In the fierce controversies of their own day their paths 
severed. Major sat on the council which condemned 
Wishart. Pitscottie deemed the latter a martyr, and 
calls the Catholic bishops who condemned him 'bloody 
' butchers.' 

( Schir David Lyndesay of the Mont, alias lyon herald 


' King of Arms/ is too well known, and his life has been Sir David 
too often written, amongst others by the present writer, 1 /J{ ie esay 
to render necessary more than a brief notice of his con- Mount, 
nection with Pitscottie. They were members of the same 
clan, and though their relationship was remote, the celeb- 
rity and popularity of Sir David's verse made all the 
Lindesays ready to count him their cousin. Employed, 
as heralds then were, on important embassies, and one 
of the foremost men of letters of his age, it is to be 
regretted that more of his letters or historical writings 
have not come down to our time. Pitscottie can only 
have known Sir David, who was born about 1490 and 
died before 1555, when he was still a youth, if the con- 
jecture that he was born about 1532 is correct. But so 
notable a character cannot fail to have left a mark on 
the imagination of one who bore his name ; and there 
is ample proof that the author of the Chronicles was 
familiar with his works and influenced by his opinions. 

The insertion of so many of his verses in the complete 
manuscript of the Chronicles 2 now published is speci- 
ally noteworthy, and though this is perhaps not quite cer- 
tain, it probably was done by Pitscottie himself, and not 
by the scribe of the manuscript. Before the date when 
the Chronicles were sent to the Bishop of Caithness, 
although the poetical works of Lyndesay, all originally 
printed in England or abroad, had been printed in 
Edinburgh by John Scott at the expense of Henrie 
Charteris in 1571, and again by Thomas Bannatyne in 
1573, and manuscript as well as printed copies no doubt 
circulated in Fife, it may be doubted whether they had 
yet reached Blair Athole. In any case nothing could 

1 Dictionary of National Biography. 2 MS. I. 


serve better to enforce the lessons Pitscottie was anxious 
to teach the Earl of Athole and his countrymen than 
the extracts he has given from Lyndesay's ' Complaynt 
of the Papingo.' They form, indeed, a versified sum- 
mary of the earlier part of his Chronicles. 

Sir David Lyndesay was a son of David Lyndesay of 
the Mount, a round -topped hill near Cupar which can 
be seen from some of the fields of Pitscottie, and of 
Garmylton in Haddington. 

He was of the same stock as, though we do not know 
how near of kin to, the Lindesays of the Byres, who 
also migrated from the neighbourhood of Haddington 
to Fife. He was sent as a boy more probably to the 
famous school at Haddington, where John Knox and 
other men of note were educated, than to that of Cupar, 
but passed to the University of St Andrews in 1509; 
and the greater part of his life, when not abroad 
on official duty, was spent in Fife. He is always desig- 
nated as ' of the Mount.' On leaving college he entered 
the royal service, in the reign of James IV. ; and he 
acted as half- tutor, half- playmate, to James V. He 
is cited by Buchanan as the authority for the strange 
story, so well told by Pitscottie, of the apparition at the 
Kirk of Linlithgow, which tried in vain to deter James 
IV. from the campaign that ended by the disaster of 
Flodden. He was appointed Lyon in 1529 after James V. 
escaped from the custody of Angus. His works, begin- 
ning with 'The Dreme,' and ending with 'The Monarchic/ 
were written between 1528 and 1554. Three are specially 
connected with Fife and the life of Pitscottie. The 
' Satire of the Three Estates,' originally written about 
1540, and probably acted at Cupar in 1552, presented the 


principles of the Reformation, and denounced the vices 
both of Church and State in the same vein which runs 
through Pitscottie's Chronicles. It is possible that their 
author had seen it acted. 

The 'Tragedy of the Cardinal,' written in 1547, is a 
vindication of the actions of the extreme party amongst 
the Reformers with whom Pitscottie sympathised, although 
he cannot be deemed an active member of it. 

The ' History and Testament of Squire Meldrum,' 
written about 1550, is a lively narrative of the adventures 
in love and war of the Fife soldier of fortune, who 
acted in old age as Sheriff Depute of Fife under Lord 
Lindesay of the Byres, and who must have been well 
known to Pitscottie personally or by repute. 

Several parts of the Chronicles can be directly traced 
to information the writer got from the Lyon. The 
principal of these passages are the story of the ap- 
parition at Linlithgow ; the account of James V.'s too 
early withdrawal at the age of twelve from the schools, 
and ' Erection ' as it was called as a monarch ; the 
vengeance of De la Bastie on the assailants of Squire 
Meldrum ; James V.'s escape from the custody of 
Angus ; the marriage of the fair and fragile Madeleine 
of France to James V. at Notre Dame ; and the 
pageants at the reception of her successor, Mary of 
Guise, at St Andrews. More important than any par- 
ticular passages is the spirit of the Reformation which 
passed from the poet to the chronicler, and made the 
work of the younger a continuation of that of the elder 


1 memorie,' was Andrew Fernie or Farnie of that Ilk, Fernie. 

Andrew Fernie of that Ilk, ane nobill man of recent ^ 

' r ernie of 


forester of Falkland under King James V., and Chamber- 
lain of Fife from 1530 to 1562, when his son William 
was in that office. 1 He was the son of William Fernie, 
to whom he was served heir on 9th January 15 15, his 
father, as is mentioned in the verdict of the inquest, 
having died a year and four months before. 2 He 
received several grants of land from the king in addi- 
tion to his paternal estate. 3 On 12th September 1565 
he was a party to the bond, entered into at St Andrews 
by certain gentlemen of Fife, to serve the king and queen 
and follow their lieutenant against their Scotch rebels or 
English enemies. 4 As 'his hand at the pen' was led by 
the notary Alexander Hay, it is probable that Fernie was 
then in old age, for it is not likely that a man who held 
his offices would have been unable to write. Sir William 
Bruce of Earlshall and Patrick Lindesay of the Byres 
signed the same bond, and the two signatories immedi- 
ately after Fernie are David Lindesay of Pyotstoun, the 
brother of Pitscottie, and Sir William Scot of Balwerie. 
Sir ' Schir William Bruce of Erleshall, Knicht, 5 the last of 

William pitscottie's authors, who is said by Pitscottie to have 
Bruce of J 

Earlshall. ' wrettin werrie justlie all the deidis sen flowden feild,' 
and was, like Fernie, a Fife laird, the eldest son of Sir 
Alexander Bruce of Earlshall, a younger son of Sir Alex- 
ander Bruce of Airth, in Stirlingshire. Sir Alexander 
Bruce 5 of Earlshall had, as we learn from Pitscottie, 

1 Exchequer Rolls, xvi. p. 8 ; xix. p. 184. 

2 MS. Sheriff Court Book of Fife, Register House. 

3 Great Seal Register, 29th September 1541, No. 2454. Great Seal Register, 
16th March 1552, No. 771. Great Seal Register, 29th November 1554, No. 
975, names of third assize, note 4. 

4 Privy Council Register, i. p. 367. 

5 MS. I, vol. i. p. 191 et seq. of this edition, where the notice of Sir 
Alexander Bruce is printed for the first time. 


served in France, where he made the acquaintance of 
Henry of Richmond, and came with a thousand men of 
arms called the Scots company on the expedition against 
Richard III., which landed at Milford Haven, in the 
part called Dale, on 7th August 1485. The number 
under his command is, however, uncertain, and all reference 
to this Scotch contingent, as well as to Bernard Stuart 
of Aubigny, who commanded a French contingent, has 
been omitted by English historians. 1 According to Pit- 
scottie, Bruce commanded the Scottish horse and Captain 
Henderson of Haddington the Scottish foot, of the van- 
guard of 10,000 men, in the decisive battle of Bosworth 
Field, which was fought on the 22nd of August. Pit- 
scottie's narrative, evidently derived from the traditions 
of the Bruces of Earlshall, is too vague to be relied on 
as to the numbers, which are much exaggerated. He 
does not even mention the name of the battlefield, but 
he can hardly have been mistaken in describing Sir 
Alexander Bruce as having taken part in it. Sir Alex- 
ander Bruce married Janet Stewart, and their marriage 
must have been either before he went to France or 
shortly after his return, for his eldest son, afterwards 
Sir William Bruce, was born in i486. He had four 
sisters, who married four neighbouring lairds in Fife : 
Kinninmont of Callinch, Ramsay of Brackmont, Balfour 
of Mountquhany, and Trail of Blebo. Sir William Bruce 
appears to have succeeded to his father about 1504. 2 
He was knighted by James IV., and fought at Flodden, 
as so many of Pitscottie's neighbours and informants 

1 Pinkerton's History of the Stuart Kings ; Sir James Ramsay, Lancaster 
and York, ii. p. 538. 

2 Great Seal Register, 13th November 1504, No. 2889, note. 


had done. He married Margaret Meldrum of Seggie, 
in the parish of Leuchars, a parish which adjoins Ceres, 
and increased the paternal inheritance by acquiring lands 
in the Mearns and Angus. Queen Mary gave him a 
pension of ioo crowns of the Sun. He commenced the 
building of the Castle of Earlshall in 1546, but it was 
not completed in the form in which it has recently been 
so well restored till the time of his great - grandson, 
another William Bruce, who placed over the fireplace 
in the painted hall the inscription — 

'Aedes has extruebat D W B An. 1546 extruit tandem 
W B ejus pronepos Anno 161 7. 


The coat of arms in the same place has, in addition to 
the ordinary arms of the family, 'a fleur-de-lis in the 
' centre of the chief/ and two naked savages as supporters. 
It is said that the fleur-de-lis was introduced to dis- 
tinguish the arms of the Bruces of Earlshall from the 
elder branch of Airth, 1 but there seems no reason why 
the distinction should not have been chosen on account 
of the services of Sir Alexander Bruce in France. Sir 
William Bruce constructed the family burying- place in 
the Parish Church of Leuchars. The monumental slab 
has an inscription — 

' This sappoltur that ze heir see 
' For Erlis Hal and his posterite.' 

Above his shield is a horse's head bridled as crest, with 
the motto ' Be Trev,' while two naked savages appear as 
supporters. Round the slab there is inscribed in bold 
letters : ' Hie jacet vir probus ac omni memoria dignus 
1 Notes of the Family of Bruce of Earlshall by S . . . 


' dns Gulielmus Bruce de Erlishal miles qui obiit 28 die 
' mensis Januarii anno Dni 1584 anno ejus aetatis 98. 

' Heir lyis of al piete ane lantern brycht 
' Schir Villyam Bruce of Erleshal Knycht.' 

Sir William Bruce during his long life had seen 
James IV.'s chivalrous reign and unhappy fate, James V.'s 
checkered life and sad death, the tragedies of Mary Stuart, 
the assassination of two and execution of a third of the 
four Regents, and the commencement of the personal rule 
of James VI. If Pitscottie's rare praise that he told the 
events of this period 'very justly' is well deserved, its 
disappearance is a great loss to Scottish history. Perhaps 
it is not altogether beyond the chances of the fate of MSS. 
that it may yet be found. For the present, we must be 
satisfied with getting no doubt some of its chief contents 
in Pitscottie's Chronicles. 

This review of the authors or authorities of Pitscottie Pitscottie 
shows what good materials he had with which to work, au , ors 

& ' good ma- 

for the period before his own memory and observation terial, but 
made him a contemporary writer, but it is probable that accurate ^ 
much of his information was conveyed by word of mouth to da tes 


and by family tradition. This may account in some accession 
measure for the vagueness and want of precision in his of Q ueen 
narrative, especially in the matter of dates. After the 
accession of Queen Mary his chronology becomes much 
more accurate. It is noticeable that it is only in the 
case of Bruce of Earlshall that he refers expressly to a 
written record. We shall see presently what use he 
made of these authorities ; but we must first endeavour 
to explain the character of the language he used. 




prose liter- 
ature com- 
with An- 
in eighth 
century ; 
in six- 

' There exists a general impression among educated 
Englishmen that our prose literature dates from the six- 
teenth century.' So writes Professor Earle in the course of 
the masterly criticism in which he refutes this impression, 
and proves the continuity of English prose from the Anglo- 
Saxon laws of the eighth, and the works of Alfred the 
Great in the ninth, century down to our own time, 
through the successive stages of Old, Middle, and Modern 
English. What is false of English is, however, true of 
Scottish prose. Scotland was not, indeed, destitute of 
prose literature prior to the sixteenth century. If we 
credit it with a share, though its share was small, of the 
Celtic literature of the Gael, it may claim earlier specimens 
than England ; but we refer here to literature derived from 
Anglo-Saxon, and written in Lowland Scotch. The use 
of Celtic in a large part of Scotland, and the Border wars, 
which gave birth only to ballads, postponed the com- 
mencement of Anglo - Saxon prose. Or, if we include 
poetry, Scotland produced a few, but noble, poets, from 
Barbour and Wyntoun in the fourteenth century to 
Henryson, Dunbar, and Douglas in the latter part of the 
fifteenth and commencement of the sixteenth century, who 
used the vernacular of Southern Scotland, which was closely 
akin to Northern English, and became known as Broad 
Scotch. But its prose writers were few, and consisted 
almost exclusively of chroniclers, chiefly monks, who wrote 
in Latin down to the sixteenth century. Even in that 
century its greatest historical writer, George Buchanan, 
wrote his History of Scotland in Latin, extending his 


contemporary at the cost of his posthumous fame ; and 
Bishop Lesley found it necessary to translate the original 
Scots version of his History into Latin in order to gain the 
ear of Europe. 

A few specimens of fifteenth-century Scottish prose have Fifteenth- 
been preserved, but they are the gleanings of a scanty g^ish 
harvest. The principal of these which have survived are prose, 
the following : — 

'Ane schort Memoriale of the Scottis Croniklis for 
addicioun.' This contains brief notes of the reigns of 
James II. and James III., compiled about the year 1460, 
and was first published by Mr Thomas Thomson in 1827. 
It scarcely deserves the name of literature ; but as a con- 
temporary, or nearly contemporary, chronicle it has been 
much used by Scottish historians, and in the present 
edition of Pitscottie. 

The translation from the French by Sir Gilbert Hay 
of 'The Buke of Battailis,' 'The Buke of the Order of 
Knighthede,' and ' The Buke of the Governaunce of 
Princes/ written in the year 1456. The second of these 
books was published for the Abbotsford Club in 1848. 
The whole three are shortly to be edited, with glossary 
and notes, for the Scottish Text Society, by Mr J. H. 
Stevenson, advocate. This is practically the earliest 
work of Scottish prose known. 

'The Craft of Dying,' and a few other short religious 
pieces in Scottish prose from MS. K. K. 1. 5, Cambridge 
University Library. This was edited for the Early English 
Text Society in 1870 by Mr R. Lumley, whose opinion, and 
that of Dr J. A. H. Murray, is that these pieces are trans- 
lations made towards the close of the fifteenth century. 

The recently discovered Scottish Recension of Wyck- 


liffis Gospels, which, by the courtesy of Lord Amherst of 
Hackney, is being prepared for publication by the Scottish 
Text Society under the editorship of Mr T. Graves Law. 
The date of this will, no doubt, be fixed by Mr Law ; but 
it is probably earlier than the sixteenth century. 

Although the above are the earliest known works in 
Scottish prose, there are some documents and inscriptions 
which date from a century earlier, so far back at least as 
1380, and fragments of the Scottish laws of the reigns of 
Robert II. and III., dated 1389 and 1398, have been 
printed in the first volume of the Acts of the Scottish 
Parliament. 1 But these works do not suffice to make 
a literature, or even to show that a literature has been 
lost. Scotland entered late into the field of prose 
Scottish literature. It is when we pass into the sixteenth cen- 
mosTcon- tur ^ ^at Scottish literary prose really began, and it is 
fined to almost confined to that century. If the Union of the 
teenth Crowns had not so soon followed, it might, perhaps, 
century. have maintained an independent character. But the total 
amount of printing in Scotland at this time was small, 
and after the Union the great epoch of English prose, 
the epoch of Shakespeare, Bacon, and Hooker, came, 
and was too powerful not to supersede Scottish prose, 
which became provincial, and was abandoned by the best 
Scottish writers, although it continued to be spoken in a 
gradually decreasing degree. Some of the best parts of its 
vocabulary have fortunately been retained by the Scottish 
poets and novelists, and have passed into and enriched 
modern English. The use of it by Scott and other 
novelists of the eighteenth, and commencement of the 
nineteenth, century was a survival, while that of those 

1 See Murray, Dialect of the Southern Counties, p. 91. 


of our own day is a revival, for it is now passing out of 
common speech or even common knowledge. The Scotch 
of Burns has to be explained to many nineteenth-century 
Scotsmen. But in country districts, in the form of dialect, 
it still survives. A countryman will understand Pitscottie. 

Already, prior to the sixteenth century, the English English 
influence had begun to tell through the introduction of!" 
the English works of Wycliffe or his disciples. English prior to 
books were prohibited prior to the Reformation, but teenth " 
many were smuggled, and after the Reformation withdrew century. 
their prohibition, they came in like a flood. The trans- 
lation of the Bible by Tyndale and his followers, printed 
between 1536 and 1539, was copied by Arbuthnott and 
Bassandyne in 1576-79. The writings of Knox are largely 
English, and his life shows how closely the Reformation 
drew the two nations and their speech together, with the 
inevitable result that Scotch gave way to English as the 
classical form of the language. Born and educated in the 
Scottish Lowlands, he married an English wife, nearly 
became an English bishop, and his two sons were edu- 
cated in England, and became, one a Fellow of St John's, 
Cambridge, the other a vicar in the Church of England. 
It is not with the language of Knox, great as was his 
influence on the opinions of Pitscottie, but with other 
prose writings in the Scottish vernacular of his time, that 
the Chronicles must be compared. The list of these, Scottish 

though much longer than the list of those written in P rose of 
& the six- 

the preceding century, is still so short that a concise view teenth 
of them may be usefully given. It proves that the impulse century * 
to this form of writing had begun, but begun too late, to 
create a literature. 

1. 'The Traduction of Livy (the first four Books), by 


Johnne Bellenden, Archdean of Moray.' This was made 
for the use of James V. in 1533, for that monarch was not, 
like his father, a linguist, and probably knew no language 
but his own. 

2. 'The Richt Vay to the Kingdom of Hevene, by 
Johnne Gau,' printed at Malmo on 16th October 1533. 

3. 'The Hystory and Croniklis of Scotland, with the 
Cosmography and Description thairof, Compilit be the 
noble Clerk Maister Hector Boece, Channon of Aber- 
deine. Translaitit laitly in our vulgar and commone 
langage be Johnne Bellenden, Archdene of Murray, and 
imprented in Edinburgh be Mr Thomas Davidson.' There 
is no date on the title ; but it was printed about 1536, and 
had been translated for the use of James V. 

4. ' The Complaynt of Scotlande, vyth ane Exortatione 
to the Thrie Estaits to be vigilante in the DirTens of the 
Public Veal,' printed at St Andrews, 1 549. 

5. ' The Catechism ; that is to say, ane commone and 
catholik instructioun of the Christian people in materis of 
our Catholik faith and religioun quhilk na gud Christian 
man or woman suld misknow : set furth be ye maist 
reverend father in God, Johnne, Archbishope of Sanct An- 
drews, legat nate and primat of ye Kirk of Scotland, in 
his provinciale Counsale haldin at Edinburgh the xxvi 
day of Januarie, the yeir of our lord 1552, with the aduisse 
and counsale of the bischoippis and vther prelatis and 
doctouris of theologie and Canon law of the said realme 
of Scotland, present for the tyme.' This was printed at 
St Andrews, 1552. 1 

1 In addition to Hamilton's Catechism there were tracts in Scotch by Roman 
Catholics, of which the chief are — 

The Refutation of ane ansver be Schir Johne Knoxe to ane letter send be 
James Tyrie to his vmquhyle brother. Paris, 1573. 

Certaine Demandes concerning the Christian religion and discipline pro- 


6. ' The Historie and Cronikle of the Hous and Surname 
of Seytoun, be Schir Richart Maitland of Lethingtoun, 
Knycht, Dochteris Sonne of the said Hous.' This was 
first written about 1561, and first printed by the Bannatyne 
Club in 1829 in such a limited number of copies that it 
would be well worth reprinting. 

7. ' Certain Tractates for Reformatioun of Doctryne and 
Maneris, by Ninian Wynzet.' These were first printed 
between 1562 and 1567, and have been edited for the 
Scottish Text Society by the Rev. J. K. Hewison. 

8. 'The Historie of Scotland, fra the death of King 
James the First in the yeir of God 1426 to the yeir 1561, 
newly collected be Johne Leslye, Bishop of Rosse, during 
the time of his remaining an Ambassadour for the Ouene 
his Sovrane in Ingland, MDLXX.' This was the first form 
of Leslie's History, first published by the Bannatyne Club 
in 1830. The work was afterwards published in Latin at 
Rome in 1578, and was retranslated by Father James 
Dalrymple at Regensburg in 1596. Dalrymple's trans- 
lation has been published for the Scottish Text Society 
by the late Rev. Father E. G. Cody and Mr William 
Murison in 1895. 

poned to the ministers of the new pretended Kirk of Scotland. Be John Hay, 
of the Societie of Jesus. Paris, 1580. 

Ane Catholik and facile traictise dravin out of the halie scriptures. Be John 
Hamilton. Paris, 1581. 

A Disputatioun concerning the controversit headdis of Religion, haldin in the 
realme of Scotland . . . betuix the pretendit ministers of the deformed kirk 
in Scotland and Nicol Burne, Prof, of Philosophic in S. Leonardis College. 
Parise, 1581. 

Ane Cathechisme or schort instruction of Christian Religion [by Peter 
Canisius, S.J.] . . . with Ane Kallendar perpetuale, etc. Made be M. 
Adame King. Paris, 1588. 

A facile traictise contenand first ane infallible reul, etc. Be Maister Jhone 
Hamilton. Lovan, 1600. 

It is noteworthy that while for about ten years after the Reformation Roman 
Catholics used Latin, they then began to appeal to the people in the mother 


9. 'Ane briefe Description of the Pest,' by Dr Gilbert 
Skeyne, written about 1568 and printed with other tracts 
by the same author by the Bannatyne Club in i860. 

10. ' Ane Admonitioun direct to the Trew Lordis main- 
teneris of Justice and Obedience to the Kingis Grace.' 
Written by George Buchanan in 1570 and printed at 
Edinburgh by Lekprevik in 1571. 

11. 'The Chamaeleon,' by George Buchanan, written in 
1 570, and first printed in Miscellanea Antiqua, London, 17 10. 

12. 'Ane Detectioune of the doingis of Marie Quene of 
Scottis, twiching the Murther of hir husband, and hir 
conspiracie, adulterie, and pretendit marriage with the Erie 
Bothwell, and ane defence of the trew lordis maintenaris 
of the kingis grace, actioune, and authorise.' Translated 
out of Latin, quilk was written be M. G. B. [Buchanan], 
Sanct Androis, be Robert Lekprevik, 1572. 

13. ' Memoriale of Transactions in Scotland,' A.D. 1569- 
A.D. 1573, by Richard Bannatyne, Secretary to John Knox. 
This was first printed by Sir John Graham Dalyell in 
'Illustrations of Scottish History,' 1806, and afterwards 
edited for the Bannatyne Club in 1836 by Robert Pitcairn. 

14. 'Diurnal of remarkable Occurrents in Scotland since 
the date of King James IV. till the year 1575/ This was 
first printed by the Bannatyne Club in 1833. This work, 
though published in one, consists of two distinct and in- 
dependent parts which, as they overlap each other, were 
probably compiled by different writers, the first from 1 5 1 3 
to 1572, and the second from 1554 to 1575, each probably 
written soon after the two later dates. 

1 5. ' A Schorte Somme of the whole Catechisme, wherein 
the question is proposed and answered in few wordis, for 
the greater ease of the commoun people and children, by 


Johnne Craig, Minister in Edinburgh/ printed in Edin- 
burgh in 1 581. 

16. 'The Essayis of a Prentice in the Divine Art of 
Poesie,' by James VI., printed in Edinburgh in 1584. The 
later works of James VI., prior to his accession to the 
English throne, were ' Poetical Exercises at Vacant 
Hours' (1591), ' Daemonologie ' (1597), and 'Basilicon 
Doron' (1599). The Scotch works of King James are 
to be edited for the Scottish Text Society by Mr Oli- 
phant Smeaton. 

17. 'The Sea Law of Scotland, shortly gathered and 
plainly descryvit for the reddy use of all Seafaring men/ 
printed in Edinburgh, 1590. 

18. 'Memorials be Sir James Melville of Halhill' (1549 
to : 593)> fi rs t published in London by George Scott, his 
grandson, in 1683, an d by the Bannatyne Club in 1827. 

19. 'The Historie and Life of King James the Sext,' 
from 1566 to 1596, with a short Continuation to 161 7. 
The principal part was probably written soon after 1596 
and the Continuation soon after 1617. This was first 
printed in Edinburgh in 1804 by Mr Malcolm Laing, and 
afterwards in 1825 by the Bannatyne Club. 

20. 'The Diary of Mr James Melville, Minister of 
Anstruther/ from 1566 to 1601. This was written in 
1 600- 1, and first printed by the Bannatyne Club in 

21. 'The Exposition of the Termes and DirTicill Wordes 
conteined in the Foure Buikes of Regiam Majestatem and 
vtheris in the Actes of Parliament, Infeftments, and used 
in Practiques of the Realme, and with diuerse rules and 
commonplaces or principallis of the Laws. Collected and 
exponed be Mr Johne Skene, Clerke of our soverane 


Lordis Register, Councill, and Rollis.' First printed in 
Edinburgh by Waldegrave, 1599. 

22. 'Memoirs of the Affairs of Scotland, by David 
Moysie' (1577- 1603). First printed in Edinburgh by the 
Bannatyne Club, 1830. 

23. ' The Diarie of Robert Birrel, Burges of Edinburgh, 
from the 1532 zeir of our redemptioun till ye beginning of 
the zeir 1605/ First printed in Edinburgh, 1798. 

24. 'The Rolment of Courtis,' by Abakuk Bysset, 
servant to Sir John Skene. This MS., in the Advocates' 
Library, written in the reign of Charles I., is described by 
Dr J. A. H. Murray as "perhaps the latest specimen of 
Literary Middle Scotch Prose existing." x 

Activity of The above list, which is nearly though not quite com- 

g n ^ s h ° plete, shows that writers of Scottish prose in the sixteenth 

prose in century were fairly active. It includes representatives of 

century. most departments of literature except science, which did 

not then exist, and philosophy, which still clung to Latin. 

Theology, history, medicine, and law all appear, but 

history predominates. It may also be observed that the 

purity of the Scotch decreases in the works which were 

written in the last quarter of the century. It is in those 

composed before, or shortly after, 1575 that we find the 

best specimens of Scottish prose. There can be little 

doubt with which of them the language of Pitscottie can 

most fitly be compared from affinity of subject and 

proximity of the date of composition. These are the 

Pitscottie Historie of Bishop Leslie in its original form, the ' Diurnal 

best com °^ Occurrents,' and the ' Historie of King James the Sext.' 

pared with These three works cover portions of the same period of 

History t ^ ie Scottish Annals of which he treats, and are written 

1 Complaynt of Scotland, Introduction, p. xxvii. 


substantially in the same language, although the History the ' Diur- 
of King James is somewhat more modern. The 'Com- C u rrentS) >' 
playnt of Scotland ' belongs to an earlier period, and both and the 

• a ' Historie 

in its vocabulary and style represents the French influence f James 
which was passing away. It was, in fact, in part adapted the Sext ' 
from 'Le Quadriloge Invectif of Alain Chartier. 1 The 
' History of the Reformation,' by John Knox, though 
written before Pitscottie, represents a somewhat later 
period, for Knox had, as we have seen, at an early stage 
of his life become subject to English influences, and his 
great work really represents the progress of the language 
towards a common model. One other author, Sir David 
Lyndsay, must also be kept in view, though he wrote 
verse and not prose, for his relations to Pitscottie were more 
direct, and several passages in his poems were adopted and 
adapted by Pitscottie to the purpose of his own work. 

The question may be asked whether Pitscottie, who Pitscottie 
wrote the literary Scotch prose of the sixteenth century, fon^ any 
the language of the Court, 2 used any particular dialect, special 


The answer must be that he did not. If he had used 
any, it would have been that of Fife, which is represented at 
this period in Sir David Lyndsay's poems. But although 
it existed, dialect in Scotland was less marked than in 
England, and dialect is a form of speech rather than of 
writing. Writing tends to a common form and suppresses 
dialect. Although poets, to enlarge their vocabulary, 
borrow words from it, prose writers rarely do. Few if 
any traces of the dialect of Fife can be detected in the 

1 See Scottish Antiquary, xiii. p. n. 

2 Professor Earle has instructive remarks on the Court as the focus of literary 
language in England through Chaucer in the fourteenth, in Scotland by the poets 
of the end of the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth century. Philology, 
pp. 90-96. 


prose of Pitscottie. It might have been written by any 
of his contemporaries — by Bellenden or Leslie, who were 
Northern Scots ; by Buchanan, who was a West Country- 
man ; or by the unknown authors of the ' Diurnal of 
Occurrents,' or the ' Historie of James the Sext.' 

In studying the language of Pitscottie, there are some 

points now familiar to scholars, chiefly owing to the 

investigations of Dr J. A. H. Murray, founded upon his 

unrivalled knowledge of Lowland Scotch, which require 

to be briefly stated. 

Sketch of Old Scotch, from the earliest times of which we have 

t G fth an y traces to * ne enc * of the fourteenth century, was the 

Scotch same language as Northern English, though with an in- 

a ' fusion of forms and a comparatively small number of 

words derived from the neighbourhood of races who still 

spoke Gaelic or Celtic after it had been abandoned in all 

England except Wales. 

A much larger importation of forms and words bor- 
rowed from France was a result of the success of the War 
of Independence, which made Scotland the ally of France 
and the enemy of England. This continued down to the 
time of the Reformation. But the continuous French 
influence on the Scottish language must be distinguished 
from the Norman French already introduced into England 
and Scotland alike, by the Norman Conquest and its 
results. The Reformation, and the events which led to 
and followed it during the period when Pitscottie was 
writing his Chronicles, had a reverse influence. Not all 
Scotland, for it was divided into a Protestant and a Catholic 
party, nor even all the Protestants, for a portion of them 
hated Prelacy and associated more intimately with the 
German Lutherans, and later with the Swiss and French 


Calvinists, but a considerable number, became English in 
sympathy. Some Presbyterian Reformers felt the neces- 
sity for a time of making common cause with the English 
Reformers, and cherished a hope that, aided by the 
English Puritans, they might mould the English Refor- 
mation. An opportunity of realising this hope came later 
in the time of Charles I., but proved an ignominious failure. 
In the sixteenth century many Scots of all classes and sects 
were beginning to look forward to the Union of the crowns. 
Education in England and intermarriage became more 
common ; English books, chiefly religious, began to circu- 
late in Scotland, English printers settled in Scotland, and 
the English instead of the Continental press came to be 
used by Scottish authors. The result was the rapid growth 
of English influence upon the language. Pitscottie wrote 
when the triumph of English was impending but not 
quite decided. He was less subject to English influence 
than many of his contemporaries. There is no reason to 
suppose he ever crossed the Border, and his Chronicles 
frequently show his Scottish patriotism. He was, too, a 
local historian, who described the events which lay nearest 
to him in the language with which his countrymen gener- 
ally were familiar. Still the English influence is percep- 
tible even in his work. His vocabulary contains few 
words unintelligible to an Englishman of the sixteenth 
or even of the nineteenth century. Latin, through the 
Church and translations, and Gaelic, through contact and 
bilingual speech, also exercised a subordinate influence in 
the formation of Scotch. 

It is chiefly in the retention of inflections, both of verbs 
and nouns, which English has dropped, and still more in 
his spelling, that the modern reader may find difficulty in 


Pitscottie's following Pitscottie. His spelling is at first sight a puzzle, 
and seems almost arbitrary. The same word is spelt in 
different ways on the same page. Sometimes he spells like 
an Englishman of the period, more often like a contem- 
porary educated Scotchman ; at times, it would seem, only 
like himself. The solution of the variations of spelling 
was impossible so long as the printed editions of Freebairn 
and Dalyell were used. Freebairn professedly modernised 
the text. Dalyell made an uncritical amalgam of the 
MSS. in his hands, which did not include MS. I, and 
probably not MS. A. Even with the certainty we now 
have that the oldest MSS. known have been used for the 
present edition, it is not quite certain that they are exact 
copies of Pitscottie's original. Assuming that they are, as 
is probable, we must remember the fluid state of the 
language, in which there was not yet a normal spelling 
fixed by dictionaries or by printed books, which were 
still rare. The Acts of Parliament contemporary with 
Pitscottie are the nearest approach to a fixed usage of 
Scotch spelling. It was common to use both the spelling 
of the Scotch dialect and that which was found in Eng- 
lish books. Even a century later exact spelling had not 
yet become a test of education. There are undoubtedly 
also many mistakes in the text due to inaccurate copying. 
These can generally be detected, and have been pointed 
out in the footnotes ; but when they cannot, the reading of 
the text has been allowed to stand. After allowance has 
been made for these causes of variation, it will be found 
that the spelling of Pitscottie, strange as it appears to our 
eyes, was not without method, and is practically the same 
as that of other writers in Scottish prose of the seventeenth 
century. Apart from spelling, there are some peculiarities 


in that prose which it will be well briefly to notice. But 
no attempt will be made to discuss the subject in all its 
bearings, as has been done by Dr Murray in his ' Dialect 
of the Southern Counties of Scotland.' 

The vowels, Dr Murray has remarked, made the largest Use of 
difference in the pronunciation between English and 
Scotch, as their pronunciation was based upon a different 
system, and the spelling, it must be remembered, was to 
a much larger extent than at present phonetic, 1 and repre- 
sents the pronunciation of an earlier time. We still say 
Inglish but we print English, while Pitscottie and other 
writers of his time have " Inglis." 

A was, of course, pronounced broad in the Scotch of 
Pitscottie, as in other Northern dialects. The older 
forms of " than " and " quhan " for " then " and " when " 
are frequently but not invariably used. So also are 
"thair" and "quhair" for "there" and "where"; "thai" 
and "thaies" for "they" and "those." "Ane" is used 
both for the article and the numeral, and whether before 
a vowel or a consonant, as in the common phrase "ane 

E is often used for /, as in the expression " me lord," 
which no doubt represents the pronunciation, as in the 
modern French " milord " ; and in like manner one of the 
meanings of " be " is " by," as in the phrase " me lord be 
my conscience." A silent e frequently appears as a final 
letter, as in " mischieffe," " vaine," " bischope," " wanische," 
" schape." The use of ie final instead of y is common. 
Y is exceptional, but is coming in. "Kirkcaldie" and 

1 "The spelling of Middle English is phonetic. As the word was spelt so 
it was pronounced." — Skeat, Introduction to Wycliffe's New Testament, 
p. xvii. 


" Kirkcaldy " are both used. So, too, " historie " and 
" history." 

The insertion of e after i is very common, as "dilie- 
gence," " nobilietie," " autorietie," " bissieness," with which 
may be compared the English spelling and pronunciation 
"obliege," which continued to be used down to recent 

/ is used where e has now been substituted, as in 
" Frinch " for " French," " Inglis " for « English," " thift " for 
" theft," " thimselves " for " themselves." The use of " thir " 
for "their" is peculiar, and requires further explanation. 
It is a slight change, but apt to produce confusion. 

The use of a capital / is a noteworthy specialty in 
Pitscottie. The use of capitals, as we now employ them 
at the commencement of every sentence, had not yet 
begun. 1 Most of the cases in which capital / appears in 
the present text have been introduced for the purpose of 
shortening sentences, and making the reading easier. 
This is, indeed, almost the only deviation from the actual 
text which has been made. But, on the other hand, 
capital / has been used by Pitscottie in many cases where 
we should not now use it — in the middle of sentences with 
such words as " Impresounment," " Impyreing," " Invoca- 
tioune," "Intollerabill," "Impediment," "Imagine," "Idollis," 
" Invy," " Igramancie." This last word deserves a special 
note. It means the Black Art, and is a corruption of 
" necromancy." But how the n has been dropped is 
obscure. Possibly it is the blunder of some ignorant 
scribe, which by accident has been perpetuated. It is 
always spelt " Igramancie " in Pitscottie. In a few cases 
a capital T is used in the same way, as " Twa erlis," " Twa 

1 Skeat's Introduction to Wycliffe, tit supra. 


lordis, and Twa bischopis." The rationale of this is 
difficult to explain. Possibly it may be to give emphasis 
to the word, but in some cases there seems no reason for 
special emphasis. More probably it is only the caprice of 
the copyist, as it certainly seems to be when he omits to 
give the capital to some proper names and gives it to 
others. It is possible that it was to prevent confusion 
between the written forms of small i and e, t and c; but if 
this were so, we should expect capitals to be more fre- 
quently used. 

is frequently written where modern usage has fixed 
u as proper, as in the negative compound on = un, as 
in "onfreinds," "on-learned," "onjustlie," "onlandit," "on- 
written," " onpossible," " ondelyverand," " ondrowning," 
" onforgiven." Un is an old English form of prefix, and 
on is found in the Northern English, but its use in the 
form on was much more frequent in Scotch. So also o 
appears for u in other cases, as " abose " for " abuse," 
" corpolent " for " corpulent," " porpose " for " purpose," 
"sommer" for "summer," "bot" for "but," "most" for 
" must." 

U, as a vowel, is often written v, as in "vnhappie," 
" vtheris," " vnderstuld," " vnsaceable " ; and w is used for 
v, as in " disawit," " perceawe," " merwellous," " prowydit." 
This interchange of u, v, w is in the manuscript copies, so 
has nothing to do with exigencies of type. Nor does it 
seem to have affected the pronunciation. It appears rather 
to belong to a stage in the language before the value of 
these letters was fixed. " In early Middle English," Mr 
Sweet notes, " u and v were still written almost indiffer- 
ently, . . . but an arbitrary distinction began to be made, 
by which angular u (v) was only used as a consonant. 


This reform came from Italy through France." "■ The 
same use of v and u for u, v, and w has been pointed out 
by Dr Murray as occurring in ' The Complaynt of Scot- 
land,' and as increasing the difficulty of reading it. 2 
Useofcon- With reference to the consonants, B is frequently sup- 
pressed after m y as in "nommer" for "number," "cummer" 
for "cumber," "temmert" for "timbered." As to this, 
Dr Murray has observed that " the northern tongue has a 
repugnance to the combination of the nasal m and n with 
the cognate mutes b and d." C is, as in modern English, 
sometimes equivalent to k and sometimes to s, as in the 
common word " caice." It is indeed phonetically a super- 
fluous letter which might be dispensed with. D, 3 either 
single or frequently doubled, is often used where th would 
now be, as in " eard " for " earth," " togidder " for " together," 
"quhidder" for "whether," " gadderit " for "gathered." 
The pronunciation was probably always as if written th. 
F is frequently doubled at the commencement of a word, 
as in " ffor," " ffarder," " ffordwart " ; but this is not invari- 
able, and within a few lines a single/* will be found. This 
has frequently been explained as a mode of writing a 
capital, and it has been retained in some proper names in 
lieu of a capital, as " ffinch," " ffoliot," and " ffrench." But 
the use of the double ff in Pitscottie does not support this 
explanation. It would almost appear as if it were similar 
to the doubling of other letters, which is now dropped as 
unnecessary, for it is not only at the commencement but 
sometimes in the middle of the word that f is doubled, 
as in " proffessouris " and " certiffied," but that it had been 

1 Sweet, New English Grammar, p. 268. See also Skeat, Introduction to 
Wycliffe, p. xviii. 

2 Complaynt of Scotland, Introduction, p. c. 

3 See Murray, Dialect of the Southern Counties, p. 122. 


retained longer in the case of/, and in a few proper names 
as a mark of distinction. The original doubling expressed 
a stronger sound, and for this purpose it was discovered, 
when printing became common, that it was not necessary 
to repeat the same letter. What is certain is that doubling 1 
applied to almost all consonants, as " pillgrimage," " allteris," 
" civill," " oppinion," " barrouns," " promissit," " presentt." 

G is frequently written after n instead of before, as in 
" conding " for " condign," " ringe " for " reign," " rang " 
for " reigned," "impung" for "impugn," as in older Scotch. 
G is dropped before th, as in "lenth" and "strenth," in 
which, indeed, it is only slightly sounded in modern 

His used as in modern English, and there is no tendency 
to omit or insert it. There appears to be an exception in 
the words "abhominable" and " preheminence," but these 
are early English forms. " Hadherentis " is a singular case 
of an initial h being added, and may be compared with 
"hit" for "it" and "huz" for "us," which last Dr Murray 
calls " the only Scotch word which aspirates an originally 
simple vowel." It occurs several times in Pitscottie, but 
is perhaps only a blunder of the scribe. " Oist " for " host " 
is an instance of dropping the /z, but "oistler," which is 
also used, is retained in both the forms of " hostler " and 
" ostler " in modern English. / and / are not yet clearly 
distinguished, and we have both such forms as " ieopard " 
(but jeopard also) where we should now write/. This use 
of the two letters is similar to the separation of u and v, 
which had begun but was not invariably used. K was 
probably still pronounced where it is now silent, as in 

1 As to the early origin of doubling consonants, see Earle, Philology, 
p. 50. 


"knowis" for "knolls'' or "knottis" for "knots." 1 Per- 
haps this was also the case with qu in " quhyle " and similar 
words, and accounts for their having been retained as well 
as the aspirate. When at the end of the word, as in " hals," 
pronounced " haass," or before consonants, as in "chalmmer," 
/ is sometimes elided or not pronounced, as "challmer," 
from Fr. chambre, where after being introduced it became 
silent, 2 or introduced as in " walkin " for " waken." The 
French or Romance / before z is pronounced soft, as in 
" artailze," from Fr. artille, and " spuilzie," from Fr. espouille. 
The same pronunciation was used with n, as in " fenzie," 
from Y*.f eigne. M, we have seen, rejects b after it, as in 
" chalmmer," from Fr. chambre. 

Sch is often used where in modern usage sh or s only 
is employed. Thus "she" is generally written "scho," 
" sir " frequently " schir." Other instances are " schaw " 
for " show," " schervice " for " service," " schessit " for 
" chased" (but "chassit" is also used), "schipis" for 
"ships," "schone" for "soon." This is explained by Dr 
Murray as " undoubtedly of Celtic origin ; in Gaelic s is 
always pronounced sh in connection with the small vowels 
e and i." 3 It is not only in the beginning of words that 
we find this ; for " astonish," " finish," " diminish," " flourish," 
are written "astonisch," "finisch," "diminisch," "flourisch." 
In " ischit " for " issued " the sh sound is retained, as it 
often is in the modern form. On the other hand, in " sail " 
the h has been dropped, and so also in " sedule " for 
" schedule," or the c is dropped, as in " septer " for " sceptre." 

The use of a final but silent t is very peculiar, and a 
distinct mark of Scotch of the middle period. Thus 

1 Murray, Dialect of the Southern Counties, p. 1 22. 

2 Ibid., p. 122 et seq. 3 Ibid., p. 126. 


"witht " and "withtout," "baitht," " faitht," "fortht," "furtht," 
« thocht " for though, " throcht " for through, " monetht " 
for month, are common forms. This has been ascribed, 
but somewhat cautiously, by Dr Murray to "the habit of 
writing t where it was no longer sounded, and even where 
it has never been so, and not to any peculiarity of pro- 
nunciation," and perhaps also to an erroneous expansion 
of a contraction — as " w l " for " with " — and to the con- 
fusion between c and t y which are very difficult to dis- 
tinguish in the MSS. But this point is obscure, and it 
cannot be said that the explanation is completely satis- 
factory. Why should / be written where it has never been 
sounded ? Mr Oliphant gives an instructive series of the 
addition of t to round off the word in English, but this is 
not one of them, and is specially Scotch. 1 

Quh is used for w — as in " quho," "quhilk" (but the 
curious form, "the quhich" is also used), "quhidder," 
"quhingeris,"*"quhisperit." This is the most persistent of 
the forms of old Scotch. It was due to the more distinct 
aspirated sound 2 in the Northern than in the Southern 
dialect, which is still audible at the present day. 

Quhill is also frequently used in the sense of " until " 
as well as "while," which is apt to produce confusion— 
as in the phrase, " ane quhyll quhill " = " a while until." 3 

The position of r is frequently altered — as " corse " for 
" cross," " fyrth " for " frith " ; and the opposite change is 
seen in "brod" for "board," "thrid" for "third," "brunt" 

1 See Index to Old and Middle English. 

2 Alexander Hume, schoolmaster at Bath, has an amusing account of a 
controversy on the retention by the Scotch of the guttural quh> but we have 
now lost the guttural though retaining the aspirate. — Orthographie, E. E. Text 
Soc, 1865, p. 152. 

3 " In our Southern speech 'while' is equivalent to 'during,' but in the 
northern dialects it means 'until.'" — Earle, Philology, p. 92. 



for "burnt," " Brantoun " for "Barntoun," " Bruntisland " 
for " Burntisland." 

W is constantly used for the consonant v — as in 
" wangaird," " wiweris," " woyce," " wictuallis " ; but some- 
times also for the vowel u — as in " wriesouns" = "uriesons" 
— i.e., orisons or prayers. 1 

Z, " a form of letter neither g nor z, which was written 
3," 2 is used for g y as in "zied" for "gied," "forzett" for 
" forgett " ; but oftener for j/, as in " ze " for " yea," " zeir " 
for " year," " zoung " for " young," " zou " for " you," " zour " 
for " your," a use probably facilitated by the similarity of the 
letters. Lz and nz are frequently used in words derived 
from French, where they are now dropped — as "artilze" 
or "artilzerie," Fr. artiller, now artillery; "pleinzie," Fr. 
plaindre, now complain. 
inflection The inflections which continued to be used in Scotch 
after they had been dropped in English are almost all to 
be found in Pitscottie. Thus we have the plural of nouns 
constantly in "is," with some examples of the exceptional 
plurals — as " eyen " or " ein," as well as " eyes," " brether " 
and " bretherin," " wemen," and the singular word for the 
plural, as in "hors" and "futt." 

The possessive case is expressed by "is," but also by 
the expression, " fadir brother " for father's brother or uncle, 
" sister son " for sister's son or nephew. The present par- 
ticiple of verbs is formed in " and " instead of " ing," but 
the distinction between the gerund and the participle is 
abandoned ; the past participle of weak verbs is in " it " 
instead of " ed." There are a great number of participles 

1 Mr Skeat notes in Middle English "Very rarely we find w for u." 

2 Earle, Philology, p. 132. 

still re 


of irregular verbs now lost in literary language, though 
many of them survive in dialect — as " patt " from " put," 
"lut" from "let," "leuch" from "laugh," "wan" from 
"win," "cuist" from "cast," "raid" from "ride." 

There are some special uses of prepositions and con- 
junctions which deserve a note. "Be" is used for "by," 
but also besides, or contrary to ; " but " for " without," 
" in " for " into," " tyll " for " to," and " quhyle " for * until " ; 
"an" = "and" is used for "if"; "gyf" and "gin" are 
also used for "if." 

The Vocabulary is almost the same as the English Vocabu- 
vocabulary of the period. There are comparatively few ary ' 
words derived from French. The following may be noted, 
many of which were also used in Middle English : " abuly- 
ment," from habillement ; "abit," from Fr. habit; "assoil- 
zie," from O.Fr. assoiler ; " burrious," from bourreau ; 
" botynes," from bottes ; "cure," from O.Fr. cure; "cau- 
cioun," from O.Fr. caution, or Latin cautio ; "eventur," 
from Fr. aventure ; " freres," from Fr. frere ; " galziand," 
from Fr. galiard ; "matulate," from Fr. maculate; "me- 
schant," from Fr. mechant ; " moyan," from Fr. moyen ; 
" novellis," from Fr. nouvelles ; " pest," for Fr. peste, 
"plague"; "panse," from Fr. penser ; " pissance," from Fr. 
puissance ; " sege," from Fr. siege; "sussy," from Fr. souci ; 
" tass," from Fr. tasse ; " suddand," from Fr. soudaine ; 
" wallour," from Fr. valeur ; " vilipend," from Fr. vilipender ; 
" vissie," from Fr. vise ; " woce," from Fr. voix. There is a 
remarkable absence of words which can be derived from 
Gaelic, as if the Lowland Scotch purposely rejected them, 
which is indeed what might be expected from the hostility 
of the two races. On the other hand, the modifications 



of forms due to proximity to a Celtic-speaking race had 
probably begun at an earlier period, and is fixed in the 
Phrases in Certain phrases frequently occur in Pitscottie. Such are 
" byganes to be byganes," meaning to forget the past, a 
phrase still familiar in Scotland ; "baith as ane" and "all 
as ane," meaning a complete union in action. " Fra hand " 
equals " instantly." " Ane siker targe " is what we should 
now call " a sure shield " or " protection." " Ane heart of 
stane " has been preserved by Burns. " From the boddom 
of my heart" has become a commonplace. "To quhit 
ane commoun" means to requite or give back as good 
as one gets, usually in the sense of returning evil for 
evil. " To bear the lawer saill " is to play humble, or, in 
modern cant, " to lie low." " To tak on the reid crosse " 
means to accept the English badge of the red cross and 
become a sworn or assured ally of England. "To play 
with baith the hands" is used for taking gifts from or 
assisting both sides. " To gif bakis " is a pithy expres- 
sion for to retreat, and is repeatedly used. " In feir of 
weir" is also very common, and means "in array of war" 
(in apparatu bellico). " Hangit be the purs" appears to 
be an ironical expression for " fined." " Bag and bag- 
gage," a phrase revived in our own day, meant the sur- 
render of a town or fort with everything in it, and when it 
was added " frie for seven days," that meant that the 
besieged might remove their belongings within that time. 
" Fair weiris " was used for wars in which prisoners were 
ransomed or exchanged. " But it was force " was a trans- 
lation from the Latin, and means " it was necessary." 

Many of these phrases are to be found in other writers 
of the period, but the frequency of their use is a mark of 


the style of Pitscottie. The above notes are merely a few 
illustrations to help the general reader in a subject which 
might be enlarged upon by a philologist. Scottish prose 
deserves further study. Though the field from which 
examples can be drawn is small, it is sufficient to illus- 
trate its grammatical forms, and the vocabulary can be 
supplemented from what now survives only as dialect. 
Pitscottie retained much of the old Scotch, probably more 
than other writers of the same age. But it would be easy 
to show that he also began to use modern English, and it 
is the use of both and a mixture of the two which causes 
the difficulty of his language to persons unfamiliar with 
the Scotch dialect. No one who has become accustomed 
to read Pitscottie as originally written can doubt that his 
language is quaint, forcible, and picturesque. But it is 
also very irregular, and lacks the grace and harmony of 
style which distinguishes the best writers of English prose. 
Even if Scotch had maintained its existence as a separate 
language, Pitscottie would never have been a classic. 


An examination of the merits and deficiencies of Pit- A full ex- 
scottie as an historian would require the rewriting of the of p itS) ! ot _ 
' History of Scotland' from 1436 to 1575, and cannot be tie as an 

... ... historian 

expected in an edition whose object is merely to present notat . 
a complete and correct text for the use of future historians, tempted. 
Yet a few points may be usefully noticed which may 
relieve him from undeserved praise or blame. So much, 
at least, appears due to our author, and may help to 
elucidate his character and that of his Chronicles. It has 


been usual to regard him as a good story-teller, but alto- 
gether wanting in the accuracy now demanded of all who 
attempt to write history. This verdict requires revision. It 
is rather the result of a popular impression than of critical 
examination, and critical examination was not attempted 
by former editors, nor was it possible until the complete 
work was recovered. How little either Freebairn or Dalyell 
regarded the point is shown by their printing the Preface 
by Pitscottie, which expressly states that he brought 
down his Chronicles to 1575, while the former editor 
assumed that after 1565 the work he published was, as 
it in fact was, a continuation by other hands till August 
1604, and the latter, that it was by Pitscottie himself, the 
date of whose birth and death he made no effort to ascer- 
Thedis- tain. The discovery of MS. I, which stops in 1575, 
covery o acc0 rding to the promise of the preface, enables us at 
ables us to once to see the different conditions under which the 
scottie author compiled different parts of the history of nearly 
morefairly. a century and a half of the annals of Scotland. It is 
The three necessary to distinguish three periods. 

Pitscottk *' From I436 t0 I46 °' the reign ° f J ames H -' ^tscottie 

I. 1436- ls merely a translator of Hector Boece, whose Chronicles 

1460. he continues, scarcely altering the Latin original, and not 

Reign of 

James II., attempting any correction of the text of his author. This 

a transla- re jg n had been left untranslated by John Bellenden. 

Boece. II. From 1460, the commencement of the reign of 

II. 1460- James III., to 1542, the commencement of the reign of 
Tames III. Queen Mary, Pitscottie works independently, but his work 
to Queen j s a collection or compilation, in which it is impossible to 
compiled say how much is original and how much adopted matter, 
from other pj e re h es on the authors named in his preface, but none 


of their works have been preserved, except that of John 


Major, from which he has taken little. Nor are we even 
certain whether he may not refer to oral and traditional 
communications, and not to written documents, unless in 
the case of Sir William Bruce of Earlshall, of whom he 
says that he "hes wrettin werrie justlie all the deidis sin 
flowdane feild." 

III. From 1542 (if we accept 1532 as the probable date III. 1542. 
of his birth) down to 1575, where MS. I ends, he is a con- * 575 ' 
temporary historian, relating events which occurred in his porary and 
own lifetime, although as to some of them he was no doubt ^pendent, 
indebted to Sir David Lyndsay and Andrew Wood of 
Largo, and probably to Andrew Fernie of that ilk and Sir 
William Bruce of Earlshall. That he described events 
which he himself witnessed is specially clear as regards 
the last decade of his history, now published for the first 
time. It will easily be seen that there is a very great 
difference in accuracy between the accounts of these three 

During the first he follows and adopts the errors of First 
Boece, a writer somewhat unfairly called mendacious by pe ^° . 
Buchanan, but whose standard of exactness was certainly the errors 
not high, and the early part of whose history, though 
Buchanan himself accepted it, has required to be rewritten. 
As regards the reign of James II., which Pitscottie trans- 
lated, Boece, though a generation earlier, was not himself a 

In the second period there continue to be many errors, Second 
especially in dates and genealogies, the result, when not pe ^° 
the fault of careless transcription, of accepting hearsay errors. 
information without independent inquiry. Third 

But in the third period Pitscottie is substantially accur- ^itu^* 
ate, and in that portion which narrates the events between accurate. 


1565 and 1575 he is as accurate as any diarist of the time. 
This, of course, could not be known until the manuscript 
which contains the most important portion of the third 
part of the history was discovered. It has now been 
shown by the comparisons made in the footnotes of his 
narrative with the ' Herries Memoirs ' — originally written 
in the sixteenth, though in the form we now have it 
revised in the seventeenth century — the two independent 
accounts called 'The Diurnal of Occurrents,' and 'The 
Memorial of Richard Bannatyne,' and the early Scottish 
version of the ' History of Bishop Leslie.' In regard to 
the siege of Edinburgh, we are indeed surprised by the 
agreement of two or more of these writers in minute or 
even trivial points, and are tempted to suspect a record 
may have been kept of the nature of a journal of what 
happened from day to day. 

This is not a necessary inference. The siege of Edin- 
burgh was the central point of Scottish history on which 
the eyes of all were turned, and independent observers 
may have noted every step in its progress to its all but 
inevitable end as soon as the English began to take 
part in it, in spite of the desperate efforts of Grange 
and Lethington to keep the flag of Mary flying on 
the Castle walls. The tendency of Scottish writers to 
magnify events which concerned Scotland out of due 
proportion must also be kept in view. In the third 
or last period it may further be noted that Pitscottie's 
story-telling ceases, while the propensity he all along 
showed for moralising increases. 

It is in the reigns of James III., James IV., and 
James V. that we have such striking and picturesque 
narratives as the hanging of Cochrane and the favour- 


ites of James III. at the Bridge of Lauder, the pres- 
ages of Flodden field, the escape from Falkland, and 
the death - bed scene of James V. The reigns of Mary 
and of James VI., though certainly not wanting in op- 
portunities for similar scenes, are told in plainer lan- 
guage and with fewer digressions. Such digressions as 
occur are either into English history or moral reflec- 
tions upon the corruptness and wickedness of the times, 
which modern historians for the most part leave to the 
pulpit. This may either be because such stories were 
taken from some of the authors out of whose works 
Pitscottie borrowed the second period of his Chronicles, 
or more probably because the narrative, no doubt writ- 
ten as the events occurred, draws nearer the Reformation 
and its triumph — a period during which, though Pitscottie 
never faltered in his belief that the cause he embraced was 
right, it was impossible for him not to see the mingling 
of secular motives and private ends. It was a time too 
grave for mirth, too recent for stories. 

In the history of the particular reigns there is much 
omitted which would have found a place in a modern his- 
tory. The field of observation of the writer is limited. Yet 
enough is told to bring out the character of each mon- 
arch. It is in the chronology the mistakes occur which Mistakes 
are sometimes sufficiently great to dislocate materially |^ rono " 
the sequence of events. James II. with the Fiery Face j am es II. 
belongs properly to Boece ; but the translator has iden- 
tified himself with the older writer, and the fierce con- 
flict between the Stewarts and the Douglases, which 
twice dyed the royal hands with blood, stand out as 
the mark of the reign. Amongst the mistakes in this 
reign it may be noted that as the sixth Earl of Doug- 


las was only seventeen at the date of his murder, it 
appears probable that some of the acts ascribed to him 
were really those of the eighth earl. The date of the 
murder has been given as 141 1 in MS. A, and as 1448 
in MS. I, while the true date was 1440 ; but these are 
probably transcribers' errors. There are indeed compara- 
tively few great errors of date in the part of Pitscottie 
which is taken from Boece, but the chronology lacks 
preciseness. The insertion in some MSS. of the story 
of the death of the Tutor of Bombie, and the trans- 
position of the apologue from the sheaf of arrows by 
Bishop Kennedy which belongs to this reign to that 
of James III., deserve, however, to be noticed, as showing 
the liberties taken with the manuscripts. It is note- 
worthy when we compare the tone of the description 
Pitscottie of this period with the original work of Pitscottie which 
' follows, how much he has in common with Boece. 
Boece was a Catholic priest and university man ; Pit- 
scottie a layman and country gentleman. Boece was a 
disciple of the Renaissance, which was late in reaching 
Scotland ; Pitscottie was an ardent follower of the Ref- 
ormation. Yet their view of Scottish history is very 
similar. They sympathise with the Royal house, but 
are not blind to its faults, which they freely criticise. 
They both condemn without stint the ambition and 
oppression of the Scottish nobles. They both recognise, 
though Pitscottie more fully, the corruptions of the 
Church, yet even Pitscottie admits the virtues of in- 
dividual prelates like Kennedy, whose character shines 
by contrast. They are both moralising historians, and 
represent the ideas of intelligent members of the third 
estate, which was gradually growing in importance, until 


it became in the end of the sixteenth and during the 
seventeenth century not the predominant but a power- 
ful factor in Scottish politics. In both, too, there are 
traces of the humaner feeling which a wider view of affairs 
necessarily produced. It was natural that Pitscottie 
should regard his work as a continuation of that of 
Boece rather than the commencement of a history of 
his own. 

The reign of James III. is that in which the most James III. 
serious errors occur. It is the farthest, except the part 
translated from Boece, from Pitscottie's own time. This 
portion of the history he wrote himself, and he must 
have compiled it from authors or sources none of which 
were, probably, contemporary with the events. So we 
have hearsay of hearsay. Nor is there any full con- 
temporary chronicle with which to compare it. The 
truer history has to be laboriously pieced together 
from Acts of Parliament and other official records, and 
various later chronicles, of which the best appear to be 
that of Ferrerius, a Piedmontese monk, who made some 
notes in continuation of Boece, and frankly admits his 
difficulties as a foreigner. Amongst the mistakes which 
may be noted in the period between 1460 and 1488, the 
following deserve special attention. The coronation of 
James III. was at Kelso and not at Scone, a mistake not 
of the first consequence, as there may have been a con- 
firmation at Scone ; but if so, it is singular that it is not 
recorded elsewhere. The date of the king's marriage with 
Margaret of Denmark is post-dated. It really took place 
in July 1469, as is shown by the Treasurer's Accounts, 
and not in 1473, as stated by Pitscottie. Possibly the 
birth of James IV., which was not till 1473, may explain 


the mistake. The rise and fall of the Boyds, an im- 
portant fact in this reign, is entirely left out by Pitscottie. 
There is great confusion in the account given of Albany's 
proceedings. It was in 1479 that Albany escaped from 
the Castle of Edinburgh and went to France, where he 
married Anne de la Tour d'Auvergne, and not in 1483, 
although it would appear that he paid another short visit 
to France in 1484. The "correction and punishment" of 
Cochrane and the king's favourites at Lauder Bridge was 
in July 1482 and not in 148 1, as is stated in Pitscottie. 
The account of the escape of Albany and his chamber 
child from Edinburgh Castle in the following year, 1483 — 
one of the most graphic passages in Pitscottie — cannot 
have taken place in that year. It is too circumstantial 
to be invented, and probably occurred in 1479 ; but the 
misplacing of its date certainly raises a doubt whether it 
occurred, at least in the way Pitscottie narrates it. The 
account of the battle of Bosworth Field — now printed for 
the first time from MS. I — and the part ascribed to the 
Scottish troops under Sir Alexander Bruce of Earlshall, 
derives some confirmation from John Major : and the 
army of Henry VII. no doubt included Scotch as well as 
other mercenaries, though English historians have ignored 
their contribution to the victory. But the story of 
Macgregor stealing the English crown, with its humorous 
incidents, certainly gives ground for supposing Pitscottie 
made up for the absence of facts by inserting stories. 
There are times in his history, and this is one, when he 
appears to be laughing in his sleeve, or playing a practical 
joke on his readers. The incidents of the death of James 
IV., after the battle of Sauchie, have been also doubted. 
Yet here the continuous tradition of the district supports 


his narrative. Nor is there anything wonderful in the 
murder of James by the hand of a pretended priest. 

The reign of James IV. has fewer errors in dates, but James IV. 
contains several stories which are, at least, of doubtful 
authenticity. Such are the tale with which it commences of 
the young prince taking Captain Wood for his father ; the 
trial of Lord David Lindesay, and his successful defence 
by his brother's skill in advocacy ; the predictions as to 
Flodden, and the alleged intrigue of James with Lady 
Ford, by which they were fulfilled. Yet it seems almost 
certain that the two first of these were derived from the 
traditions of the families of Wood of Largo and Lindesay 
of the Byres, while the latter stories, so closely connected 
with each other, were probably the popular rumours of the 
time, which grew after the issue of the fatal field. It must 
be remembered, however, that for the strangest of them 
Buchanan cites the Lyon King as a voucher. Few ghost- 
stories have such good evidence. 

The defeat of Flodden, really due to the bad generalship 
of James, was sought to be explained by his immoral con- 
duct. But Pitscottie, who reports the story as an on dit, — 
"sum sayis the lady of Furde was ane bewtiefull woman, 
and that the king mellit with hir and allso his sone, the 
bischope of Sanct Androis, with hir douchter," — was too 
ready to accept a tale which had royal adultery as its 

The date of the marriage of James IV. with Margaret 
Tudor, though wrongly given in MS. A as 1504, is correctly 
placed in MS. I in 1503 ; but the day and the month of 10th 
September requires to be corrected by the diary of Young, 
the Somerset Herald. The date was 8th August 1503. 

The story of the " monster " who could speak as many 


languages as the king is credited with by Don Pedro 
Ayala, can only be accounted for by the appetite of the 
age for adding marvels to marvels. The singular account, 
now first printed from one of the additions in MS. I, of the 
tournament in which James fought as the Black Knight 
in honour of the Black Lady before Marshal D'Aubigny, 
is confirmed by Dunbar's poem, and no doubt refers to 
an actual occurrence, although its date is uncertain. 

The too late arrival of Maclean of the Isles, after the 
battle of Flodden had been lost, is an addition from MS. I, 
and is not told in the same way in any other account of 
Flodden. It is difficult to believe there can have been any 
subsequent engagement worthy of the name of a great 
battle. But Tytler mentions Maclean of Duart, in Mull, 
as having fallen at Flodden, and this is confirmed by a 
MS. history of the clan. 
James V. In the reign of James V. we approach the period when 
Pitscottie was a contemporary. He certainly had infor- 
mation from Sir David Lyndsay, who lived through the 
whole of the reign and died about 1555. Pitscottie him- 
self, we have seen, was probably born about 1532; yet 
there are more serious errors in the dates than in any 
part of his history. Possibly Pitscottie trusted to hearsay, 
and had not any written narrative to follow, as he prob- 
ably had for portions of the reign of James IV. ; but his 
mistakes are difficult to account for. The skirmish of 
Cleanse the Causeway is placed in 15 15 — not, as it should 
be, in 1520 — possibly from a confusion with an earlier 
similar street-fight. Whatever the explanation, this error 
has dislocated much of the history of this period. There 
is no reason to suppose the Earl of Angus went to France 
shortly after 15 15, as is stated by Pitscottie. It was in 


1522 that he made this move, if he was not rather the 
victim of a plot. We should have expected him to 
take refuge in England rather than in France. The 
expressions in Pitscottie that " he remainit ane sessoun 
but companie of aney Scottisman, skantlie knowand in 
quhat part of the world he was in," is very peculiar ; and 
perhaps the explanation may be that he was in hiding, 
and it was not really known where he went. The state- 
ment that he " convoyit himself quyetlie out of France to 
Ingland quhare he was weill ressavit," rather confirms this 
conjecture. The blunder in ascribing the death of Squire 
Meldrum to a period of fifty years after the assault by 
the Laird of Keir is one of the most curious in Pitscottie, 
though not in itself of much consequence to Scottish 
history. Pitscottie, we should have thought, from his 
relationship to the Lindesays of the Byres, who gave the 
Squire the hospitality of Struthers, must have known 
the true date of his death. Perhaps Laing gives the 
most probable explanation — that " fiftie " is a miscopy 
for "fifteen," and that he died about 1532, after which 
date we find no trace of him. This mistake is, how- 
ever, in all copies of the MS. as well as in the printed 
editions, and, if Laing's conjecture is correct, it is another 
example of the inaccuracy of the copyists. 

The siege of Wark, at which Buchanan was present, 
was certainly in 1523 — not in 1520, as Pitscottie puts 
it. It was during Albany's third visit to Scotland, which 
Pitscottie has omitted ; and its failure, through the barons 
not co-operating with Albany, was the cause of his final 
return to France. Something very wrong — it is hard to 
say what — has confused the dates of this period. Thus 
the length of Albany's three visits, which is too expressly 


stated to be a mistake of any copyist, is computed at 
five years and a half ; while we know from the dates of 
his arrival and departure, which can be ascertained from 
the Records, that he was in all only three years and 
seven months in Scotland. Here the error may be 
extending the first portion of his regency to 1519, and 
slumping together the second and third portions. 

The date of the martyrdom of Patrick Hamilton does 
not agree with the ' Diurnal of Occurrents ' which places 
it on 28th February 1527, 1 instead of September 1525, as 
Pitscottie does. 

The field of Linlithgow, where Lennox was slain, is 
misdated in 1520 or 1522, but was really fought on 4th 
September 1526. 2 More important is the date of the 
escape of James V. from the custody of Angus at Falk- 
land, of which Pitscottie gives a fuller narrative than other 
writers. But he places it shortly before 2nd July 1524, 3 
whereas the true date was in July 1528. This is proved 
by the forfeiture of the Douglases, the date of which was 
in October 1528. In the account of the burning of the 
Vicar of Dollar we again meet with singular errors as to 
the dates. MS. A places the burning of the Vicar, Nor- 
man Gourlay, and David Stratton in 1520, and MS. I 
in 1529. 4 The true date of the martyrdom of Norman 
Gourlay and David Stratton was in 1 534, 5 while the Vicar 
of Dollar was not executed till 3rd February 1539. 6 The 
voyage of James to the Isles should be placed after and 

1 P. 10 ; and see Foxe's Book of Martyrs. 

2 Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 10. 

3 Vol. i. p. 327. The Council at Stirling against the Douglases. Freebairn 
reads 1527 not 1524, and perhaps the emendation is correct, but it still leaves 
an error of a year. 

4 Vol. i. p. 348. 5 Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 18 ; Knox, i. 1, p. 60. 
6 Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 23. 


not before the date of the king's second marriage. 1 A 
good example of what is evidently a copyist's error is 
found in the date assigned to the letters written by James 
to invite the Scotch lords to his marriage with Madeleine 
of France. These are stated to have been written in 1520 
in MS. A, and in 1526 in MS. I. 2 Freebairn, seeing there 
was an error, omits the date. As the marriage took place 
on 1st January 1537, the date of these letters must have 
been in 1536. The copyist of MS. A has not completed 
the date, and the one who wrote MS. I has left out x, and 
put xxvi for xxxvi. This is proved by the last date given 
before the date of the letters — viz., the date of the king's 
embarkation — being 1536. 3 A similar mistake has been 
made as to the marriage of James to Mary of Guise. MS. 
A reads I m V c > leaving the year a blank, while MS. I fills 
in xxvii. 4 The true date was 1538. The explanation 
seems to be that MS. A had left the date to be filled in, 
and that MS. I filled in wrongly xxvii for xxxviii. The 
dates of the birth of the sons of James V., who died in 
infancy, are in like manner omitted in MS. A, and in 
MS. I are filled in a year short of the actual dates, which 
were 22nd May 1540 and April 1541. 5 The first date of 
this period which is absolutely correct is that of the 
Parliament which confirmed the general narration made 
by James when in France at Rouen. This is dated in 
the addition from MS. I as 3rd March 1540. 6 The closing 
events of the reign of James V. are correctly given, though 
the date of his death was probably 14th, and not 20th, 
December 1542. 

1 See Dunbar, Scottish Kings, p. 235. 

2 Vol. i. p. 364. 3 Vol. i. p. 357. 4 Vol. i. p. 378. 

5 Treasurer's Accounts ; Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 23, 24. 

6 Vol. i. p. 382. 



After 1542 From the accession of Queen Mary in 1542 until 
logy *^ e close of the history in the manuscript now first 

practically printed, in 1575, Pitscottie is a contemporary author. 


and although there are a few discrepancies in his dates, 
these are comparatively rare. It is not therefore neces- 
sary to pursue further the reconciliation of his chron- 
ology with the correct dates. 1 
Explana- The mistakes which have been pointed out in the 
mistakes ear li er P art °f tne Chronicles cannot be explained by 
in earlier any single theory. Some of them are no doubt due 

part of the , _ . 

Chronicles. to tne errors of copyists. An unfortunate practice seems 
to have prevailed of leaving the date or exact date 
blank in the original copy. This was sometimes allowed 
to remain blank, and at other times filled up by later 
and ignorant redactors of the text. The difference in 
the old and new styles, both of which had begun to 
be used by historical writers before the new was in- 
troduced by James VI. in 1599 f° r legal documents, 
may also account for the errors where they are only 
one year different between 1st January and 25th March. 
So also may the acceptance of second or third hand 
accounts for some of the earlier errors. But it is evi- 
dent that no attempt was made by Pitscottie to write 
history with the precision which is now rightly deemed 
necessary, and which can be so much more readily at- 
tained when the dates of all important events have been 
recorded in print before the historian commences his 

How far this inaccuracy and the habit of introducing 

1 I have been much indebted in the attempt to give the true dates to the 
' Revised Chronology of Scottish History,' by Sir A. H. Dunbar, Bart., though 
it was published too late to enable me to take full advantage of it. 


doubtful anecdotes affects the credibility of Pitscottie as 
an historian is not easy to say. Probably the modern 
historians have acted most safely who do not accept 
his authority unless when it is confirmed by some other 
source. But it must be distinctly kept in view that 
this criticism does not apply to the portion of his 
Chronicles after the accession of Queen Mary. 

For the solution of the problems of her reign it is How far 
a different question. The dates are now generally right of Q t 


or only wrong by a few days. The question is whether Mary 

• reign can 

he was not so much of a partisan as to be unable to be cred . 
form an impartial verdict. Pitscottie undoubtedly be- lted - 
lieved that Mary was guilty of a preknowledge of 
Darnley's murder and of adultery with Bothwell. This 
is evident from his reference to Margaret of Gueldres, 
whom he accuses of adultery with Hepburn of Hailes, 
because the same thing had happened in the case of 
a queen in his own time ; from the insinuation that 
Darnley was brought to the Kirk - of - Field, a place 
convenient for the murder, and his description of Mary's 
conduct on the fatal night ; and from his acceptance of 
Murray and Buchanan's statement of the facts to Eliza- 
beth's Council. He also emphatically calls Murray 'the 
' guid Regent, for sa he was indeed, 5 and credits him 
with the equal administration of justice to poor and 
rich. But the murder took place on ioth February 
1567, and already on 7th March the accusation was 
launched by the placards on the church doors that 
Mary as well as Bothwell were the causers of the king's 
death. After that date almost every one in Scotland 
was a partisan, and believed, if a Protestant, in Mary's 
guilt, if a Catholic, in her innocence. Pitscottie was 



His state- 
ment of 
facts in 
reign of 
James VI. 


no exception, and there is no reason for supposing he 
had any special means of knowledge. There was truth, 
too, in Darnley's scoff. Murray had too much land, 
acquired by doubtful methods, to deserve the character 
of a just or good man. 

With regard to the events of the reign of James VI., 
and specially the account of the siege of the Castle of 
Edinburgh, which he has told in such detail, there is no 
reason to discredit his statement of facts, though the 
bias of his narrative is palpable. We may deem him 
in the earlier part of his Chronicles, prior to the reign of 
Mary, as a truthful writer, though one who had not 
sufficient regard to accuracy in dates, and was too much 
inclined to introduce stories to enliven what would other- 
wise have been a prosaic narrative. In the later part, 
after Queen Mary became a prominent actor, and the 
Reformation the chief factor in Scottish history, while he 
retained his honesty of purpose, he was too much inter- 
ested in the great controversy of the time to be accepted 
as a safe guide when unconfirmed by other testimony. 
But both in the earlier and in the contemporary part of 
his Chronicles his characters live, and whatever may be our 
judgment of his accuracy or bias, he shows us the form 
and pressure of the times he depicts. If he shows this by 
the light of his own age, is not all history a view of the 
past seen by the eyes of the present ? We should, where 
we can, correct his errors. It would be well if we could, 
like Scott, learn something of his historic instinct and 
patriotic spirit. 


Heir 1 beginnis the historie and cronickillis of Scotland 
quhilk was left onwrettin be the last translature to wit 
maister hector boes 2 and maister Johne ballentyne 3 quha 
endit thair cronickill at the slauchter of king James the 
5 first quhilk was frome our redemptioun ane thowsande 
four hundreith xxxvi zeiris the xxi day of february. 
Thairfoir we follow furth seinsyne begining at king 
James the secund so breiflie succeidin all the kingis 
quenis gowernouris and regentis that hes beine sen the 

10 said day foirsaid wnto this day and dait heireftir follow- 
ing 4 and forder hes socht gadderit and collected all the 
notabill actis done be thir foirsaid princeis in thair 
tyme and all troubillis and enormities of conspirationis 
fallin in lyk maner in thair dayis is all comprehendit 

15 in this wollume and speciallie the maner of the reforma- 

1 A portion of MS. A, missing from the beginning down to p. 32, 
1. 18, has been supplied from MS. I, which, with some variations 
and considerable additions, contains practically the same text. 
The MSS. are fully described in the Introduction. 

2 Hector Boece or Boethius is the more usual spelling, but the 
form Bois or Boes is also used in contemporary documents, and 
Pitscottie prefers Boes to Boece, used in Bellenden's translation of 
the first seventeen books, printed by Thomas Davidson. 

3 The forms Ballentyne and Bellenden were both used, but the 
latter by Bellenden himself. 

4 The day and date referred to is 25th December 1575, to which 
the Chronicle is brought down in MS. I. See p. 2 and 10 and In- 



tioun of the religioun and quhat was done thairin sen 
the fyftie aucht zeir wnto the thrie scoir fyftein zeir 
socht gadderit wrettin and collected be ane robert 
lyndesay of pitscottie instructed and learned and laitlie 
informit be thir authouris as eftir followis to wit Patrick 5 
lord lyndesay of the byres x Schir William Scot of bal- 
wirrie knicht Schir Androw Wood 2 of Largow knicht 
Maister Johne Mair doctour of theologie quha wret his 
cronickill heirwpone 3 and alsua schir dauid lyndesay of 
the mont allias lyoun herauld king of armes with androw 10 
wood of largow principall and familiar serwand to king 
James the fyft Androw fernie of that ilk ane nobill man 
of recent memorie schir williame bruce of erleshall knicht 
quha hes wrettin werrie Iustlie all the deidis sen flow- 
dane feild. 4 1 5 









1 It is not quite certain whether this is the fourth or sixth Lord 
Lindsay of the Byres ; but the names seem stated in chronological 
order, so it is probably the fourth Lord, who died 1526. See In- 
troduction : ' Pitscottie's Authors and Sources.' 

2 The famous sea-captain of the reigns of James IV. and James 
V. (b. 1450, d. 1 52 1). 

3 ' Historia Majoris Britannise tam Anglise quam Scotiee, per 
Johannem Majorem natione quidem Scotum professione autem theo- 
logum,' first printed by Badius Ascencius, Paris, 1521. 

4 See Introduction : ' Pitscottie's Authors and Sources.' 

5 The Exortatioun is in the verses which follow, as to which see 
p. 3, note 1. 


Ingyne * of man be Inclinatioun 
in sindrie wayes 2 is giwin as we sie 
sum men ar giwin to detractioun 
inwy displeassure or malancholie 
5 and (sum) 3 to thair nichtbouris hes na cherritie 

Sum ar so nobill and full of gentilnes 
Thay luife 4 no thing bot joy and merenes 5 

Sum ar at wnderhand and 6 sum maid vp of nocht 
Sum men luifis peace and sum desyres weir 
io sum is so blindit in his lust and thocht 7 

he curis nocht so he may passeweir 8 
In gold and siluir and in warldlie geir 9 
Sum Invyand vthir with maist crewell feid 
with sword and dag to schut him to the deid T0 

15 Ane hes that micht ane hundreith weill susteine 

and livis in vo and pinschis n at his tabill 
And of guid fallowis comptis nocht ane prein 12 
his wrechit mynd is euer so insasiabill 
as hevin and hell var nathing bot ane fabill 

1 The first four stanzas and the last stanza of this poem are bor- 
rowed, with slight variations, from the verses prefixed to JBellenden's 
translation of the ' Chronicles of Hector Boece,' made by command 
of James V., between 1530 and 1533, and printed by Thomas David- 
son, without date, but probably about 1542. [Dickson and Edmond, 
'Annals of Scottish Printing,' p. 131.] The fifth, sixth, seventh, 
eighth, and ninth stanzas have been inserted by the scribe of the 
original MS. of Pitscottie's Chronicle, who has substituted in the 
first line of stanza four the word " wrettar " for the word " prentar." 
The lines are headed in the printed edition of Bellenden's transla- 
tion of Boece, ' The Invocation of the Prentar,' and were probably 
written as well as printed by Thomas Davidson. 

2 Wyse in Davidson's lines. 3 D omits. 4 Luf, D. 
5 Merynes, D. 6 Under and, D. 

7 Sum is so blyth in to his many thocht, D. 

8 Pasewir, D = persevere. 

9 In grace and favour of his lady deir, D. 

10 With lance and dagar rynnis to the deid, D. 

11 Pennance, D. 

12 Bene, D. Prein is still Scotch vernacular for a pin. 


he burnes 1 evir in sicht of guid or euill 
Syne rynis with all his bagis to the dewill 

And I the wrettar 2 that dois considdar 3 weill 

The 4 sindrie 5 myndis of men in thair leiving 

desyres nocht bot for my laubouris leill 5 

bayth nicht and day musing and studdieing 

first to pleis god and syne our nobill king 

and that the rederis bousum and attent 

war of my laubour and bussines contentt. 

And that this wark may haue the bettir speid 10 

To pray me think it is verray necessarie 

That I sould fall considdering my neid. 

That I most haue for laik of dew studdie 

quhair throw thair cunning and perfytt memorie 

Of thingis consawit quhan I was hynde 6 15 

Bein far sett of now and put from my mynde. 

Bot this Ignorance now cuming in plaice 

and obliuioun had set his fute 

Sie that knawkdg frome me thay down raite 

quhairby in auld authouris I micht find sum buit 20 

In latin or frensh that in thair deuers suite 

So and wrettaris hes so compendiouslie 

Sett thir auld storries in ordour diligentlie 

Bot in my prayeris I think nocht so be wssit 

As did the poettis in the auld dayes 25 

quhich maid thair prayeris to goddis 7 abusit 

as Iupitar marce that in thair auld lawis 

war namit goddessis 7 and feinzeit in thair sawis 

1 Birnis ay, D. 3 Prentar, D. :! Considir, D. 

4 Thir, D. 5 Sindry, D. 

6 Probably "hind," which first meant a youth and afterwards a 
servant. See Glossary. 

7 The variety in spelling is as in MS. I. Neither of the gods 
mentioned are feminine, and possibly "goddasis," p. 5, is a pun or 
play on the heathen gods, as god asses. More probably the spelling 
is due to the scribe's ignorance. 


That thay war goddasis 1 of battellis and of riches 
And haid in thame grett wertew and prowes. 

Quhat mycht thay help thais feinzeit godasis all 
As saturne or marce or zet the bricht appollo 
5 as bacctus or neptune or pluto the thrale 

as Iolus or Wenus or blinde cupiddo 
Or zet that goddes the fair Juno 
Diana or pallas or Scires 2 the frie 
Or zet the musis that been the thrys thrie 

10 Thairfoir to the lord that is celestiall 

I will now cry that of his Influence 
of graice and mercy may on me fall 
And schairp my wit with such expeirence 
That this wark may finnische with his assistance 

15 To the glorie of his name quhich in heavin is 

quhair the angellis singis gloria in exelsis 3 

So in this wark that I haue heir asseilzeit 4 
To bring to licht most humblie I exhortt 
zow gentill 5 readdaris quhair that I haue feilzeit 6 
20 In letteris sillabbis pointtis lang or schortt 

That ze wald of zour gentrice it support 
And tak the sentence the best wayes 7 (that) ze may 
I sail do bettir will god ane vthir day. 







1 See footnote 7, page 4. 2 Ceres. 

3 Excelsis. 4 Assalzeit, D. 5 Nobill, D. 

6 Failziit, D. 7 Wyse, D, who omits "that." 

8 See Memoir of Robert Stewart, Bishop of Caithness, in Intro- 


litill buik pas thow with diligence 
To Sanctandrois that fair citie 

Salutt that lord with humbill reuerence 
Beseikand him of fatherlie pitie 
With inteir hairt and perfytt cherritie 
And that he wald onnawayis offend 
To luik on the ane day or twa to spend 

And thair schaw him thy secreittis moir and les 

frome the begynning wnto the end 

and also zow to come vtter and expres 

Schaw him the veritie and mak it to him kend 

The martiall deidis and als the fattell end 

of his nobill daintie progeniture 1 

In Scotland liwet sum tyme in great honnour. 

Schaw him the gret consperacie 

That hes beine in this realme of auld 

And also the wicked tyranie 

Of fals tratouris that war boith stout and bauld 

That to thair princes wald nevir obey nor fauld 

Nor nevir wald aneir 2 vnto the commonweill 

Bot evir in wyce runing heidlongis to the deuill 

Schaw him heir the fyve kingis of the Stewarttis 
how long thay rang in this regioun 
and quhat at last was thair revarde 

1 pray the schaw him and mak mentioun 

quhat troubill quhat cummar and quhat dissentioun 
fell in this cuntrie be lordis thrie 3 
daylie stryvand for the authoritie. 

1 Progenitors — i.e., the Stewart kings, ancestors of Robert Stew- 
art, Bishop of Caithness, younger brother of the Regent, Earl of 
Lennox, father of Darnley. 

2 Freebairn's edition reads "an ear," MS. I "aneir"; but the 
work is badly written — perhaps corrupt. 

3 Probably Livingstone, Crichton, and Douglas, as described in 
the next stanza. 




2 5 


Quhan James the secund that potent prince was zoung 
Thair was nane so guid to haue the auctorie 
as was Schir Allexander levinstoun, 
Of guid wit and recent memorie 
5 Thairfore the cunsall thocht him maist worthie 
To haue in Scotland the governement 
quhairat the Douglas and Crichtoun war nocht content 

Quhilk in this realme maid great diversitie 
as eftirwart this buik will schaw zow plaine 
10 ffor thair was nevir perfytt stabillitie 

quhill that the Douglas was perisch * deid and gane 

Than the Crichtoun reullit all alaine 

Zit in this realme was mekill miserie 

quhill that the king resawit his awin authoritie 

15 Declair zow him and vtter and expres 

how the earle of crawfurd maid a band 

with williame the gret erle of douglas 

Thir twa lordis oppressit all the land 

Bot fra tyme the king did vnderstand 
20 gart bring this earle to stiruilling quyetlie 

quha in the castill was murdreist crewellie 

Syne eftir this the king did live in rest 
and brocht his realme to gret tranquillitie 
and the puire thay war no moir opprest 
25 for thay haid justice bot 2 parciallitie 
quhilk caussit thame to liwe in vnitie 
and fra tyme thir great men war thus corrected 
To wyce this realme was no moir subjected 

Bot euer allaice this roy of gret renowne 
30 quhan he had brocht his realme to stabillitie 
Eist west south north vp and downe 

1 Perished — so printed in the edition by Freebairn. 

2 Without. 


Thair was nathing bot paice and vnitie 
Zet come thair ane chance maist suddainlie 
This potent prince this roy of gret renowne 
vas murdreist be ane misforttunit gown 

Schaw him that how king James the thrid 5 

ane prince of gret facillitie 

Eftir that his father was gone and deid 

was delyuerit to bischope James kenneddie 

and that be avyce of the heill nobillitie 

To learne letteris and mak him abill at all 10 

To gyde his royall seat Imperiall 

To quhome this nobill bischope did his cuir 

To bring this nobill prince to verteu and science 

Bot euer alaice he did nocht lang indure 

As this buik dois schaw the circumstance 15 

for schowne thair fell ane gret varience 

Be ane new courteour that rullit so the ruddar 

and causit the king to discord with his broder 

This Courteour to wit was callit Cochraine 

quha rewllit king and court than as he pleisit 20 

for thair was nevir lord erle nor gret man 

That tyme in the court micht be eassit 

he held that potent prince so inclosit 

That he gart have at his broder sick mortall feid 

That he slewit the duik and put the erle to deid 25 

Nochtwithstanding this cochreine with his companie 

Within schort tyme gat thair warisoun 

On lather 1 brig wer hanged schamefullie 

Thair king was taine and put in subiectioun 

And on his servandis was maid correctioun 30 

1 Lauder. 


And that be the heill counsall of the nobillitie 
Bot haistelie thair rais ane gret consperacie 

That this nobill king was piteouslie put dovvne 
At Bannockburne as ze sail heir tell 
5 Be the cruckatt hum and the glyed hepburne 
quha aganis this king did all rebell 
Syn eftirward how it befell 
how James the fourt that most prudent king 
In Scotland resawit the haill governing. 

10 And guyddit the same in veilfair and paice 
Mony ane day as eftir ze will heir 
quhill at the last flowddaine feild allaice 
dewored him with his nobillis in feir 
all his trew lordis and he var brocht in beir 

15 Be his awin vilfull mesgovernance 

And luife he buir vnto the realme of france. 

Than James the fyift beand of tendar age 
Thair rang into this realme gret miserrie 
Be new rewlaris rewland in ane raige 
20 day lie stryvand for the authoritie 

Sum tyme the queine sum tyme the duik of albanie 
Syn start vp ane presumpteous man amang ws 
quha was callit Archbald erle of angus. 

Than the king tuik his awin authoritie 
25 and reullit his realme as he thocht expedient 

liveand in pleasour and gret felicitie 

Bot daylie his bodie he did mispent 

quhairof his lordis war nawayes content 

Alledging his hurdome and harlotrie 
30 Wald bring him schowne to deith and miserrie 


Quhilk was at last as cleirlie ze may sie 

as in this buik makis mentioun 

and also of the vofull miserrie 

and crewell feid and discentioun 

That fell hestelie into this regioun 5 

Be Ingland throw breaking of the peace 

quhilk gart Scotland oft tymes say allaice. 

ffor the gret bluide was sched at pinkie feild 

Be the governouris l vilfull misgovernance 

quhair money nobillis was slaine with speir and scheild 10 

Be pryd and be thair awin negligence 

And nocht be the vertew of Inglis ordinance 

Bot be the governouris intoxicat counsall 

Thir nobill men in feild war perrischit all 

Than schaw zow him how queine regent 2 15 

Reft frome the Duik the authoritie 

quhairof money of Scotland war nocht content 

knawin of wemen the facultie 

That thay are nocht constant in thair quallitie 

Thairfore thay ar nocht abill to reule a regioun 20 

nor of ane cuntrie to have dominioun. 

Than last of all schaw him be enarratioun 3 

all thingis done seine the fyftie aucht zeir 

And speciallie the reformatioun 

and evirie thing schaw him in ordour cleir 25 

Beseikand him patientlie the to heir 

and quhair he findis in the fals enarratioun 

Beseikand his lordschip one the to mak correctioun. 

1 James, Earl of Arran, afterwards Duke of Chatelheraut. 

2 Mary of Guise. 

3 This verse agrees with the Preface, that Pitscottie continued his 
Chronicles after the year 1558, and presumably till 1575, which is 
stated in the Preface as the date of their conclusion. 


Quhan he hes done fast thy voyes 1 vend 
To Athoill that most hie cuntrie 
And to that lord hairtlie zow commend 
Salute his lordschip 2 with all humillitie 
5 Beseikand him of his benegnitie 

That of thy fame nothing as zit be sprong 
Into the cuntrie quhill that the king is zoung. 

Becaus thow mellis with the authoritie 3 
at this tyme quha hes it now in hand 
10 and als declairis of that clan 4 the veritie 

Thairfoir I wald thay did nocht vndirstand 
That thow hes taine sick hie matteris in hand 
To this guid lord gif thy haill credence 
quhan he thinkis tyme thy matter to avance, 


1 "Voyage," Freebairn's edition. 

2 John Earl of Athole, as to whom see Introduction. 

3 This probably refers to James Douglas, Earl of Morton, during 
whose regency the copy of the Chronicles was sent to the Bishop of 
Caithness. See Introduction. 

4 The clan referred to is the Douglases ; and as Morton was 
beheaded on 2nd June 1581, these verses must have been written 
before that date — probably about 1578 — as explained in the In- 














i The ' Chronicles of Hector Boece,' in seventeen books, were 
originally published in 1527, and extended only to the death of 
James L, and this is the whole work translated by John Bellenden. 
The second edition, edited by Joannes Ferrerius, a Piedmontese 
monk of Kinloss, and published by Badius Ascencius at Paris in 
1574, contained the eighteenth book of Boece and the commence- 
ment of the nineteenth, down to the embassy sent by Charles Duke 
of Burgundy to Scotland, with a proposal of marriage for James 
III., in 1460, with a continuation by Ferrerius from 1461 down 
to the death of James III. This eighteenth book, which is the 
first of Pitscottie, is a translation, sometimes close, at other times 
free, and with additions, noted at the proper places, of the eigh- 
teenth book of Boece. 


Heir beginnis the first chapter quhan James the secund was crounit Fol. i a. 
at Scone be awyce of the heill nobillitie : and quhen Schir 
Allexander lewingstoun knicht of Callendar was chossin 
gouernour : and Schir William Crichtoun neu approuit chan- 
celar. Of gret extortionis and enormeteis done be Allexander 
Erie of douglas in the south cuntrie and in speciall in Anner- 
deill and in money vther pairtis of Scottland ; Of money vther 
troubillis that fell in Scotland at this tyme and hou the queine 
tuik hir sone out of the Castell of Edinburghe be slicht fra 
Schir Williame Crichtoun capten thairof to the gouernour to 


King James the first being treasonabillie murdrest 
and The traitouris slayeris of him condinglie puneschit 
and put to death for the samyn zit neuirtheles the haill 
realme was brokin and dewydit in the sellff for quhy 
5 quhair evir thair is na aw nor feir of ane king or prince 
that thay that ar maist furthie in the ingyring and 
surffetting thame sellffis leives without meassoure or 
obedience eftir thair awin pleasour and sa lang as the 
king is zoung greit men ringis at thair awin pleas- 
10 ouris and libertie oppressand all men as thay will but 

doubt be punischit thaireftir. This James the first left Kingjames 
bot ane sone behind him callit James the secund oniieking 

James the 2 

nocht past sex zeir of aige quha than was brocht to b e hi .ndhim 

■*■ of vj zeins of 

1 MS. A is not divided into chapters, but MS. I is, and the 
divisions and contents of the chapters have been taken from the 
latter MS. The Scotch in the contents of the chapters is as old 
as the text. It is probable, therefore, that the division into 
chapters had been made at an early period with a view to publica- 
tion by printing. A conjecture is made in the Introduction why the 
Chronicles were not printed by their author. 



King James 
the 2 is 
brocht to 
Skwn and 
crwnit be the 

Schir Alex- 
ander leving- 
stoune of 
chosin for 
of the 
Schir Wm. 
of new ap- 
provit chan- 

Gret com- 
plentis wpon 
erle of dow- 
glas ffor his 

Gret ondew- 
tifulnes to 
the king and 
of the sub- 
iectis be 
erle of Dow- 

Fob i b. 

Scone and crownit be the nobillitie : bot becaus the king 
was nocht sufficient to governe the realme for inlaik of 
aige the nobillis maid conventioun to adwyss quhome thay 
thocht meist abill beith for manheid and wit to tak the 
administratioun of the common weill in hand At quhilk 5 
conventioun was nane thocht so convenient as Schir 
Allexander lewingstoun knicht of Callender and thairfoir 
was maid gouernour ouer all the realme And als Schir 
williame crichtoun was of new approvit chancellar of 
Scotland becaus he had worthielie exersissed the samyn 10 
office in king James the firstis tyme. In the meintyme 
Alexander Erie of douglas beand potent in mair kine 
and freindis than contempnit l all the kingis officairis in 
respect of his gret puissance : Sa money complanttis 
was meid to the governour and magistratis vpom him 15 
and in speciall be the men of Annerdaill becaus he 
nocht onlie spoilzeit the haill cuntreis narrest about 
him bot als crewellie slew the indwellaris thairof but 
ony pitie and quhan he was commandit to repair all 
sick iniures done be him he beith obstinatlie dissobeyit 20 
and also stoppit vtheris that wald haue amendit thair 
offences And causit procleame publicklie that na man 
within Annerdaill or vtheris boundis quhatsumevir per- 
tinit to his dominiounis ether to call and withdraw the 
leiwe 2 or zet gif that he was callit that he obey nocht 25 
ony of the kingis officairis vnder the paine of deid 
alledging that he had prewiledge of the king to dessyede 
all matteris within the boundis foirsaid quhairfoir the 
heill nobillitie that war men of guid zeall and conscience 

1 MS. I has "continit," but is corrected by Boece : " Magistratus 
pro suis facultatibus contempnebat." 

2 Leiwe = " lave "—i.e., the rest, Freebairn's edition. The text is 
corrupt. Dalzell alters it, p. 3, but his alteration, which has no 
MS. authority, is as corrupt as the text. The meaning of Boece's 
somewhat cramped Latin is, "that Douglas prohibited any of the 
king's officers to summon any one to Court (in Jus vocare), and any 
one summoned to obey the summons." Pitscottie perhaps did not 
understand the Latin. 


seand Justice allutterlie suppressed in evirie sydde was 
hichlie commoweit at the said Allexander Erie of 
Douglas bot durst nocht attempt to puneis thairfoir 
becaus thay dreid to prouock grettar troubillis beith to 
5 thame sellffis and als to the heill realme give thay wald 

invaid so gret ane man. Throw this the heill zouth of ah kynd of 


Scotland began to rage in mischeirTe and lust. So lang rangffbr 

00 lack of pwn- 

as thair was na man to punisch nethir heirschip slauchtar isment. 
in land and borrowis nor creuelltie of nobillis amangis 
10 thame sellffis for slauchtar thift and murther was than 
patent And sa continwallie day be day that he vas 
estemed the grettest man of renowne and fame that was 
the grettest briggane theifT or murtherar bot thay war 
the caus of this mischeiff that wer gouernouris and Negligent 


15 magistrates of the realme. In this mean tyme money iS" e 1 ^j us 
gret dissentiounis rais amang ws bot it is wncertaine mischeiffin 

c ° ane countne. 

quha was the mowar or quhat occasioun the chancellar 
exerssit his office forthar nor become him : he keipit The chan- 

cellar had in 

baith the castell of Edinburghe and als our zoung king kepingthe 

20 thairintill quha was commitit to his keiping be the haill E n d d in t ur f i 1 J ) 
nobillitie and ane gret part of the nobill men assisted to also - 
his opinioun. Vpoun the wther sydd Schir Allexander 
lewinstoun beirand the authoritie commitit to him be 
the consent of the nobillitie menteined ane wther fac- 

25 tioun to quhais opinioun queine mother with mony of 
the nobillis assisted werray trewlie. Sua the principallis 
of beith the factionis causit proclame letteris at the 
marcatt crosses and principall willaiges of this realme 
That all men sould obey conforme to the lettiris set 

30 furth be thame vndir the paine of deid Throw the quhilk 
na man knew to quhome thay sould obey and als gret 
troubillis appeired in this realme daylie : Becaus thair 
was na man to defend the burges preistis and puir men 
labouraris hauntand to thair lesum bussenes ather pub- 

35 licklie or priuatlie and sicklyk all vther febill personis 
vnabill to defend thamesellffis quha ar maist crewellie 


vexit and afflicted be wicked vnhappie tyranis in sick 
trublus tymes. So quhan ony past to seik redres at 
the chancellar of sic iniures and trubillis sustenit be 
thame thaie thewis and brigganes feinzeit thame to be of 
the vther factioun wald burne thair housses and carrie 5 
thair heill guidis away or evir thay returned thame againe 
and evin sicklyk mischeiff befell thame that zeid to plein- 
zie to the governour of the oppressioun done to thame. 
Sum vther guid men moweit of considderatioun and pitie 
of thir present callamities thollit mony sick iniures and 10 
contenit thame sellffis at hame and socht na redres. In 
the middis of thir troubillis all thingis being out of 
ordoure the queine mother begane to find ane myane 
hou scho sould deminesch the chancellaris pouer and 
augment the governouris quhais authoritie scho assisted. 15 
Sa scho past to Edinburghe convoyitt with ane small 
tryne The chancellar resauit hir with glaidnes and gif 
hir entres to vissie hir zoung sone and gave command 
Foi. 2 a. how oft scho pleissit to haue entres to the castell that it 

sould be patent Bot scho verray craiftelie dissembled that 20 
scho come to intercommon with the nobillis alledging 
that thair was na thing that scho haitit so meikill as 
ciuill weiris and dissentioun knawin that gret mischeiffe 
is gennerit among nobill men in the realme and thairfoir 
with ane glaid will scho wald that discord war sett 25 
assydde and peace and vnitie to be nurischit amang the 
lordis, and desyreit also that the king war brocht vp 
vnder the feare of god and honnorabillie in the sicht of 
the world ffor in him lay the onlie hoipe and restitutioun 
of the commonisvealth to the awin estait 1 and punisch- 30 
ment of transgressouris for the offends commitit at sick 
troublus tymes. And to bring thes haill purpois to 
effectt scho promeist to imploy hir haill cuire and laboris 
to bring all the subjecttis of this realme to peace and 
rest. Be thir and vtheris sicklyk wordis the chancellar re- 35 
1 I.e., "its own estate." 


mowit all susspitioun and haitrent out of his mynd quhilk 
he suspectit the queine buire toward him of befoir fol- 
lowit sick familliaritie and kyndnes betuix the chancellar 
and the queine with hir assisteris that scho gat credence 
5 to vissie and haunt companie with hir sone baith day and 
nicht without ony impediment or stope quhill at the last 
spyand oportunitie and tyme to fullnll hir purpois quhan 
scho haid sick libertie to eschew and enter to the castell 
scho gaue the chancellar to vndirstand that scho haid Thequeinbe 

... . S ret slicht 

i o maid ane vowe to pas in pilgrimage to the quhytt kirk of convoyis hir 
Bricheine 1 for the health and prosperous success of hir chancellar 

r r out of the 

sone desyreand thairby to carrye away Twa cofferis with jgj*{J u ° f h 
hir claithes and ornamenttis furth of the castell quhilk *° sniveling 

t- to the gov- 

beand grantit to hir scho inclossit the zoung king in ane ernour - 

15 of the saidis cofferis and hir claithis in ane vther. 
Schortlie eftir the watcharis and keiparis of the plaice 
dissawit in this maner scho causit certaine men that knew 
of hir purpois to haif sum hors raddye to carie away the 
saidis cofferis to the schoir of leith quhair the cofferis wer 

20 imbarcatt togidder with hir sellff. And sua scho passed 
fordwart vnto Stiruilling and was past ane greit pairt of 
the watter vpward or euer the keiparis of the castell cuild 
perceawe thame sellms disauit and quhan the gouernour 
vnderstwdd the samyn he come suddainlie furth of the 

25 castell of Stirwilling with all his forceis and resaweit the 
king and his mother with gret joy and blythnes and es- 
temed the queine hielie that scho haid attempit so hie 
and wychtie ane purpois with gret danger of hir lyffe and 
haid brocht the samyn to ane prosperous fyne baith for 

30 the weilfair of the realme and alswa the king hir sone. 
Thairfoir the governoure callit all his freindis and assis- 
taris to ane counsall vpone the thrid day heireftir and 
said to thame in this maner ' Quhat troubillis be Intol- 

1 This is a mistake of all the MSS. White Kirk in Haddington, 
the well-known place of pilgrimage, is meant. No one would go to 
Brechin by Leith. See Notes. 



' larabill arrogance and quhow money diuers oppressouris 
1 to our gret rebuilt and schame we haif susteined hairtlie 
1 freindis evirie ane of zow knawis perfytlie seine Schir 
' Williame Crichtoun captaine of Edinburghe was pro- 
The gover- * mowit now alledging to be chancellar of the realme and 5 

nouris com- . , 

pient wpone { keiping of our prince for nocht onhe he hes maid the 
cellar. < haill landis perteneing to the king tributtares to him quha 

1 is ane hich officair bot als wald haue oppressit ws with 
1 confwsserabill 1 tyrannie and sa sould have usurpat all 
1 honnour riches and authoritie and we brocht to pouertie 10 
' scham and vthir miserie giff he haid haldin fordwart his 
Foi. 2 b. ' wicked purpois and intent. Hes he nocht lauborit evin 
' seinsyne without ony punischment of wicked limmaris 
1 and perturbaris of the commonweillis to compell all men 
1 to obey his chairges : hes he nocht lauborrit also to set 15 
' furth and drywe all matteris beith publick and priuat lyk 
' as he haid beine suppreme magistratt apprivit be the 
1 vottis of this realme. Bot 2 doubt gif this nobill woman 
1 our souerane mother throw hir gret wisdome and pru- 
1 dence and speciallie be the favour of the almychtie god 20 
1 haid nocht helpit ws all the schunar we sould haue tholled 
1 schairp persecutioun nor ony of ws culd perceawe. Scho 
1 past to the chancellar in Edinburghe aganis my will in- 
' deid becaus I knew the 3 subtillitie sa weill that he hes 
' ane merwellous foirsicht of all kynd of suspitioun and of 25 
' ony kynd of craft or fraude that may be 4 ony way redownd 
1 to his hurt and dampnage; zit with ane merwellous con- 
' seit scho hes taine away hir sone and brocht him now to 
' ws, quhairby I wnderstand that the wysest man is nocht 
' all sickerrest nor zit the hardiest man maist happie. 30 
' Now the chancellar nochtwithstanding all his wisdome 
' and foirsicht with greitt schame hes lost the king vndir 

1 Onswfferabill ? The c is probably a miscopy of an original with 
/ as last letter of the preceding word witht (see Glossary), and the 
long /and /are easily confused. 

2 Without. 3 His. 4 By. 

JAMES II. . 19 

1 the collour of quhais authoritie he over ran evirie man 
' lyk ane greddie and vnsaceabill 1 tyrane with out regard 
1 of all ciuill ordour or humanitie quhat euer he purpoisit 
' to do he set it out vnder the pretence of the king 
5 ' quhairby the puir peopill sould tak the grettar feir and 
' dreidour to dissobey him bot now his chance is both 
1 foull and miserabill and evirie man will lauche him to 
1 scorne. And be the contraire to ws we haue gret 
1 honnour and that the rather we haue in our handis the 
10 ' king quhilk we desyred aboue all creature in earth. Be 
' of guide couraig thairfoir and the mischeif, slawchtar, 
' baneisment troubbillis and vexatiounis quhilk the chan- 
' cellar thocht to haue done to ws lat ws vysch the samyn 
1 to him. Lat ws also tak vp sum men of weir and evirie Thegover- 

nour coun- 

15 ' man eftir his power send secreit messagis to his freindis sells to tak 

* ° wp men of 

' that thay may all that favouris ws conveine togethar J^casten'o^ 
' quyetlie the thrid 2 eftir this in Edinburgh airlie in the £f "^Jiii 
1 morneing swa that the chancellar sail nocht knaw ws, ffor °eiiar. cban ' 
' to come for the seaging of the castell quhill we haif the 

20 ■ seige evin belltit about the wallis. Foirdwart lat sie, 
1 sua ze sail haue subiect gif our hairtis serwe ws 3 all that 
1 would have arrogantly oppressit zou. Bot I say for 
' the perrell and oppressioun that ze haue beine in on 
1 the ane pairt The commoditie fridome and opportunitie 

25 'of tyme on the vther pairt with the gret honour and 
1 glorie that will follow thairvpone sould perswad zow mair 
1 nor my wordis can do we inlaik na thing bot hardiment 
' and curraig and chance and fortoun quhilk we think to 
' sey will supplie the rest.' Quhan the governour haid 

30 said thir wordis evirie man with ane glaid hairt and will 
promeissit to assist him with all the strenth and albeit 

1 Insatiable. 2 I.e., the third day. 

3 The words in brackets are not in MS. I, but in Freebairn's Ed., 
which Dalzell follows, and seems necessary to the sense. Dalzell 
has made alterations, which are not necessary, and he omits the 
words, " Forwards let ws sie," which are in the MSS. and in Free- 
bairn's Ed. 


Archbaldy 1 Erie of Douglas wald concur with the chan- 
cellar in this contraire and the queine promeist to furnes 
the men of weir of wictuallis out of hir awin girnellis 
indureing the tyme of the seig. Attoure scho said ' that 
c na man misterit to tak feir of the Erie of Douglas that he 5 
( wald cum to support the chancellar for [he] 2 haited him 
1 so hichlie that he wysched na thing mair nor the rwine 
* of lord Crichtounis hous and his posteritie rutit out al- 
1 utterlie.' Throw this way evirie man tuik the better 
curaig and promeist to do all thing that lay in thame for 10 
the performeing of the governouris command and chairge ; 
Foi. 3 a. and thaireftir the common 3 dissolue and evirie man past 
hameward to mak thame reddie to the effectt foirsaid. 
But now we will returne to our first purpois. 


Heir beginnis the secund chapter quhou the chanceller persaued 
himsellfe to be disauit in the taiking away the prince frome 
him. And quhou he desyreit the Erlle of Douglas to be of 
his factioun and tak his pairt And quhat ansuer the Erlle of 
Douglas send to him againe. And quhou the castell of Edin- 
burghe was seigit be the gouernoure The communing betuix 
the chancellar and the gouernoure. 

The chancellar persaueand himsellffe sa [done] craftelie 15 
disawit be his foes and als persaweand that thair was na 
plaice almeist to be reconceilled with his onfreindis he 
thocht that thair was na thing to follow thair wpone in 
respectt of the loss of the king bot vtter ruwyne and 
distructioun of his hous kin and freindis and thairfoir 20 
The chan- tuik purpois to send ane message to Archbaldy Erie of 
t( f ifuTas D° u gl as an d desyre at him to haue support aganis the 

for his sup- 

p0Tt ' 1 Baldy is still occasionally used in the Scots vernacular for 

2 Omitted in MS. 3 Commons. 


gouernour and queine quhome he supponit schortlie to 
cum to invaid him quhilk gif he wald do he promeissit 
faithfullie to mak the said Erie mutuall support and sould 
stand his freind leillellie and trewlie by all vtheris quhan 
5 it sail chance him to haue ado with his enemyeis. This 
message scantlie endit Erie of Douglas with ane Iyrefull 
countinance lykas he haid beine wood and furious 
ansueris him againe in maner following f It is bot littill The erie of 

° ° Douglas an- 

' skaith I think for me, albeit sick mischeivous traitouris suer - 

10 'as William Crichtoun and Allexander lewingstoun that 
1 ze call gouernour mowe weir contrair vtheris and als it 
' becumis nocht the honnorabill estait of nobill men to 
' help ony of thame albeit ilk ane of thame had wrackit 
1 vther Swa that thair war nocht sick ane thing as the 

15 ' memorie of ony of thame heireftir to our posteritie. As 
1 to mysellff thair is na thing mair plesand to me nor to 
' heir of weir and discord betuix thay Twa wnhappie 
' tyranttis and namelie quhair the begining of thair dis- 
' centioun is nocht foundit vpoun ane guid caus bot vpone 

20 ' ane schamefull and wicked ground. Wuld god I micht 
1 sie ane miserabill mischeiffe to befall thame beith seing 
' thay haif baith deserwit the same condinglie throuch 
' thair awin ambitioun falsheid pryde and haitterent ffor 
' I knaw it is veray iust judgment of god that deceitfull 

25 ' tyrantis settand thair haill purpois and intent vpone mis- 
c cheiff and wrack of vtheris according to thair demerittis 
1 salbe punisched in the sicht of the warld and speciallie 
1 thay haue so oft offendit baith nobill men and simple 
' men of guid lyffe and conversatioun.' Shone be this the 

30 chancellar had resauit this ansuer the gouernoure had 
beltit the seige about the castell and invaidit the samyn 
swa schairplie that nocht being prowydit nor weill for- 
seine in tyme thairfoir within the castell that the chan- 
cellar tuik purpois thair throw to rander the castell in 

35 the governouris handis and to bring this mair eassie to 
effect! he requestit the gowernour be ane herauld to gif 


him twa dayis trewis that he micht come furth to the 
feildis befoir the zettis to talk and intercommoun with 
him vpone sindrie affaires concerneing the common 
weill and als promeist be the faith of his bodie to schaw 
him that thing quhilk micht redound to baith thair weil- 5 
Foi. 3 b. fairis and secuiretie contraire vtheris that haitit thame 
baith as ane. The gouernour glaid of this message 
accompanyit with ane small number of his freindis as 
was convenit betuix thame and met the chancellar at 
the plaice appointit quhair the chancellar reweilled the 10 
schairpe ansueris of the Earle of Douglas that he haid 
send to him the tyme he socht support to eschew the 
gouernoures present wraith. And albeit he said he 
wysched na thing mair nor that ilkane of thame sould 
distroy vther, Quhairfoir said he seine this wickednes 15 
and euill is equallie manefast to ws baith and in the 
meantyme gif it sail chanche 1 ws to continew ony fordar 
in this feid it sail redound to his avantage and to our 
gret skaith and schame quhairbe we tua salbe ane facill 
pray to the Erie of Douglas our common enemye. And 20 
thairfoir I wald we hade regarde to the weilfair of our 
sellffis and freindis gif our discentione haue ony fordar 
prograce it wilbe monyfold mair noysum to ws nor gif 
we had weiris with our onfreindis. And as to mysellffe 
I remowe all rancour of mynd seikand frielie with the 25 
boddome of my hairt zour peace and kyndnes and is 
content baith to rander my sellff and the castell vnder 
quhat conditionis ze pleis to prescryue to me willinglie 
to be ane trew faithfull seruand and subiectt to the prince 
and obedient to zour sellff so lang as ze beir the gouer- 30 
nance of this realme eftir the adwyce of the kingis coun- 
sallouris and zouris. The gouernour hard thir vordis 
verrey plesandlie and haid guide hoip of better to follow 
heirvpone thinkand weill of this present discorde put to 
rest and the commonweill put to quyetnes he sould mair 35 
1 Chance. 


eassielie repres all iniureis within this realme and thairfoir 
with ane hairtlie continance requestit the chancellar to 
be myndfull to do as he said and gif he keipit promeis 
trewlie he sould cut of all the wickit memberis per- 

5 turbaris of the commonweill and reull the realme frome 
thence with gret tranquillitie and paice. Than bot ony 
fardar sa schone as he haid put him sellrT in the king 
and governouris willis and delyuerit the keyis of the 
castell in signe and taikin of the randering thairof frielie 

10 he requestit the beneuolence of the haill nobillietie 
present for the tyme quha held him fra thyne furth 
nocht as ane enemye bot as ane principall pillar of 
the common weill. 


Hou Schir Williame Crichtoun was resauit be the gouernour in the 
Castell againe : And quhat familiaritie was betuix thame : And 
quhou Schir Allane Steuart was slaine be Thomas boyd and 
quhat come to that thairthrouch : The deceis of the Erlle of 
Douglas : And quhat conditionis his sone was of quho succeidit 
eftir him. 2 

Efter this the gouernour was resauit in the castell with 
15 gret triumphe and mirth and thair Schir Williame Crich- 
toun resauit ane gift againe baith of the Castell and chan- 
cellar[y] lyk as he haid of befoir. Throuch the quhilk 
sick amitie and freindscheip daylie increassit betuix the 
gouernour and the chancellar and amangis thair freindis 
20 in everie syde that all men supponit the samyn for to 
indure for ever and euer onbrokin. In this mean tyme 
quhill the cuntrie was walterit to and fra in this maner 
thair was na vther thing bot thift reiff and slauchtar in 
the south and west of Scotland ffor Schir Thomas boyd Foi. 4 

1 Omitted in MS. I. 

2 There are no sidenotes in MSS. to chapters III.-V. 


slew Allane Stewart lord of Darlie, 1 quha or he dieit 
obteanit the supperioritie of the lennox fra the king, at 
powmathorne thrie myllis fra glasgow for auld feid that 
was betuix thame the thrid zeir eftir the deid of king 
James the first, quhilk deid was requytted schone thair- 5 
eftir ffor Allexander Stewart to rewenge his brotheris 
slauchtar manfullie sett vpone Schir Thomas Boyde in 
plaine battell quhair the said Schir Thomas was crewellie 
slaine with money valzeant men on euerie sydd. It was 
fochin that day so manfullie that baith the pairteis wald 10 
reteir and rest thame sindrie and dyueris tymes and 
recounter againe at the sound of the trumpat quhill at 
last the wictorrie inclynit to Allexander Stewart as said 
is. And swa the heill southvest of Scotland was deuydit 
in twa pairtis and nevir tuik rest quhill the deceis of 15 
Archbaldy Erie of Douglas in the hot fewer at lestarige 2 
the zeir of god I m four hundreith threttie and nyne zeiris 
To quhome Williame his sone succeidit ane zoung man 
of fourteine zeris of aige gottin vpone Mauld lyndsay 
dochter to the Erie of Crawfurd quhome the said Arch- 20 
baldy mariet at Dundie sum tyme with sick triumphe 
and pompe that nevir the lyk was seine at na manis 
mairiaige. This Williame was the sext beltit Erie of 
that hous of Douglas he was ane zoung man of singular 
guid appeirance in the begining. Bot alaice the tendar 25 
zouth gif it be nocht brocht vp in the fear and dreiddour 
of god is so eassielie corrupped that it inclynnes rather 
to wyce nor vertew and that throw the mischewous com- 
panie of harlottis and flatteraris quhilkis ar the maist 
vnhappie and wicked pest that evir man of quhatsum- 30 
evir estait and conditioun he be of may be infectit with 
for gif this zoung gentillman haid cum in godlie and 
honnest companye bot doubt he haid beine ane man of 
singular guid wit and manheid bot he hantit proud and 

1 I.e., Darnley. 
Restalrig, a village between Edinburgh and Leith. 


vngodlie menis counsallis and thairby he to the gret 
contemptioun of the kingis authoritie at all tymes accom- 
panyit abone his estait. Quhair evir he raid he was 
convoyit with ane thowsand horsmen at sum tymes twa 
5 thowsand or ma. Amangis 1 (quhome) he maintenit a 
gret companye of thewis and murthiraris and wald bring 
thame to Edinburghe or ony vther townis of sett purpois 
in the kingis sicht to lat him vnderstand his michtie 
power that he may rais attour he thocht him sellff sick 

10 ane man and frie fra the iniuries of all enemyis gif he 
representit the samyn arrogance that his father did wsse 
of befoir. And swa he nocht onlie inbracit the heill 
forme and maner of his fatheris conditionis bot als sur- 
monted his pryd and hicht aboue the expecktatioun of 

15 ony man. He eikit his houshald meikill mair nor it was 
af befoir in his fatheris tyme and als be the perswatioun 
of flatteraris he ordanit syndrie wickit tyrantis out of all 
cuntreis to depend vpon him quhair throw he micht be 
the mair dreid and awfull to euerie man quhill at the 

20 last he tuik sick conseatt of him sellff within his awin 
boundis and that be vaine flatterrie of his dependaris 
that he thocht na man within the realme micht be his 
fallow or companioun ffor it is said he thocht bot ane 
small matter to mak knichtis and thairfoir to adwance 

25 his michtie power he creatit senatouris of the parliament 
within his awin boundis as he haid beine ane king. 

1 " Amangis quhome " is perhaps the true reading. Boece has 
" inter quos." 




Schir James Steuartis asistance to the erlle of Douglas : and the 
occatioun thairof. And quhou schir James Steuart and his 
brother was put in presoune and the occatioun thairof. And 
hou they war relaxit againe. Hou the chancellar was offendit 
at the proceidingis of the governour. Ambassadouris send to 
france be the erlle of Douglas : The king of france mynd 
touart the erll of Douglas. 

Foi. 4 b. Schir James Steuart brother to the lord of lorne quha 

had mareit king James the firstis wyff assistit to the 
erlle of Douglas and that throuch sum discentioun that 
was betuix him and the gouernour and chancellar. Be 
quhat occatioun thay discordit can no man tell : It is 5 
supponit he thocht seing the cuntrie swa dewydit as said 
is to haue had sum reull in the realme alsweill as ony 
vtheris be ressoun he had mareit the kingis mother. 
The gouernour to repres Schir James Stewarttis in- 
sollence tuik him with his brother and cust thame baith 10 
in presoune dredand that gif thay had resortit lang in 
the erlle of Douglas companye that he sould haue grettar 
difficultie to repres thair insollence and tyrannic The 
queine persawit to be hichlie commoweit and offendit 
at hir husband and his brotheris Impresounment was 15 
wardit also within the castell of Stiruilling be the gouer- 
nour quhilk was in his awin keiping at that tyme detenit 
thair and newer relaxit quhill thair was ane conventioun 
meid of the heill nobillitie in quhais presens it behoweit 
hir to mak hir purgatione that scho was frie of all 20 
misrewlle commitit be hir husband nor gave na counsall 
thairto and als gif evir it haid chanced him ony maner 
of way to troubill the realme or molest ony of the sub- 
iecttis thairof that scho sould nocht be participant thairof 
in tyme cuming. Eftir this the said schir James and his 25 
brother was lattin furth at the request of the chancellar 


and Schir Allexander Seattoun alias gordoun the first 
erlle of Huntlie of that name obleist thame and became 
cawtionaris that sick enormeteis contraire the king and 
his gouernour sould nocht be commitit in tyme cuming 
5 vnder the paine of four thowsand markis nor zit vsurpe 
the common weill. Albeit the gouernoure punischeit 
and correctit thir men according to thair demereittis zit 
he punischit with ane grettar rigour vtheris richt honor- 
abill and ancient men for soborar or bot for ane licht 

10 suspitioun that he tuik of thame but ony decreit or 
inquisitioun of thair peiris, for ather he compellit thame 
to compone for thair sellffis gif he suspectit thame to tak 
in ony Innovatione * or ellis but ony tryall of thair cryme 
or innocencie sould incur 2 his danger or indignatione 

15 quhilk was veray hard in respectt he was gouernour of 
this realme. Besides 3 of thame vtheris that war maniefest 
oppressouris war nocht onlie thollit to pass ower bot ony 
punischment of thair wickednes bot als was remitit 
althocht thay had commititt nevir so gret crymes. This 

20 was done without the chancellaris counsall quhair throw 
he was hichlie offendit ffor he thocht veill be this forme 
and fassoun of the gouernouris beith he and his author- 
ise sould be contempnit and the commonweill without 
regard wickitlie to be ovirthrawin Bot he oppressit 

25 the anger of his hairt quhill he saw better occatione and 
opportunitie of tyme and thairby tuik purpois to pas 
hameward to Edinburghe thair to conteine him sellff 
quhill he was forder adwyssed. All this tyme the gouer- 
noure remanit with the king and his mother in Stirwill- 

30 ing and retinit ane gret gward of men of weir as vsse is 

1 Innovatione vel viva suspicione novarum rerum (Boece). MS. I, 
which reads " Invocatione," is corrupt from mistakes of the tran- 
scriber or ignorance of Latin. Freebairn gives the sense, " If 
he suspected them to make any innovations or else without any 
trial," &c. 

2 Freebairn's Ed. reads "incur." 

3 I reads " Be " = besides. 


in Scotland in all sick troubilles tymes about him and 
albeit he vnderstwd the chancellar to be ane man of 
hiche spreit and curaige nocht willing to seit 1 with so 
mony wrangis as he had gottin onrewengit gif his power 
wald seme thairto zit nocht the les in respectt he was 5 
gouernour haveand the king in keiping and thairfoire all 
Foi. 5 a. the realme wald and sould obey him he regardit na man 
rewlling all thingis at his pleasour but ony adwyce or 
consulltatioun of vtheris nobillis in this realme. Quhan 
sick thingis was adoing Williame erlle of Douglas send io 
Malcolme flemeine of Cummernauld and Allane lauder 
ambassadouris to Charllis the Sevint of that name king 
of france to gif him the Duikrie of Twvin 2 perteneing to 
him in herretaige quhilk his guidschir quha was slaine at 
the battell of Wernot 3 for the defence and libertie of 15 
france joysit and bruikit of befoir and promeist faithfullie 
that quhatsumevir was contenid into the chairtour maid 
thairvpone that he sould fullfill the same exactlie lyk as 
his foirbeiris did befoir him. Charllis mvweit of gret 
zeall and luife that he buire towardis the kingis and 20 
thair legis grantit glaidlie to thair requeist and message 
and gave to thame the heill renttis and landis in france 
that his guidscheir had of befoir. Vpone the vthir sydd 
the said erlle of Douglas ambassadouris in his name 
gawe thair aithes of fedilitie to the king of france and 25 
his successouris to all thingis concerneing his pairt as 
said is. 

1 "Seit" = sit (?). 2 Tourraine. 

3 Vernolium (Boece). The battle of Vemeuil, fought 17th August 



Hou the Earlle of Douglas was mowit to tyranie : of grett oppressioun 
maid be the yllismen : of gret creuelltie done be the men of 
the yllis : of gret dearth in Scotland and the occatioun thairof : 
and also of gret pest in this cuntrie at that tyme Gret famil- 
liaritie betuix the gouernour and the Erlle of Douglas, hou the 
Chancellar past to the park heid of Stiruilling to apprehend 
the king : the chancellaris resoun to the king : hou the king was 
convoyit to Edinburghe. 

The message sped with sick happie succes as we haue 
schawin to zow allraddie causit this erlle of Douglas 
beand of tender aige to be puffit vp with new ambitioun 
and grettar pryde nor he was of befoir as the nature of 
5 zouth is, and als the prydfull tyrantis and flatteraris that 
was about him throch this occatioun spurit him to grettar 
tyrannie and oppressioun nor ony man vont to do befoir 
in ony aige. Bot this oppressioun and mischeifF rang 
nocht onlie in the southwest pairtis bot also the men of 

10 the yllis invaidit syndrie pairtis in Scotland at that tyme 
baith be fyre and sword and speciallie the lennox was 
heill ovirthrowin. The principall of the men of the yllis 
war lauchland maitland x and Murdow gibsone twa nota- 
bill thewis and murtheraris. To resist thir crewell mur- 

15 theraris and traitouris Johne Colquhoun of lus gatherit 
ane companie of men and focht at loch lummond besydd 
Inch mirrine quhair he being ovirsett with ane gret mul- 
titwde of men was slaine with money of his folkis fechtand 
manfullie to deid and few of the men of the yllis war 

20 slaine at that wictorrie Traittouris became so proude 
and insolent that thay brunt and hereitt the kirkis quhair 
euer thay come and spairit nather auld nor zoung bairn e 

1 I, but the MSS. which Freebairn followed read " Maclean (or 
Macleod)," and Dalzell has also Maclean, which is probably right. 
See Notes. 


nor wyffe bot crewellie wald burne thair hous and thame 
together gif thay haid maid ony obstickle or ellis gif thay 
meid na debait without considderatioun and pitie wald 
cuit thair throttis and thairfoir carrie away thair geir 
and wairis with thair wyffis and bairnes quha nocht wit- 5 
ting of sick ane curssingis 1 wer crewellie murdrest and 
stikkit in thair beddis but ony regard of auld or zoung. 
Thus thay raiged throw the realme bot ony respectt to 
god or man. In this zeir quhilk was in the zeir of god 
I m four hundreith threttie and nyne zeiris thair rais ane 10 
Foi. 5 b. gret dearth off wictuallis within this realme pairtlie becaus 
of the laubouraris of the ground that micht nocht saw 
nor wine thair cornis throcht the tumult and cummeris 
in the cuntreis and pairtlie quhilk was maist appeirand 
to be trew was the verie wraith and yre of god to caus 15 
ws knaw our sellrns and throcht that scourge to prouock 
to amendiment of lyffe. Thair rang alswa ane horribill 
pest at that tyme in this cuntrie for all men that infectit 
thairwith dieit the same day they tuik it but ony remeid 
or help. Attour albeit thir thrie plaigues and scwrges 20 
rang amangis ws zit neuertheles sum men meid thame 
nevir to amend thair lyffis bot rather became daylie 
worss, dyueris vtheris that pleinzeit vpone the enormiteis 
that thay sustenit gat litill or na redres, quhairfoir the 
peopill began to warie and curs that evir it chanceit 25 
theme to leiwe in sick wicked and dangerous tymes. 
It was than quhisperit throchout the realme that the 
gouernour was the haill caus of all mischeirTe that rang 
for the tyme within this realme alledging that seine he 
gat the gouernement evirie man supponit that he buire 30 
grettar favour to bluidie mischeivous tyranntis nor it 
became him, and for the haitrent that he had to the 

1 Freebairn reads " incursionis " and Dalzell "cursions." There 
seems something wrong in the reading of I, " aiie curssingis." 
Cursing very probably means coursing= incursion, and the correc- 
tion, " incursingis," seems admissible. 


chancellar he drew also to his assistance and familiaritie 
the erle of Douglas and mentenit him onlie for the chan- 
cellaris subuerssioun and ruwyne bot quhou schone he 
knew the same perfyttlie and that evirie man menit that 
5 it sould redound to his gret hurt that the gouernour and 
the Erlle of Douglas war confidderit he began to considder 
and to pance thairvpone verie earnnestlie and tuik purpois 
to do sum hardie witie actt quhairthrow he sould ather 
himsellff kin and freindis haif out of this presentt perrell 

10 or ellis be hereit and perrische all for euer quhill at the 
last quhair he haid suire knawledg quhair the king was 
at his pastyme and quhat folkis convoyit him be explora- 
touris he accompanyit with certaine choissin men past his 
way to the park of Stiruilling vpone ane mirk nicht and 

15 gave command to his freindis and thay that come with 
him sellffe to the number of ane hundreith armeit men 
sould come bot ane small companye and at diuerss pas- 
sageis to eschew all suspitioun that ony micht consawe 
concerneing the purpois gif thay had beine mett. Vpone 

20 the morrow in the morneing the chance happnit better 
nor ony man supponit rTor evin at the breking of the 
day the king come out of the castell to hunt and pas his 
tyme convoyit with ane small companie of hors men as 
his wsse was. Or evir he cuild persawe the chancellaris 

25 folkis lyand in the wait for him he was invironit and cir- 
cuatt round about with thame quha al togeddar salutit the 
king with gret reuerence and humillitie quhilk beand 
done the Chancellar requeistit his graice effectuouslie 
as he wald be sa guide as to delyuer him sellff furth 

30 of that presoun quhairin the gouernour maist wickitlie 
dissaweit him to the gret skaith and damnage of the 
commonweill exhorted him thairfoir to pas to Edin- 
burgh or ony vther pairt of Scotland quhair evir he 
pleissit and he sould convoy him furth of all menis 

35 danger aganis the hairtis of all thame that vald the 
contrair Attour it becummeth ane prince to leiwe frielie 


Impyreing abone vtheris and nocht subiectit to ane 
vassellis correctioun or chastisment for that was the 
will of thame that wyscheit his weilfair. Thir vordis 
said the king began to smylle quhair throw thay vndir 
stude the king to be content of thair cuming and glaid 5 
to gang with thame and thairfoir hynt his hors be the 
bryddill and convoyit him to Edinburghe. At this tyme 
sum of the kingis serwandis and vtheris that come out 
with him maid obstickill and debeit bot the gouernouris 
eldest sone Allexander lewinstoun forbadd thame to mak 10 
Foi. 6 a. ony Impediment Sayand it was ane vaine purpois to 
strywe with sa money armeit men and speciallie quhair 
thair was na danger and it was better at that tyme to 
susteine ane schame albeit thair was nane and mair 
necessar to gif plaice thair nor to attempt the thing 15 
that was far aboue thair strenth. It is the law and 
curs 1 of fortoun that he is neirrest perrell and decay 
that seittis presentlie hichest vpone the quheill And 
be the contraire he will chance to be illustrat and ex- 
tolled quha be experience is alluterlie deiectit and 20 
cassin down. Sone eftir that the king had taine the 
gait to Edinburgh thair mett him ma nor four thowsand 
armeit men to assist him be the chancellaris convoy gif 
ony man wald haue invaidit him and resawit him with 
gret honnour. The gouernoure gat word the king was 25 
plaiceit in Edinburghe. 

1 " Curs " = course (?). 



The gouernouris absence quhen the king was taine : the gouernouris 
consulltatioun with him sellffe : And also his consulltatioun 
with his freindis. Hou the gouernour past to Edinburghe. 
The meitting betuix the gouernour and the chancellar, and the 
gouernouris ressoun to the chancellar. 

In this mean tyme of the kingis taikin it chanceit the 
gouernoure to be ane dayis jowrnay out of Stirvilling at 
that tyme. Bott quhen he gatt vord thairof he sped him 
to Stirvilling againe with all diligence richt solist in his 
5 mynd quhat sould be done for this wexit him mair nor all 
the troubillis that he had of befoir and was the mair 
crabbit with him sellffe beand estemed with all men 
within the realme ane man of singular guid wit and foir- 
sicht that he sould haue beine so negligent and sleuth- 

10 full in keiping of the king quhairbe his onfreindis had 
gret occatioun to haue him in dirissioun. Attour he 
brunt the mair for anger within him sellff that he was sa 
meschant in this behalf he leaveand his familiaris and 
freindis with the king quha knew nathing of this vn- 

15 happie fortoun that had chanceit him quhilk all his 
enemyis desyreit aboue all thingis baith day and nicht. 
And as he beleiwit na thing mair nor ane falsatt amangis 
thame sellffis * at hame in respect of his enemeis fafcill 
pray] the houre and tyme sa iustlie keipit and the 

20 [kingis] glad depairting but ony debait or Ifmpediment]. 
Quhen he had pansit 2 in this maner wp [and doun] and 
ressonit himself for his slou[thfulnes] to adwyse how he The gower- 
sould eschew all [danger present] and to come and consid- suiitatioun 

. . with himself. 

der that it was wnsickir to comit his lyfe and honoure 

1 MS. A begins here but is torn, and the words in brackets are 
taken from MS. I. A has from this point been followed as probably 
the oldest MS., but all important alterations or additions in I are 
noted. 2 A has "passit" and I "redarguit." 




The gower- 
nours con- 
with his 

The gower- 
nour passing 
to Edin- 

Fol. i b. 

in the binding wp [of] bandis witht the Earle of 
Douglas who was bot a zoung man withtout knawledge 
and experience of sic hight and wightie materis, fol- 
lowing 1 the counsall of waine gredie flatteraris re wand 
ewerie man that he might owercome but law or ressone, 
throw the quhilk ewerie man that servit the commone 
weill estemed him as ane manifest enemie and nocht 
ane trew ledge of this realm e and sa he thocht that gif 
he wald fullelie leif the chancelar and wther his faithtfull 
freindis and collegis witht the Earle of Douglas in con- 
tempt of the chancelar who wolde haue wraikit thame 
baitht of befor, it sould be ane redy way to cause him- 
self, kin and freindis be dispytit and lyghtlieit be the 
wholl nobilietie and be deprywit of his gowernance to 
his great dishonour and schame at the last, his bairnes 
kin and freindis wraikit allutterlie and himself compellit 
to leif the realme for ewer. Schortlie he consulted witht 
his freindis quhat he thocht best to be done in this 
matter. The matter lang ressonit to and fra be men of 
good experience they thocht nothing better nor to des- 
semble all offences that was bygaine witht all quarrellis 
and debaitis betuix the chancelar and him to be sett 
assyde and to be at wnitie and concord as they war 
befoir. The governour thocht this counsall werie goode 
and sueit and thairfoir be all menis expectatioun, 2 past 
his way to Edinburgh accompaneit with ane small num- 
ber of folkis and that namlie be the draught and counsall 
of tua godlie and wyse prelattis beand in Edinburgh for 
the tyme W me Henry Lyghtoun [bischope] of Aberdeine 
and Johnne James 3 bischope of [Murjray quho being 

1 " Followand," I. 

2 A has " meanis exceptatioun," but I " Expectatioun," and Boece. 
" Complurium prseter expectationem," shows I is right. 

3 I has same reading, but Boece "Joannes Innes et Henricus 
Lychton." Pitscottie has corrected Boece, for the Bishop of Moray 
at this date was John Winchester. — Keith, 'Catalogue of Scottish 
Bishops,' p. 85. See Notes. 


baitht allsweill as ane intertinit [als weill] witht the 
governour as chancelar in all tyme bygaine maid greit 
laubouris and trawellis to bring them to peace and con- 
cord whill the last they brocht them togither in S. Geillis 
5 kirk woyd of all waponis and airmor with ane certaine of 
thair maist spetiall freindis that war about tham, [and the 
Governour began] 1 in maner following. ' Quhen I was in 
' Companie sindrie and diuerse tymes with wyse and pru- 
' dent men weill beseine in historie baitht now and than 2 

10 ' ofttymeis I hard them say that sober goodis and geir 
' with peace and concord growis ay mair and mair to great 
' substance at the last and be the contrair right potent 
' men throcht ane small discentioun hes bene brocht to 
' ane wtter wraik and heirscheip and nocht onlie haue we 

15 ' this in antient historie in wther realmeis bot as we haue 
' experience of the same daylie amangis ws our sellwes 
' quhat skaith and dampnage by the displesour of our 
' heartis quhilk is worst of all, haue we baitht sustenit 
1 quhat lose of goodis and geir our fameliearis and freindis 

20 ' haue had sene the beginning of our discentiouns, as I 
' beliue thair is leifand men can tell ; of truth we haue 
' nether strength nor rightis that we had of befoir, nor 
' zeit ar we in sa honourabill estait, other witht nobillis 
1 nor with commouns as we war bot be the tyme of con- 

25 ' coird among ws ; thir ciuell wearis and discentiouns mak 
' ws baitht as one odieous to the pepill and because it 
' demensis our fame and honouris quhilkis mair pertenis 
1 to ws nor our Hues, I wald we tooke exampill of the 
' thingis bygaine and nocht of the dangeris that ar to 

30 ' come. I ame, suith, the more offendit that we tua, to 

' quhom the great gowernance of this Realme is maist Foi. 2 «. 

1 The words in brackets are omitted in A, and I has same 
omission ; but Boece says, " Turn ut conventum erat, gubernator 
viros, inquit, emditissimos." 

I has "auld" and "new," which is a better translation 
of Boece, "Veterum atque recentium historiarum sedulos lec- 



Office of 

The gower- 
nour remittit 
all offenssis 
done to him. 

gainand and thairfor was gevin to ws be the consent of 
the haill nobilietie, sould be haldin as moking stokis to 
everie man and alls estemed as prydefull and ambitious 
tyrantis and to be the onlie cause of sa greit thift heir- 
scheipis stouth-reif and slaughter quhairfor the haill 5 
realme may be ane easie pray to our enemeis for they 
desyre nothing more nor our discentioun daylie behald, 
and quhill we be baitht rootted out allutterlie throw the 
quhilk all lawis and justice sould be contempnit and 
everie man that pleissis sail put hand in the kingis awin 10 
persone or ellis sail abose all governance and autorietie. 
Remember thairfor that the nobilietie hes put ws in this 
place quhill the kingis maiestie come to perfyte age 
to [hauld] 1 this realme in tranquilietie on everie part, to 
repres all seditious persouns and defend innocentis frome 1 5 
the tyrannous or be our 2 discentioun the Realme is 
wraikit and betraissit and nocht reullit and governit as it 
sould be. I beseik the thairfoir gif thow hes ony loue or 
fawour to the Realme or prence thow will renunce all 
rancour of hart quhairthrow the common weill is wraikit 20 
and lat ws be concceillit 3 againe to our awin freindscheip 
that was betuix ws, for freindscheip is the most happie 
band that 4 can be maid for the weillfair of our realme 
or contrie. Withtout the quhilk 5 no man privat nor 
publict may be profietabill to himself or zeit to the 25 
commone weill and thairfor lat all iniurieis be sett assyde 
haweand the weillfair of this realme affixit befoir our eyis 
and that thow sould grant the rether to this my requist 
I forgiue all wrangis done to me, allis I sail repair all 

1 B " hauld " = hold, which makes the sense clearer. 

2 I so reads, but A has " your." 

3 I "reconceilled," which appears the right reading, but perhaps 
conceillit = conciliated. 

4 This is the reading in I, which is better than A, "ane happie 
band as." 

5 This also is the reading of I, which seems preferable to A, 
"without this thing." 


1 wrangis and offencess done be me 1 ; I sail mak no wther 
1 Iudge bot thy self to repair all thingis at thy awin plesour 
1 and will. Attour the king sail remaine in thy gower- Foi. 2 b. 
' nament in keiping whill he come to perfyte aige because 
5 ' his father quhen he was on lyfe committit him to thy 
' cure and charge ; and as my awin part I desyre na mair 
1 bot ilk ane of ws loue ane anuther hairtlie as it becommes 
' ws to do and that the nobilitie witht the commons of 
' this realme may sie and wnderstand ws to be faithtfull 

io ' gowernouris and mantenneris of equitie and iustice, the 
' quhilk gif we do not bot dissent 2 amang our selffis, re- 
' gairding our awin prevat wining mair nor the weillfair of 
' the realme then our awin geir and substance sail wan- 
1 ische away, our selffis and bairnes put to wraik 3 and that 

15 ' quhilk is worst of all the king sal be in danger and tint 
' betuix them, [his] 4 treasuris and riches sail come to 
• nocht and small awaill and for our prydfull vaine ambi- 
' tioun the realme come to easie and facile pray to our 
1 enemies.' 


The Chancellaris answer to the Governour. Hou the governour and 
the Chancellar was finallie appointed in all matteris and pur- 
posis. Ane parliament sett. Hou the peopill was under the 
tuitioun of murtheraris. Hou thair was writtingis send to the 
Erlle of Douglas be the Counsall. 

20 Quhan 5 [the governour said in this maner as we have Thechan- 

celars ansuer 

alreaddy declared vnto you The Chancellar maid ansuer to the gover- 

1 In A the word "me" is struck out and "to the" substituted, 
which is evidently wrong, and the reading of I, "be me," is right. 

2 B. I, and A read "dissart." Not known to Jamieson, and prob- 
ably a mistake. 

3 So in I. A reads instead of " put to," "and that to the great 

4 I and A read " and the " for " his." 

5 A reads "Quhilk," I "Quhan," which is right, and continues with 
the words in brackets. 



Fol. 3 a. 

in maner following]. c It is nocht wnknawn [to] the ledges 
of this Realme that I detistit in all tymes bygaine sedi- 
tioun and weiris 1 my haill laubouris and deliegence to 
eschew the samin efter my power, and as to this pre- 
sent discord newlie raissit amangis ws, quhilk is inventit 5 
throw prydfull and waine ambitioun, gladlie witht myne 
hart I wald it war sa sloknit furtht and sett assyde that 
thair sould nocht be so mekill as ane spark or any kynd 
of memorie thairof in tyme coming, lest it sould throw 
small occatioun efterwart ryse and kindill greatter hait- 10 
rent nor ewer was amangis ws. I knaw perfyttlie sa lang 
as discord or latent haitrent ringis amangis ws thair sail 
newer be grace nor riches withtin this realme and thair- 
foir I might nether refuis baith the thankfull and honour- 
abill conditiouns to my self and also necessar to the 15 
weilfair of this realme, and speciallie quhair they cum of 
free will nocht coacted nor compellit 2 for I desyre all 
mennes amitie and kindnes and spetiallie of them that 
bourdeth witht the governance of the common weill, zeit 
is it nocht decent that ether of ws decerne wpoun this 20 
matter [nor zet prescribe] 3 ane forme and fassone to 
the aggrement of the present discoird, for it is contrair 
to all law and ressone that ony minister the law vnto him 
self; by that quhat ewer the ane decerne the wther salbe 
miscontent thair witht and plenze that the samin was 25 
done by all the heidis and talking that was amangis 
thame. Necessar thairfoir it is, I think for me, that sum 
prudent man equallie for ws baitht and favorar of the 
common weill be cheissing of baitht the parties at quhais 4 
arbeittrement and sentance we sail repair all offences by- 30 
gaine with all wther thingis concerning the adwancement 
of this countrie for all men that ar of that fawour thairto 

1 " Weiris = wairis " — i.e., " use my whole diligence." See p. 
39, I 2. 

2 So in I. A reads, "sum will not be coacit or compellit." 

3 These words, which the sense requires, are inserted from I. 

4 A reads wrongly, " in how be." 


1 will nocht onlie be [cairfull] of this counsall and spend 
1 his goodis [and geir] 1 bot allis they will wair thair lyffis 
c in the adwancement and weillfair of the samin and speci- 
1 allie they that ar placeit abone wtheris as ane perfytt 2 
5 c exampill of administratioun of equitie and justice.' 

Thus on this wyse all thair freindis on baitht the sydis 
that stude about begane to extoll and ruif 3 them baitht 
witht great thankis gevin that they baitht regairdit the 
common weill samekill and preferit the samin to all 

io previe quarrellis and debaittis. Then baitht the parties 
war com[prom]mittit be thair aithis to stand at the 
deliverance] of the arbitratouris chossin be thame 
[baith] 4 quha schortlie brocht them both till wnitie [and 
concord] 4 and finallie sa freindlie confiderat that [ather 

15 of] 4 them appeirit never to faill the [other agane]. 4 

Againe schortlie efter thair was ane parlieament at Foi. 3d. 
Edinburgh to mak statutis for repairing of the common 
weill to the auld estait. At this parlieament sa money 
and wnnumerabill plaintis was gewin in quhairof the lyke 

20 was never sen befoir, thair was so money wedowis, 
bairnes and infantis seiking redres for thair husbandis 
kin. and freindis that was crwellie slaine be wicked and 
cruell murthereris, siclyk money for heirscheip thift and 
reif that thair was no man bot he wald have ruth and 

25 petie to hear the samin ; Schortlie murther and slaughter 
was come in sic delayance 5 among the pepill and the 
kingis articles come in sic contemptioun that no man 
wist quhair to seik refuge wnles he had sworne him self 
ane servant to sum common murtherar or bludie tyrant 

30 to mantaine him contrair the invation 6 of wtheris or 

1 These words are supplied from I to fill a blank in A. 

2 So I. A has "prettie." 

3 The word "leif" is struck out and "ruif" interlined in another 
hand. I has " luif." Probably ruif, in the sense of" ruff " = applaud, 
is right, for Boece has " laudare." 

4 Blanks in A are supplied from I. 

5 ' ' Dalliance " = " long delay. " See Glossary. 6 Invasion. 


ellis had gevin largelie of his geir to saif his lyfe and 
gif him sum peace and rest. Bot quhen the Lordis of 
parlieament had consultted lang tyme how and in quhat 
maner the offences sould be mendit and repaint and allis 
persawing the Earle of Douglas to be principall cause of 5 
all thir enormiteis and wicked mischevous tirannieis and 
be ressone of his riches kin and freindis they could 
nocht reprowe his tyrannie be strength or might and 
thairfoir wrait plessant writtingis purposing to cut him 
of by slyght, subtilltie and craft, requisting right effec- 10 
tuouslie the said earle and his brother to com in for 
assistance of the common weill ; withtout him his kin 
and freindis the realme [culd nocht] 1 be goodlie rewllit, 
for sen they abstinit [fra thje 1 gyding of the samin it was 
allutterlie wraikit [and cumit] x to nocht. Sic collouris 15 
and painttit wordis they [send this] 1 gentillman to draw 
Foi. 4 a. him in the snair albeit they menit no thing more nor his 
deid and revenge. Sua the Earle being gevin on the 
ane pairt 2 to conques glorie and honour of him self and 
namelie to his kin, nocht wnderstanding na cullorit 20 
wordis and offeris that nane sould presume aganis him 
and thocht no thing sould be done withtout him his kin 
and freindis, and allis wpoun this wther part be in- 
formatioun of sum avarisious courteouris and gredie 
flatteraris that dependit wpoun him haueand regaird 25 
to thair awin privie profeit mair nor the maisteris fame 
and honour, he tuik porpois to obey the lettres and 
come fordward to the king in Edinburgh accompanit 
with his brother Dawid quhome he never sufferit to pase 
ane futebraid frome him self and wtheris his maist 30 
honest freindis beliueing no falshoode to mischance him 
efterwart in respect of his hartlie messaige that come to 
him fre the maistratis 3 and lordis of parlieament. 

1 Words in brackets are supplied from I, as A is torn. 

2 I seems the simpler reading. A inserts after " pairt," "gredienes 
to gather geir." 3 Magistrates. 



Hou the Chancellar met the Erlle of Douglas and convoyit him 
to Crichtoun : hou the Erll of Douglas tuik the Chancellaris 
admonitioun in guide pairt. Hou the Erll of Douglas was 
forwarnit be his father. Hou the Erlle of Douglas enterit in 
the Castell of Edinburghe. 

Quhen this earle was command fordwart on this 
wyse, the chancelar on sett purpois raid fourtht to meit 
him and to remowe all suspitioun out of the earleis mynd, 
and requisted him werie earnestlie to ryde to Crichtoun 
5 with him and thair to pas his tyme ane day or tuo, to the 
quhilk the earle of Douglas consentit werie gladlie and 
remanit tuo dayis werie weill treit and intertenit with his 
kin and freindis, quhair the chanceleir suore be his great 
aith and hailie sacrament thair was in Scotland no wther 

10 except the kingis maiestie that he faworit sa weill as the 
Earle of Douglas and wold esteme him fre thyne furtht 
equallie witht the governour of the realme by ony wtheris. 
This zoung gentill man fosterit with sic fair flatteraris was 
allurit in this maner to pase to Edinburgh. The chance- 

15 lar as hie that had na privie desait na malice hide, nor Foi. 43. 
latent hatrent in his mynd witht ane heartlie coutenance, 
in this maner [said] ' Sen sa it is that the king hes 1 givin 
' and grantit [zow] large greit riches and rentis withtin 
' this realme and [far abone the] 2 pissance of wtheris 

20 ' zour freindis and nichtbouris I will exort zow witht all 
' my hairt as him quhais house, haill kin and freindis ar 
' mar deir to me nor all the rest in Scotland my awin 
' excepit, to stand obedient to the kingis lawis and statutis 
1 quhom it pleassit the eternall god to rigne abone ws at 

25 ' this tyme and remember the high fortoune that ze ar 

1 Sol. A has "is." 

2 I omits words in brackets, but requires insertion of " zow " in 
line 18 to make the passage run smoothly. 


' promovit to the greit dependance (of Vasallis) l and 
' landis of manrentis witht wther great strength and powar 
' quhilk neid nocht to be raknit at this tyme, ar nocht 
' committ to zow that ze sould be mair insollent thairof 
1 thinking thairby to oppres inferieouris or yet misken the 5 
' maiestratis appoyntet be the plesour of god and consent 
' of the nobilietie bot rather gif the king hes gevin zow 
' all thir forsaidis of his awin benevolence and plesour it 
1 becomes zow to haue him in all honour and reverence, 
1 obedience to his charge and plesour, and abone all 10 
1 thingis to defend the commone weill nocht regairding 
1 lyfe land nor goodis for mantening of the same in peace 
1 and rest ; thairfoir cause all enormities and crymes com- 
' mittit in tyme bygaine to be refoundit and randerit witht 
' in zour boundis and suffer nocht the poore simpill pepill 1 5 
' to be owercome and reft be Strang mischevous tyranns, 
c nor stope no man to be brocht to the kingis maiestie 
' that is ane maniefest trespassour or ane lymmer bot be 
1 contrairie 2 first to minister iustice withtin zour boundis 
{ as becomes 3 zow thairefter not onlie to thoill wtheris to 20 
1 be punischit bot allis to come witht zour haill strength 
1 and force to bring all wickit boutcherous 4 and manifest 
Foi. 5 a. ' oppresseris of the poore to be adiudgeit and thoill con- 
1 dinglie according to the lawis wtherwayis it will redound 
1 to zour great dishonour hurt and schame to the wraik 25 
1 and heirscheip of zour goodis and geir and that quhilk 
1 is worst of all to the wtter exterminatioun of zour 
' house kin and freindis of the quhilkis sen I favour 5 
1 sa weill I wald nocht that ze war the author nor zeit 
1 that ye sould obscuire nor bleak 6 the honourabill 30 

1 I inserts these words. Pitscottie has here expanded the text of 

2 I.e., "on the contrary." 

3 A has " became," which is wrong. 4 " Bouchouris " I. 

5 A has "follow," I "favour." 

6 I has "blek," Dalzell reads "blott." The sense is "black or 
blot out." 


' factes of martiall deidis and the honour in ciwill gov- 
' ernment quhilk zour forbearis conquist to zour pos- 
' terietie.' 

The zoung gentillman of zoung x inclienatioun gif he 
5 hade bene weill accompanit, he tuik the chancelaris 
admonitioun in goode part, provydand 2 to repair all 
thingis that he had consawit and to obey and seme the 
kingis maiestie witht dew honour and reverence bot 
knew nane of the chancelaris fraud and gyle who thocht 

10 that this realme sould be at greattar tranquilietie gif the 
Earle of Douglas and his brother had bene cutted of 
sudenlie. 3 Efter 4 they come to Edinburgh withtout 
ony wnderstanding quhat was devyssit for thair distruc- 
tioun. Sum men iudgit [that na] 5 goode [was] to come of 

15 the weyage 6 and through the frequentt message baitht 
command and gangand betuix the governour and chan- 
celar and thairfoir gaue consall that nane of them sould 
enter at that tyme in the castell of Edinburgh or at the 
leist gif he enterit best it war to send his brother bak 

20 againe hame and nocht to break thair fatheris consall 
who inhibit thame that they zeid never baitht togither 
quhair thair was ony appeirance of fraud gyle or danger 
leist it sould be thair wraik of thair selffis and thair 
houssis. The earle gif na credit to sic corectouris, 7 

25 saying he had experience of the governouris and chan- 
celaris faitht and lawtie in sic cacess and as to the chan- 
celar he had sa intertenitt and treated him that he could Foi. 5 b. 

1 I also reads "zoung," but the MSS. which Dalzell has fol- 
lowed, "guid," — perhaps an alteration of copyists, to avoid the 
repetition of " zoung," or it may be that " zoung " has been repeated 
by mistake. 

2 I reads "permittand," which seems right. 

3 This passage is almost identical in language with the passage 
which Dalzell prints, Appendix, p. 625, as from the oldest MS. 

4 "Efter this" I. 

5 These words, which are necessary to the sense, are supplied by I. 

6 I reads " weyage " = voyage. A has " weavage." 

7 I has " coniecttouris, " but the reading of A is preferable. 


dread no ewill nor falshoode at his hand. Sic quyet,. 
rwmor spread throw the haill companie that caussit schir 
Dawid Douglas persuadd the earle his brother to return e 
hamewart againe dreadand mischeif to follow vpoun 
this haistie freindscheip for the quhilk the earle reprovit 5 
his brother werie scherplie, saying, it was nocht decent 
for him to gif earis to sic waine wnhapie flateraris quho 
was the werie occatioun of all desentioun and discord 
amangis nobillmen sa lang as they had place and thair- 
foir gaif command witht right scherpe threttnings and 10 
braging wordis that no man in his companie menitt sic 
thing lat be x to speik of the samin. Bot behald heir ane 
notabill cace, the narrar that ane man be to ane perrell 
or mischeif he rinnis the mair heidlangis thairto, and hes 
no grace to heir them that giffis theme consall to eschew 15 
the danger; the Earle of Douglas being ane zoung 
gentill man of good inclienatioun, wyser perchance nor 
ony wtheris of equall aige witht him wald nether gif 
eairis to his godvvillaris nor favoraris nor zeit was he con- 
tent witht them that gaif the consall to returne hame- 20 
wart againe bot repruifht thame heightlie, quhair throw 
sindrie nobill men witht sad drerie and quyit contien- 
ances followand him durst not speik na forder. It may 
be weill said of this man that saifgaird it self, 2 albeit it 
wald could not preserue this man from destructioun 25 
and rewvyne and sa semmes continuallie provocand 
this man to his deid. Bot 3 [he] daylie spuris his horse 
Foi. 6 a. and come fordwart to Edinburgh and enterit in to 
the castell quhair be feinzeit and coullorit continance 

1 " Lat be" = much less. 

2 I follows A. The sense is obscure, and is not made clear by 
Dalzell's reading. " It may be evil said of this man albeit it wold it 
culd not preserue this man from destructioune and ruine, and sua 
semis continuallie provokin this man to his deid." "Saifgaird 
itself" is a translation of " Salus ipsa " in Boece — i.e., "the Goddess 
of Safety herself." All the MSS. omit the quotation from Terence 
in Boece. See Notes. 

8 B and I " Bot forder delay " — i.e., " without further delay." 


he was ressawit witht great ioy and gladnes and bank- 
catit reallie 1 of all delicattis that could be gottin and 
never 2 that he sould tak ony suspitiouns or desait to fol- 
low thair wpoun. Then at the last money of the earleis 
freindis being [skailed] 3 of the toune and opertunitie 
serwant, witht consent and adwyse of the governour 
who come then of sett porpois to Edinburgh. 


Hou thair was ane bulles heid presentit before the Erlle of Douglas. 
The slauchter of the Erlle of Douglas and in quhat zeir : the 
chancellaris answer to the king concerneing the Erllis slauchtor. 
Hou William Erlle of Douglas dieit without successioun. The 
Mairiage of the fair mayden of Galloway upone gros James 
sone. The mairiage disuadit be the Erlle of Angus and the 
Knicht of Dalkeith. Mairiage on guid fryday. Conflict betwix 
The Sherrife of Perth and Johne Gormak the Shireff maior. 

The chancelar efter the great cheir was maid at the 
denner and coursses taine away 4 and presentit ane bullis 

10 heid befoir the earle quhilk was ane signe and taikin of 
condemnatour to the death; bot this earle and his 
brother behalding this money fauld treassone witht sade 
mynd and werie continance start wpe fre the bourd and 
maid them to leip at sum place quhair they might ony 

15 wyse win out. Bot then, fre hand, ane companie of 
airmed men buschit out round about them quha break- 
ing all kynd of law and hospitalietie leade thame out to 
the castell hill witht Schir Malcome Fleming of Cummer- 
nald and vther wyse gentill men thair familiearis and 

20 assistaris and straik thair heidis fre thame. This was 

1 I.e., royally. 

2 I reads, " hou, that he suld tak na suspitiounes of ony dissait to 
follow thairupoun," which makes better sense. 

3 A wrongly has " killed," &c. 

4 I reads: "Than quhan the denner was and all the delicatt meassis 
and coursis taine away." 


done in the zeir of god I m foure hundretht and ellevin 1 
zeiris. It is said the king being of tender aige lamentit 
and grat werie sair quhen he saw the men of weir bind 
the earleis bandis and his brotheris with cords and prayit 
the chancelar for godis saik to lat them allone and saif 5 
thair lyues for ony plesour he wald desyre of him ; and 
thair for the chancelar bostit the king right scharplie 
saying it was for na privie haitrit that he bure to the 
Earle of Douglas and his favoraris and friendis that he 
sould thoill the death that day according to his de- 10 

Foi. 6 b. merittis, bot because he was ane plaine enemie to the 
kingis awin persone and ane manifest tratour to the 
common weill, and sa lang as they war on lyue the 
realme wald newer be at peace and rest bot gif hie war 
cuttit of the contrie sould be at greatter tranquilietie. 15 
Then fre hand, but ruth or petie thir gentill men war 
hurlat furtht and execut as said is. 

Fre thyne furtht the realme was sum part quyeter for 
ane certaine tyme nor it was of befoir albeit nocht lang 
efter this Williame, succeidit his vncle 2 [James father 20 
brother] to [this William] the Earle of Annerdaill 3 and 
Lord Abernethie, 4 quho was callit gros because he was 

The Earle of corpolent and growin of body, for this Williame had no 


dieit witht- bairnes of his body nor brother to succeid to him. This 

out succes- 

sioun. James was the sevint Earle of Douglas and was no les 25 

haitit be the legis of this realme nor ony of his predices- 
souris because withtin schort space slaughter and heir- 
scheip rang allis fast in his dayis and speciallie withtin 
his boundis as ewer it did befoir. Nocht that he 
mantenit ony theiffis or murtheraris bot because he 30 
punischt them nocht, for he thocht ewer to haue ex- 

1 B and I have " fourtie aucht yeiris." The true date was 24th 
Nov. 1440. See Notes. 

2 The words in brackets are from I, and supply a blank in A. 

3 So I also, but it should be Avondale. Boece calls him " Baro 
Abercorn et Comes Avendalise." See Notes. 

4 Abercorn. 


cussit him self for his grownes and wnhabilietie. Wtheris 
thocht that albeit he had never ryssin out of his bede 
he sould haue had sic men about him at his command 
as suld haue suppressed all oppressioun and murther 
5 withtin his boundis ; bot he leiffit nocht lang for he 
deceissit in Abercorn the thrid zeir efter he was maid 
Earle. This James had sevin sonns to quhom the eldest 
succeidit be taillzie of the landis of the earledome of 
Douglas bot the landis that was wntaillzied fell in 
10 herietage to ane sister of the said Willieames forsaid 
viz. the landis of Galloway and thairfoir scho was callit 
the fair maidin of Galloway. Thair fell allis to hir The fair 

Maidin of 

Wigtoun, Annerdaill, Ballvemie and Ormond. It is to Gaiiovay. 
be wnderstand that this James callit gros James, fol- 

1 5 lowand the inclinatioun of money wtheris gredie to Foi. 7 a. 
conques great rentis to his posterietie nor he had him- 
self, thinkand it was wicious J to denude the auld herie- 
taig of ane house be the contrair it was wosdome to 
applay 2 the dominiounis left be thair foirbearis and 

20 thairfoir to compell 3 all thair landis forsaidis withtin 

and togidder, and to the effect procurit the paipis dis- 

pensatioun to marie his eldest sone wpoun his brotheris 

douchter, sister to the said William. Be this cause but The marie- 
age of the 

doubt the haill landis sould be wnitit in ane, zeit not fair maidin 

of Galloway 

25 withtstanding the rest of the Douglassis skynnrit, 4 thinking whht gros 
the marieage to be wnlesum as they thocht that our 5 
great riches and landis ower large war odious to be 
wnder ane king quhilk witht in schort tyme sould be 

exterminious 6 of surname and rutting furtht 7 perpetualli a ge e d?swa." 

30 of the house. The principall of the Douglas that dis- Earilof An- 

swadit the marieage and annexatioun of the landis was the knycht 

of Dal- 

the Earle of Angus and Schir Johnne Douglas of Dal- keytht. 

1 I "wickitnis."' 2 I "ample." 3 I "couple." 

4 I "skinnerat," an old Scotch word " scunnered " = took fright, 
not yet obsolete. 
5"Our" = over. 6 Extermination. 

7 " Rutting forth " = rooting out. 


keytht knycht baitht dissendit of the Earle of Douglas 
house. Quhene ane hes over mekill geir ether it pro- 
voikis the possessouris thairof to attempt sum wngodlie 
porpois, or ellis for ane littill cryme or ane light sus- 
pitioun that kingis and princes takis of thame sumtyme 5 
that they ar brocht to utter distructioun and confutioun. 
Bot this Earle James namet gros James was nothing 
movet witht thir wordis and allis wnderstanding that the 
king him self was to put inhibitioun to this marieage 
betuix his sone and his brotheris doughter he haistit the 10 
samin witht greatter diligence nocht spairing the tyme 
foir-biding x as was the wse then, and caussit sollempnis 2 
the band of matrimoney; ffor the pepill, movet witht 
scrupulositie because it was the wse that frequentit, 
jugeit 3 and said that sic ane marieage could never be 15 
prosperous and happie quhilk was of treuth and the 

Foi. 7 b. pepill nocht begyllit of this oppinioun. Mony nicht- 
bouris feidis raise on ewerie [pairt] 4 and that the reader 5 
be this William sone to the said James or ellis be his 
assistaris and namlie throw Johnne Gormak ane Atholl 20 
man ane of the principall suorne tyrantis to the Earle 
of Douglas, who witht ane great companie of bloody 
murderaris 6 sett wpoun Schir William Ruthven of that 
Ilk schereff principall of Perth to haue slaine him self 
and raissit ane bargane and [reft] 7 ane brigand theif of 25 
Atholl fre the kingis iustice quhome the schereff wald 
haue iustifeit. Bot this Schir William Ruthven seing 

Conflict be- the danger come so suddenlie upoun him was mekill 

tuix the 

Schereff of abassit and prayeit his freindis and gentillmen that was 

Perthtand l J ° 

johnne witht him for the tyme to tak ane goode part witht him ?o 

Gormak. J . 

and nocht to thoill themselffis to be murderist witht ane 
menzie of wniversall theiffis, and it was sa lang fouchten 

1 I has "foir-bidding." See Notes. 2 A has "solemnities." 

3 I. The reading of A "in greit " is corrupt for "jugeit." 

4 B and I insert. 5 I has " rather." 6 I has " bouchouris." 
7 This is an emendation of Freebairn and Dalzell, necessary for the 

sense. A reads "was," which is wrong, and I omits. 


witht dout-some chance quhill at the last the schereff 
was wictor and Johnne Gormak witht xxx in companie 
manfullie slaine, wpoun mydsymer day 1 I m foure hun- 
dertht xliiij zeiris. 


Ane combat betwix Sempill and Coubrethe : how the erlle of 
douglas was judget to be mowvar of discord. The erlle of 
douglas past to Stirvilling to the king. Ane remissioun grantit 
to the Erlle of douglas and alls maid 2 principall of the secreit 
Counsall. The chancel lar denudit him selffe of his office: And 
the Governour also. The governour and chancellar summond. 
Hou the governour and chancellar send ane writting to the king. 

5 Schort quhill efter this thair followit ane wther trubill 
at Dumbartane to no les damnage to the contrie thane 
the wther. Robert Sempill and Patrick Gallbraith being 
deput to the kingis self who than was xiiij zeiris of aige, 
haueand the governance of this realme in his awin hand, 
10 to keip the castell of Dumbartane as principallis, begane The combat 

•ii iii betuix Sim- 

to stryue amang thame selms quhilk of them sould be pin and Gai- 


principall capitaine thairof and quhen they could not 
aggre in wordis they pullit out suordis and faught right 
cruellie quhill at the last Robert Sempill was slaine and 
15 that Patrick Gallbraith being werie familiear witht the 
earle of Douglas tuik the castell in keiping but ony 
farder delay. The earle of Douglas begane to muse Theearieof 


wpoun the slaughter how that he was mgeit as principall iudgit to be 

the mover of 

mover of baith the combattis 3 throw all the haill realme discord. 
20 and the court, thinkand thair could no goode come of °' 8a - 
thir thingis at last, quhene the kingis maiestie come to 
perfyte aige gif he amendit nocht in tyme and thairfoir 
tuik purpois to pase to the king in Streveling to gett ane 

1 St John the Baptist's day (Boece). 

2 I.e., who is also made. 

3 Gormack with Ruthven and Galbraith with Sempill. 




The Earle of 
come to the 
king in 

The remis- 
sioun re- 
mittit to the 
Earle of 

Fol. 8 b. 

The chan- 
celar denudit 
him self of 
his chan- 

remissioun of all thingis and begane to leif ane better 
lyfe in tyme coming; sua being accompanit witht ane 
great number of folkis past to the king in Streveling and 
thair at the first comming fell on his kneis and patt him 
self and all that he had in the kingis will desyring re- 5 
missioun of faultis committit be him and that he might 
haue licence to await wpoun his maiestie bot as the 
soberest courteour in his graceis companie quhilk gif 
he wald do of his gratious marcie he promist to [be] 1 
allis serueabill as ony man wnto this realme and allis 10 
suore the great ayth that he sould persew all theiffis 
and brigandis at the wtermest of his powar. The king 
witht the great humanitie of this nobill man offrand him 
self willfullie in the kingis handis nocht onlie remittit his 
offences bot allis maid him principall of his secreit coun- 15 
sail and wssit him maist fameliear of any man for ane 
lang tyme, thairfoir this William being famelliear witht 
the king buire him self werie plessantlie to everie man 
and did nothing bot that quhilk apeirit to all men to be 
weill done for the weill fair of the countrie, sua creipand 20 
peace and peace in to the kingis consait tairrieit wpoun 
opertwnitie of tyme to be revengit wpoun his enemeis and 
namelie wpoun Schir William Chrichtoun Chancelar who 
sa mischevouslie had put doune his friendis 2 Williame 
earle of Douglas and his brother Davvid. Quhill the 25 
Earle appeassit his anger on this wyse, the chancelaris 
partie persaueing weill that he was offendit at him 
denudit 3 him self of the chancelarrie and past his way 
witht his kin and freindis to Edinburgh thinkand that he 
might maist easalie beand in the castell eschew the dan- 30 
ger and iniurie that the Earle of Douglas was prepairand 
for him and furnische the castell witht mwnitioun men 

1 I inserts. 

2 "Enemeis" struck out and "friendis" substituted by different 
hand. I had originally " enimeis," and altered it to " eamis " — 
i.e., uncles. 

3 I. A reads "dewydit." 


and wictuallis stronglie. It is to understand that this 
gentillman not allone feirit the Earle of Douglas bot also The gover- 

nour denudit 

the governour dreadand him in the samm maner denudit himself of 

his office. 

himself of all offices and chairgis that he buire except 
5 the keiping of the castell of Stirling and departit haistelie 
of the Court. Then the Earle of Douglas, be quhais 
moyen and conwoy the haill realme and court was gydit, 
thowch[t] he had suffiecient tyme and oppertunitie to 
revenge all iniurie done to his freindis of befoir, 
10 caussit sumond Schir William Creichtoun sum tyme Thegover- 

nour and 

chancelar, Schir Alexander Lewingstoun sum tyme gov- chanceiar 


ernour witht his tua sonns Schir Alexander and Schir 
James, knychtis, all be ane herald to underly the law for 
sic crymes as the kingis maiestie is to lay to thair chargis 
15 witht certifiecatioun gif they compeirit nocht that they 
sould be denunceit as tratouris to our sowerans hienes 
home ; besyd this he thought gif they compeirit that he 
sould gett his will of them. The nobill men being sow- 
mond as said is wrait againe ane ansuer to the king Ane writting 

send be the 

20 devyssit be all thair consentis, saying, 'that thair was chanceiar 

and the gov- 

' nothing more deare to them nor the weillfair of the ernour to the 


' kingis persone and the stabilietie of this realme redy 
' witht sic obedience and service as become subiectis 
' to do to thair princes, bot because they knew thair 

25 ' deidlie enemies who rewllit the court wirkand all to 
' thair confutioun and wtter rewvine lyklie to obteine his 
' wickit intent part throw the greit favour that the king Foi. 9 a. 
' buire to the Earle of Douglas and part throw the great 
' pissance, they sould be owerthrawin gif they come in, 

3c ' thairfoir it was expedient for them to gif place and leif 
' the furie of thair enemeis quhill 1 all iniwrieis war sett at 
1 rest and miessit 2 and the contrie weill in tranquilietie 

1 I has " quhill " = until, which seems right. B "set asyd and at 
rest and the common weill," &c, and Dalzell follows B. 

2 I "at rest and messitt," pp. of v. "mese," to assuage. See 



and peace and then they sould do sic honour and rewer- 
ence as become them dewlie for lawboraris weill fair and 
trawell of the realme for it is werie wnliklie to commit 
thame selffis to the present danger quhilk they knew 
perfytlie to come in. Attoure as to the kingis com- 5 
mandement and charge it was thocht it was wnworthie 
manteinners of theiffis and murtheris [should have] 1 
bene surrogatit in thair placeis who was constitut and 
callit to the governance of the realme be the wittis 2 
of the Lordis of parlieament [and] rewllit the samin 10 
witht the fawour of all good men quhill now that the 
kingis maiestie is destitute of sic nobill men faworaris 
of the common weill be the consall of potent and am- 
bitious [tirrantis] 3 laborand day be day to promot all 
mischevous tyrans to honouris and dignatie to the 15 
heavie damnage of the common weill and dreadfull 
terrour of kingis liegis of the realme.' 


Ane parliament proclaimit for forfaltting of the governour and chan- 
cellar. The seige of Brantoun 4 : how the chancellar meid in- 
coursionis upon Corstorphin and the Erlle of Douglas wrait to 
the Erlle of Craufurd and otheris to male heirschipp upone 
bishoppis landis. Censuris of haly kirk weliependit. 5 Discord 
for ane office : hou Allexander Lyndsay gatherit ane companie 
of men. The battell of Arbroith : the Erlle of Craufurd slane 
raikleslie : labor for peace. The number that was slaine : hou 
Innerquharritie died : murther in all pairtis : James Steuart 

The parlie- 
ment pro- 
clamed for- 
falltouris of 
the gov- 
ernour and 

How sune the Earle of Douglas persaifed thair heigh 
contemptioun of his autoritie he caussit proclame ane 
parlieament to be haldin at Stirling quhair the forsaidis 20 
personns war forfalltit and denuncit rebellis to the 

1 "Should have," perhaps omitted. 

2 I has "wottis" = votes (?). 

3 I and B insert "tirrantis," and Dalzell follows B. 

4 I.e., Barntoun. See Notes. 5 I.e., made light of or despised. 


croun and gaif chairge to Forster 1 of Corstorphing for 
to inbring all thair movabillis to the kingis wse quhilkis 
war escheitit. Efter this all men war chargeit to pas 
fordward witht displayit banner be oppin procliema- 
5 tioun to inwaid thir men allis common tratouris to the 
croun, and sa ane airmie of men being gadderit they 
seigit the castell at Brantoun 2 in Lowthiean quhilk was 
randerit fre hand sa sune as [they saw] 3 the kingis 
standart, and the men was lattin pase frelie fortht witht 
10 bage and bagage and the castell cassin doun to the Foi. gb. 
ground. To revenge thair 4 iniuries Schir William Creich- 
toun collectit ane great airmie of his kin and freindis 
and first brunt the haill landis of Corstorphing and incursions 

• • • , i -,, -.- i-i • , maid be the 

cairneit away the haul goodis and geir that might be canceiar 

aganst Cor- 

15 gottin and thairefter inwadit the Earle of Douglas witht storphing 

" and the 

fyre and suord and brunt all the corne and corne zairdis, Earle of 

* Douglas. 

welages and tounes quhairewer he come and sicklyk he 
did in the landis of Abercorne and toune of Blaknes 
witht the castell thairof and cairriet away great prayis of 

20 horse and scheip and nolt out of all thir tounis. Bot 
the Earle of Douglas persaiffing the chancelar boustert 
wpe and steirit wpe be his freindis to his heavie damnage 
and skaitht amangis quhom he suspectit principall James 
Kennidie bischope of Sanctandrois sister sone to King 

25 Tames the first and thair for send writtingis to the Earle The Earle of 

" Douglas 

of Craufurd and Alexander Ogillbie of Innerquaritie tua wraittothe 

spetiall courteouris [his] freindis to make heirscheip £jj|jJfe to nd 

wpoun the bischopis landis and geif they mycht appre- ^ J^s-^ 

hend him self quik to keip him in presone witht in irons fandis. pis 

30 quhill forder adwertisment. 

This charge they fullfillit and herreit nocht onlie the 

bischopis landis bot also the haill landis adiacent thairto 

and brocht great pryssis of goodis out of Fyfe unto 

1 Forester of Corstorphine. 

2 B has "Brankstoun," I " Crichtoun," which Dalzell follows; 
but Brantoun or Barntoun is right. See Notes. 

3 B inserts " they saw," I also. 4 I has "thir." 



Sensouris of 
hollie kirk 

Fol. 10 a. 

Discord for 
ane office. 

arrayit ane 

Angus. As to the bischope he committit himself in 
saifgaird thinkand it become him nocht to be ane fichter 1 
bot zeit he thocht it expedient to wse his awin autorietie 
upoun sic as inwadit him as said is, and thairfoir sow- 
mond the Earle of Crafurde and led upoun [him] ane 5 
sentance of curssing for his contemptioun of the censouris 
of hallie kirk quhilkis the Earle heiglie weliependit as ane 
thing of no strength witht out dreadour of God or man. 
Lang efter, quhen the Earle was laborand werie delie- 
gentlie to reconceill his sone Alexander Lyndsay and 10 
Alexander Ogillvie forsaid to the auld freindscheip keipit 
betuix thair freindis befoir, he was slaine and as salbe 
schawin heirefter his sone Alexander Lyndsay succeidit. 
This discord fell betuix them for ane baillzerie of Ar- 
broith quhilk pertenit to Alexander Lyndsay, bot Alex- 15 
ander Ogillvie, quhidder it come of his awin ambitioun 
or gif it was the Abbottis plesour it was not certane 
wsurpit the baillzerie to him self and pat this Alexan- 
der fre the samin. Quhair foir being on this way robed 
of his lyfe 2 he gadderit ane companie of his freindis 20 
and spetiallie the Hammilltouns quho assistit him for 
the tyme [and tuik the way thinkand he sould debait 
it be strength quhilk he could nocht do be the law. 
Alexander Ogillvie on the wther syde gadderit ane great 
companie of men amangis quhome it chancit Alexander 25 
earle of Huntlie to be for the tyme] 3 and come fordwart 
witht displayit banner and arrayit battell to Arbroitht to 
tak the samin againe be force quhilk being schawin to 
the Earle of Crafurd being in Dundie for the tyme 
lyand, to stope all mischeif he come postand to them in 30 
all haist. Skantlie was he turned quhene baitht the 
airmieis was redy to joyne and thyk togidder zeit he 
stopit his sone Alexander to mak ony onset and quhene 

1 See Notes. 

2 "Troubillit of his richt," I 

3 I omits words in brackets. 

so B. " Lyfe " = livelihood. 


he was com in proper persone towart Alexander Ogillvieis 
folkis to tak and intercommon freindlie upoun all de- 
baittis betuix his sone and them, and ane suddart, 1 nocht 
knawin quhat he was nor quhair for he come, strak him The Earie of 
5 in at the mouth witht ane speir and throw-out the nek siaine rak- 


and sa he dieit inconntinent in ane goode actioun, and for 


laborand to put Christiane men to peace and rest [and] 
conquist ane goode commendatioun of all men albeit he 
was werie insolent all the rest of his lyfetyme. Quhilk 

10 quhene his sone and freindis beheld they war sa cur- 
ragit thai suddenlie ruschit wpoun thair enemies witht 
greit iyre 2 ; bot they wpoun the wther syde resistit the 
price 3 and held of their adwerssaries right manfullie for Foi. io b. 
ane lang tyme, rlor at the last, the Laird of Inerquartie 

15 principall deidlie wondit and ane wther great part of 
the maist walliezand men in the throt of the battell 
siaine [and] they gaif baikis and in the fleing money of 
thame was siaine amangis quhome Johnne Forbes of The number 

that was 

Pitislego, Alexander Barklay of Garlie and James Max- siaine. 

20 well of Teiling Douncane Cammell of Cammellis-father 4 
William Gordoun of Barnefeild, 5 all barrouns, witht 
diuerse wtheris gentill men. Thair was ane hunder 
siaine wpoun the wther syd. The earle of Huntlie 
being destitut of his folkis in this maner hoirssit him self 

25 and fled away to saif his lyfe. Innerquartie was taine innerquanie 

. . . taine and 

and brocht lewand to Feniven 6 quhair he deit witht m dieit thair 

^ . efter. 

schort tyme thairefter be ane straik he gat in the syde. 
The morne thairefter the gentillmen war honourabillie 
burieit in the kirk zaird. 
30 This battell was strikin in the zeir of god I m iiij c xlv 

yeiris, bot efter this thair followit na thing bot slaughter Murther in 

all partis. 

in this realme in ewerie part, ilk ane lyand wait for 

1 Soldier. 

2 I has "iyre," B has "wreth," but badly written, so probably 
a blunder. 3 I has "preace" = press (?). 

4 Boece has " Barcla a Grantuly," " Connall a Connalsith." 

5 I has " Burrowfield," and so has Boece. 6 Finhaven. 


wther as they had ben settand tinchellis 1 for the murther 

of wyld beistes, amang quhome Robert Boyde of Dow- 

james quhell captaine in Dumbartan lay wait for James Stewart 


siaine. of Auchmento 2 who was bot sextene men in tryne, and 

schortlie or ewer James Stewart had knawledge that ony 5 
man besett his gait, ane companie of airmeit men 
buschit about him and slew him cruellie ane lyttill peace 
fre kirk patrick and thairefter fre hand tuik his wyfe out 
of his awin house and brocht hir captiue to Dumbartane 
and [be the] 3 conwoy of ane preist who falslie promist 10 
that scho sould thoill no skaitht. Bot quhene scho per- 
saueit hir self mokit in this maner throw high displesour 

Foi. 11 a. of hir husbandis slaughter scho pairtit wntymouslie 
witht ane deid bairne and dieit hir self the thrid day 
thair efter. 


The seige of halis : the seige of the Castell of Edinburghe. Hou 
Schir James Steuart was baneist. And hou queine mother 
dieit. The marriage of king James the Firstis dochteris. Hou 
many bairnes queine mother buire to Schir James Steuart. 
Hou the Chancellar was send to the Duik of gildiris for 
marriage of his dochter on the king. The governour his 
eldest sone, and certaine othiris taine and impresonit : hou the 
governouris sone was heiddit and hou he maid a wrisoune. 

Attour Archebald Dunbar seigit the castell of Haillis 
in Lowtheane and at the first assault he wan the samin 
and slew them all that he fand thairin. He schortlie 
thairefter was beseigit be James Douglas in quhois 4 will 
be put 5 himself and the castell but ony farder debaitt. 

Innumerabill slaughteris war maid this zeir in Anner- 
daill for the pepill hes ewer bene and zeit ar gevin to 
nothing more nor to slaughter. Schortlie mischeif rang 

1 Pits or snares. Dalzell not understanding has " themselves." 

3 I has " Auchmenoune," Boece " Auchnanetoun." 

3 I inserts these words. 4 I has "quhais." 5 I has "pat." 

J 5 


sa continuallie in all partis that money gentillmen of this 
reahne seing thair was no regaird be the king nor the 
Earle of Douglas forces 1 who was principall gydder to 
the court, contenned thame self and thair freindis withtin 
5 strong fortrassis and left thair goodis that might not be 
keipt witht ane strength to the theiffis and revers to tak 
them as they thocht goode thinkand gif they saiffit thame 
selffis they had suffiecence quhill ane better fortoun. 
In this nixt zeir thair efter, the king, be the Earle of 
10 Douglas consall seigit the castell of Edinburgh nyne Thecasteii 
monethis 2 all togither bot at the last Schir William burgh seigit. 
Creichtoun randerit the castell wpoun thir conditiouns Thecasteii 

gevin wpoun 

that he and all that assistit him sould haue remissioun certane con- 


for all thair offences bygaine, and hie him self to be 

15 reconceillit to the kingis fawour efter the auld maner. 
The castell being randerit as said is was reformit againe 
new better nor it was befoir. Soune thairefter ane par- 
lieament was sett for to be haldin at Peirth 3 to consult 
wpoun all thingis appertening to the commone weill in 

20 the quhilk Schir William Crichtoun was ressawit againe Foi. n b. 
to the kingis fawour and maid chancelar againe of new 
be the consent of the haill parlieament zeit he mellit him 
nocht witht na publict effairis bot baid ane better tyme 
quhill he sould haue bene purgit be ane assyse for all 

25 kynd of suspitioun concerning the kingis maiestie. 

The same zeir James Stewart knycht that marieit the 
kingis mother was banist because he spake sumtymes 
raschlie that the realme was ewill gydit quhilk redounded 
to the defamatioun of the Earle of Douglas. This 

30 Schir James Stewart witht in ane schort tyme thairefter 
was tane wpoun the sie witht Flemingis witht sum 

1 I. A has "frettis," which makes no sense. 

2 I also has "monethis," and so has Boece, but the Auchenleck 
Chronicle " oulkis " = weeks. See Notes. 

3 The Parliament of Perth was held on 14th June 1445, and there 
is no mention of the restoration of Crichton, but the record is 
imperfect. — A. P., ii. p. 9. 



The mariage 
of King 
James the 

The queine 
buire to 
Schir James 
Stewart thrie 

Fol. 12 a. 

earleis baitht of Scottland and Ingland and led captiue 
to Flanderis quhair he dieit witht in ane schort tyme 
thairefter and his wife, King James the secondis mother, 
dieit efter him heirand also of hir husbandis deceis and 
was buried in the chairterhous besyde hir first husband, 5 
King James the first to quhome scho buire aught bairnes, 
of the quhilk thair was tua sonns, viz. King James the 
secund, the wther Alexander who dieit ane infant and 
sex doughteris all honourabillie marieit albeit thair fol- 
lowit na great successioun of thame. The first, callit 10 
Margarit was marieit wpoun the Dollphin of France 
callit Lewes the sevint, sone to Chairlis 1 ; the secund 
Dame Helene mairieit wpoun the Ducke of Barteinzie 2 ; 
the thrid wpoun the Lord of Campheir and thairefter 
wpoun the Duike of Astriche 3 ; the fourt wpoun the 15 

thairefter witht the ; the fyft wpoun the Earle of 

Huntlie callit George [witht quhom he pairtit, and begat 
ane doughter wpoun hir quho was marieit wpoun the 
Earle of Arroll, and pairtit witht hir be the king hir 
broderis consent and thairefter Earle George marieit the 20 
Earle of Arrollis dochter of quhome come Earle Alex- 
ander, Earle Adame of Sutherland witht diuerse wtheris] 4 
the sext marieit wpoun the Earle of Mortone. The 
queine buire to Schir James Stewart thrie sonns, Johnne 
who was maid Earle of Atholl, James Earle of Buchane 25 
who was called Earle James, the thrid Androw bischope 
of Murray. 

Schortlie quhill heirefter, Schir William Creichtoun 
chancelar 5 be the convoy of Chairlles the sewint, king 
of France was send to spous Margareit the Duike of 30 

1 So B and I, but it ought to be Lewis son of Charles VII. 
Boece has " Ludovicum Francke Delphinum." 

2 Brittany. 

3 I reads, " the fourt vpone the Duck of Austruche, thairefter 

4 The clause in brackets is an addition to Boece. It is in I and 
B as well as A. As to the confused genealogy, see Notes. 

5 Boece adds, "Joannes episcopus Dunkeldensis Nicolas Otter- 
burn Canonicus Glasguensis." 


Gilderis dochter to be brocht hame ane wyfe to King Thechan- 

celar send 

James the Secund. The gentill woman was grantit totheDuik 

J , of Gilderis 

glaidlie and honourabillie conwoyit be the Lord of formarage. 
Campheir Mercus of Bergie, 1 Earle of Naissoue, the 
; bischope of Camere and the bischope of Loudge. 2 
Attour thair come ane prence of Ramistoun witht 
wtheris diuerse nobill knychtis and squyeris. The 
marieage being solemnizet thair was ane parlieament The marie- 

3.2T6 bcinir 

haldin at Edinburgh, of the quilk be the consall of sum [soiem- 
10 ambitious flatteraris Schir Alexander Androw 3 Leving- governors 

eldest sone 

stoun of Callender sum tyme govemour Alexander his andcertane 

wthers is 

eldest sone Robert Levingstoune, 4 baitht descendit of taineand 


the house of Callender, James Dundas and Robert 
Bruce of Clakmanan knychtis war taine nocht witht 
standing that they war reconceillit witht the kingis 
maiesty, and had to dyuerse places and cassin in 
pressone. And ower that all the nobillis and lordis of 
parlieament requistit the king to relax them zeit in 
heigh haitrit that the courtcouris had consauit against 

20 thame prevatlie 5 all suppliecatioun law and ressone they 
war keipit close in irones quhill the sevint day of Decem- 
ber, and the sevint day brocht to Edinburgh quhair G 
Alexander Levingstoune sumtyme governour, James 
Dundas, Robert Bruce, payit great sowmes of money 

25 and thaireftir [were] wairdit in Dumbartane and the rest 

was heidit. It is said that this Alexander quhene he was The gover- 
wpoun the skaffold turned him to the pepill and maid beheidit. 
ane singular goode wriesone deplorand the mutabilietie Alexander 


and wnstabillnes of fortune exhorting 7 ' all gentillmen stounis 

. . wrisoun to 

30 ' and nobillis of this realme to tak ane exampill be him the pepiii. 

1 " Marques of Berge," I. See Notes. 

2 I has " Leug," probably "Liege." B and I "out of Ravas- 
toun." Ravenstein is meant. See Notes. 

3 I omits "Androw." 

4 I adds " Thesawer and David lewistoun." 

5 B " contrair to," which seems right, but I follows A. 

6 I. A has "for." 

7 B and I insert "exhorting." 


1 of the fragill felicietie of this warld 1 ; at tyme 2 his father 
1 [be singular goode men of witt and prudence] 3 was 
1 chossen governour of this realme and quhair 4 he buire 
' sum freindis and chargis prosperislie witht sa great 
' commendatioun of all men, that his father loweit 5 

Foi. 12 b. < him abone all creatouris bot zeit be change of court 
' his father himself and freindis war scharplie persewit 
' that it was force 5 to draw thame to strengthis for the 
' defence of thair lywes and preserving them selffis to 
'better fortoune quhill 6 at the last thair innocencie io 
' tryit they war in ane maner resortit to the kingis follow- 
' aris 7 quhilk indurit not lang for schort quhill efter be 
1 fallis sugestioun of flaterand courtieouris thai war wairdit 
1 againe. Now, his fader was wardit himself adiudget 
1 nocht be neutral men of sinceir and goode conscience 15 
' bot be his deidlie enemeis to wnderly ane schameful 
' deid as he had bene ane tratour and thairfoir prayit 

Greitoffieces ' all the nobill men not to desyre great offices in court 

in greatest 

danger. « albeit that appeirit baitht honour and commoditieis 

' for they that are prommottit to the highest places 20 
' quhene they slyd they gett the grettest fall and quhene 
' they ar put doune gif they be luffit on the ane part be 
' goode men for thair worthe behaviour they sail be re- 
' prochit on the wther part be the wicked and wngodlie.' 
The wordis being said he fell doune wpoun his knies 25 
and streikit forth his craig 8 to the sword, ane lament- . 
abill sight to behald, and was beheidit, to the great dis- 
plesour of the pepill. 

1 I and A"wardill." 

2 This passage seems badly translated, but means " That at one 
time "= "ante aliquos annos," Boece. 

3 I omits words in brackets. 

4 " And quhair " = in which office. 

5 B "force to draw them" = they were compelled. 

6 " Quhill " = until. 

7 "Reconceilled to the kingis fawour," B ; " restoirit to favouris," I. 

8 I has " crag " — i.e., neck ; Boece " collum" ; A has "arme " by 

JAMES II. 6 1 


IIou the quene pairted with bairne : hou thair was the bodie of ane 
young chyld found. Incurstionis meid in Ingland be Scottis 
men : hou dunbar was brunt : hou Schir James Douglas raised 
ane armye. Hou the Erldome of Murray come to the Doug- 
lasis be manage. James Erlle of Douglas promoveit to the 
lordschip of Ballwenie. Repititioun of di versitie of surnames yat 
joysit the erlledome of Murray. Hou the herritrix of fendraucht 
was mareit upon Allexander Dunbar. Mairiage betwix the 
Erlle of Murray and Catherin Settoun. The lands of fen- 
draucht gevin to the Crichtounis. Hou na man durst reproche 
the Erlle of Douglas proceidingis. 

The zeir following the quene pairtit witht bairne bot The^uene 

... _, . . . pairtit witht 

na man knew be quhat reassone. The bairne was born bairne. 
quick and deceissit witht in schort space thairefter. 
The same zeir the ryall wallis of Dumfermling war 
5 cassin doune. Thair was ane body of ane zoung The body of 

ane young 

chyld found m ane kaise of leid wumpillit wpoun chyld found, 
sandell allis fresche wncurrupt and as of cullour as 
the first houre at 1 [it] was burieit. It was iudgit be 
thame that was curieous of auld antiquitieis to be ane 
io sone of quene 2 [Margaret] quha deceissit in his in- 

Attour the peace and trewis witht Ingland expyrit the incursiouns 

. - . , ~ • • -i i • maid in Ing- 

same zeir and thairfoir the Scottis maid dywerse incur- land be 


tiouns and raidis in Ingland, waistand all witht fyre and 
1 5 suord quhair ever they come. The earle of Saillisberrie 3 Foi. 13 «. 
being Lutennent and wairdane for the tyme wpoun the 
Inglisch border, to revenge thir iniureis againe, invaidit 
Scottland wpoun the wast borderis wnto the ane part 
and brunt the toune of Dumfreis, witht diuerse wtheris 
20 tounes and turnit hame againe witht goode prayis 4 of 

1 " That," I. " At " in A is the older form, which was becoming 
rare. 2 B inserts [Margaret] and I " Margrettis." 

3 B has " Shrewishberrie, " I " Surresberrie " ; Boece has "Salis- 
bury." 4 I has "pray." 




James Doug- 
las raissit ane 

The earle- 
dome of 
come to the 
Douglas be 

James Earle 
of Douglas 
promovit to 
the lordschip 
of Ballvanie. 

Fol. 13 b. 

guidis and bestieall, and allis the earle of Northtthum- 
berland 1 ower the wther part comet wpoun the east border 
and brunt Dunbar. And in the same zeir James Douglas 
brother to the Earle of Douglas nocht willing to be in 
ane Inglischemans commone for ane ewill turne, gadderit 5 
ane companie of choissin men and brunt the toune of 
Annick out of the quhilk he gaderit ane greit pray baitht 
of men and goodis or he returnit in Scottland bot the 
presonaris of baitht the realmes war interchangit and 
randerit againe, man for man on baitht the sydis. Sic 10 
heirscheip was maid at this tyme on everie syde that 
baitht the realmes war constranit to tak peace ffor sewin 
zeiris to come. In the meane tyme quhene sic thingis 
was in doing, the Earle of Douglas haueing the haill 
gyding of the court, laborit daylie to promove 2 his 15 
freindis to honour and dignatie [and] obtenitt fre the king 
the ward and marieage of 3 Dunbar, zoungest dochter to 
James last earle of Murray of that name, to Archebald 
Douglas his broder and sa maid him Earle of Murray. 
This James deceissit but ony airis maill of his body and 20 
sa the landis come to this femeill be devotatioun 4 of the 
king. This William Earle of Douglas nocht content of 
this agmentatioun to his house promovit James his 
brother to the lordscheip of Ballvanie and George 5 
Douglas to the earledome of Ormond in parlieament 25 
quho was also declairit and choissin principall consal- 
louris of this realme. Bot sindrie suspectit that this 
sudand accis to heigh feliecietie sould haue ane schort 
decay, for sen they sawe the Earle of Douglas so covatus 
to make wpe his freindis and so inordinatlie to promove 30 
his freindis to landis and lordschipis ffor the strenghen 
of his awin house quhair throw he suddenlie thocht to 
mak ane bar to the king him self gif thair chancit ony 

1 I " Northumurland." 2 I has "remove." " 

3 I inserts "Annas," B has blank. As to peerage by marriage, 
see Notes. 

4 I has "donatioun." 5 See Notes. 


wallter of court and thairfor ewerie man iudgit that 
suddand and prosperous succes sould haue ane schort 

Bot now sen it is chanceit ws to speik of the transla- Repetisiouns 

• . of deverssie- 

tioun of the house of Murray fre the Dunbans to the tiesofsur- 

nameis that 

Douglas I think it expedient to speik of diuersietieis of hesjoyssit 
surnames that hes wssit the samin witht great laud and dome of 

° Murray. 

praise sen king Robert the first of 1 name ewin into this 
present tyme who buire thame selfiis right wyslie and 
manfullie baitht in peace and weir in all tymes. Robert 
Bruce gaif then this earledome of Murray to his awin 
sister sone Schir Thomas Randall of Strauchdoun knycht 
cheif of the clanne Allane quhois warkes can testiefie 
his lyfe in the withtin book 2 rehearssit befoir in the same 
historie and failzeing of him and airis of his body that it 
sould returne againe to the croune. This Thomas had 
tuo sonns bot I can not [tell] 3 quho was thair mother, the 
eldest callit Thomas quha succeidit to his fatheris place 
the wther callit Johnne, quho but ony successioun of 
thair body was boith slaine at the battell of Dumblaine 4 
in Stratherne fightand manfullie to the deid for the de- 
fence of this realme invaidit be the Inglischmen our auld 
enemies. He had allso doughteris of quhome the eldest 
was callit blak Annas be ressone scho was blak skynnit. 
This Annas was ane woman of great spreit mair nor 
became ane woman to be, quho was marieit wpoun 
Patrick earle of Marche. The secund was callit Geillis 
and was marieit wpoun Johnne broder to the earle of 
Marche and buire to him George, quho succeidit to his 
father broder herretablie to the earlefdome] 5 of Marche; 
ane wther sone callit Johnne, ane man of singular bewtie 
and wertew. This Johnne for his surname and manheid 

1 B and I "that." 

2 This refers to the first edition of Boece, this MS. being really a 
rendering of the continuation in Ed. 1574. I has " fourteine " instead 
of "withtin book." s I. 

4 Thomas fell at Dupplin, 1337 ; John at Durham, 1346. 5 B. 

6 4 


Fol. 14 a. 

The herie- 

trix of 





betuix the 
Earle of 
Murray and 

was marieit wpoun king Robert the secundis doughter, 
promovit to the earliedome of Murray, ffor it is returnit 
in againe to the kingis house be ressone that it faillzeit in 
the airis maill of Randall, and this was the first of Dum- 
baris l [quho begat Thomas Dunbar], quho succeidit to 5 
his father and ane wther nameit Alexander Dumbar quha 
mariet Mauld Frasser herietrix of Frendreich. This 
Thomas Earle forsaid had ane sone callit Thomas the 
fyft earle of that name and surname quha dieit withtout 
issue of his body, and so James sone to Alexander his 10 
father brother gottin wpoun Mauld Fraser forsaid suc- 
ceidit in his place. This was the sext Dunbar Earle of 
Murray quha was allso Laird of Frendreich. This James 
begat wpoun Issobell Innes, dochter to the Laird of 
Innes, Alexander Dumbar ane man of ane singular spreit 15 
and curage. This Issobel was hand fast witht him and 
deceissit befor the marieage quhairthrow this Alex- 
ander 2 was worthie of ane greatter leving nor 3 might 
succeid be the lawis and pratick of this realme. Efter 
this Issobel deceissit this James earle of Murray marieit 20 
Katherin dochter laughfull to Alexander Setoun as is 
supponit the first earle of Huntlie callit Gordoun, quho 
buire to him tuo dochteris. The first was marieit wpoun 
Schir William Creichtone air to the Lord Creichtoun 
forsaid and gat witht hir the lordschipe of Frendreich in 25 
toucher. The youngest was marieit on Archebald (earle 
of) Douglas quho was promovit to the erledome of 
Murray as said is. Bot this Archebald being convict 
and forfaltit be his maiestie 4 the earledome forsaid 
returnit to the kingis handis againe. 30 

Bot lat ws returne againe quhair we left this William 
Earle of Douglas beand so insolent throw the hie pro- 

1 B and I " who begat Thomas Dunbar." See Notes. 

2 I inserts "albeit he." 

3 I omits "nor" and has "nocht" after "might." " Succeid " = 
follow. 4 I adds "for lesemaiestie." 


motioun 1 of his freindis that he begane to attempt sa 

money 2 as plaine flateraris allowit his doingis or was redy 

at his command to execute sic mischeif as was his 

plesour. He commandit and promovit them, ze money 

of them frome meane estait to great riches and dig- Foi. 14$. 

nitie abone thair degries ; bot quhatsumewer he 3 was so 

hardie to reproche his doingis, for it gainestude sum No man 

durst re- 

menis conscience, how sune it came to his eains he prochethe 

Earle of 

caussit thame to be adiornit to wnderly the law quhair Douglas 

A t proceidingis. 

he being iudge and partie spoillzeit them saiklislie of 
thair lyues. And be the contrair sa money as dependit 
wpoun him albeit they had never bene so gilltie, they 
war owersene or ellis he gat thame frie respettis and 
remissiouns of all offences, quhairthrow they beand bur- slaughter 

........ . . . and murther 

dinnit witht sic hecentious prerogatiues abone wthens, done at the 

command of 

they put no difference betuix wrang and right, suppres- the Earie of 

sioun, revisching of wemen, thift, sacreledge, and all 
kynd of mischeif but delayance. 


Slauchtar and murthure at the comand of ane douglas was enemye 
to stop iustice. Spoliatioun of kirkis and chappellis. Hou the 
bischope of Glaskow was movar of mischeiffe ; hou he was 
sumond be ane Thundar ; the Secund woice of the thundar. 
The Third Voice of the Thundar. The maiden of France. 
The mariage of Henry the sext. The duik of Glosister hangit. 
Hou the King of Inglandis armye was defeit be the commonis : 
certaine courteouris delyverit to the commonis : hou the chan- 
cellar wreit to the commonis of Ingland : hou the commonis 
past hame. Hou henry gair captaine was heiddit. 

Schortlie it was so lesum to ane dependant wpoun, ane 

1 A has " promottin." 

2 The translation seems corrupt, but so is the text of Boece. 

3 So also I. The sense requires " whoever, " which, perhaps, is the 
meaning of " quhatsumewer he." 





of kirkis and 

Fol. 15 a. 

Bischope of 
mover of 

Douglas to slay and murder for sa fearful 1 was thair 
name and terribill to everie innocent man that quhan ane 
mischevous lymmer was apprehendit for ane cryme no 
man durst produce him to the kingis iustice gif they 
allegeit that he murderest or slew [at] ane Douglas 2 5 
[command]. Throw his unequall punisching of inno- 
cencie and great favour that he buire to the tyrannis and 
malefactouris ewerie man begane to hait his cruelltie for 
he regairdit 3 no man [nor] the loue nor favour of the 
pepill bot he glorieit to be dread of all men. To theif 10 
and reiver he was ane sicker targe, and be the contrair 
ane plaine enemie to good men thinkand it was ane great 
plesour to spullzie thame of thair lywes and weill wone 
goodis, to herie thame of thair geir ; and nocht onlie 
spullzeit he thame of thair places and slew thair freindis 15 
quhome he faworit nocht but all equitie and law, bot 
also spullzeit kirkis and chappellis quhair ever he come 
and committit the jewellis thairof to his prophaine use 
and profitte. Sua all goode men behuiffit to keip silence 
and durst not cry out wpoun his tiranie. 20 

At this tyme James Kennedie bischope of Sanctt- 
androis, ane man of singular wertew and prudncie, held 
him self werie quyit awaitand wpoun ane better fortoune, 
thinkand it was follie to stryue against the stryme haue- 
and great hope that great crewalltie that was expressit 25 
sould haue ane sudden end. 

This tyme thair fell ane horribill 4 cace to Johnne 
Camproun 5 bischope of Glasgow principall rewllar of 
the prince and his reularis to all mischeif and innocent 

1 I has instead of "secreitlie" in A "fearful was their name," 
and instead of " trewlie " in A " terribill, " which is no doubt 

2 I has " at ane Douglas command," which is correct, and agrees 
with Boece. 

3 I "nothing the lyffe nor favour of the pepill." 

4 B, which here agrees with Boece. A and I have wrongly 

5 John Cambroun — i.e., Cameron. See Notes. 


slaughter done in thir trubliss tymes, ane marvalus ex- 
ampill to all mortall men to withtdraw thame selffis frome 
all wicked counsaill 1 abuse and wicked tiranie, for he 
conselled thame [to] exerceis skarting 2 and oppressioun 
5 wpoun the realme as he had himself wpoun the poore 
tennentis of Glasgow sa that quhene the powar divyne of 
God had permittit him to ower rin and skurge the pepill 
on this [wayis] 3 for ane certane space he thocht to put 
ane end to his wicked tirainie. At the last on zoull evin 

10 quhene he was sleipand thair come ane thunderand woyce 
out of heawin cryand and sowmmondand him to the ex- 
treme iudgement of god, 4 quhair he sould gif ane compt 
and rakning of all his cruell offences but forder delay. 
Throw this he wakened fourtht of his sleip and tuike 

15 great feir of the novelltie of sic thingis wnknawin befoir 
bot zeit he beleifit this to be na wther thing but ane werie 
dreame and nocht trew wairning for the amendement of 
his curssed lyf, zet he called for his challmer chyld and 
caussit him to lyght candillis and to remaine a quhyle 

20 besyd him quhill he recoverit the feir and dredour that Foi. 15$. 
he had taine in his sleipe and dreming. Be he had 
weill taine ane booke and rede thair wpoun ane quhyle 
the samin woyce and wordis war hard witht no les feir The secund 
and dreadour nor was befoir quhilk maid thame that was thunder. 

25 present that tyme about him to be in dreadour sa that 
nane of thame had ane word to speik to ane wther, think- 
and no les nor suddane mischeif haistilie to befall thame, 
and fre that tyme ewin fre hand the thrid tyme 5 thir The thrid 

• rm woyce of 

same wordis war more wgsumhe crayit nor befoir. The thunder. 
30 bischope randerit his spreit hastielie at the plesour of god 
and schew 6 out his toung maist wyldlie as he had bene 

1 B and I have " counsaill," which seems a better reading. 

2 I " scatting " = " skaithing " — i.e., injuring. 

3 I inserts "wayis," which is required for the sense. 

4 " Ad supremi judicis tribunal " (Boece). 

5 I inserts " quhat tyme or how schoune." 

6 I "schot." 



Discoird in 

The maidin 
of France. 

Fol. 16 a. 

The marie- 
age of 
Henrie the 


hangit wpoun ane gallous, ane terriebill sight to all 
cruell oppressouris and murtheraris of the poore. But 
allace the wicked ingyne of man boudin 1 wpe witht all 
consait of malice dreadis never the terrabill iudgement 
of God, nor zeit the guid and godlie man neidis ceis to 
imbrace his infinitt grace and mercie. 

Bot to our historie, Albeit the realme of Scotland was 
trublit and afflictit on this maner zeit the realme of Ing- 
land stude in no better estait nor thair nichtbouris did, 
ffor Henrie the Sext being ane bairne of sex zeiris of age 
crounnit of France and Ingland thair fell ane discoird 
betuix the Burgouns 2 and Inglischmen, baitht oppres- 
sand France witht weairis fyre and suord. Then throw 
the tyme, for the slaughter of the Earle of Saillisberrie 3 
quho was slaine be the schot of ane goun wncertane hou 
or be quhat way. This slaughter and discoird was 
wtterlie profietabill for the Frensch men who was gov- 
erint and rullit in wearis be ane woman of excellen spreit 
callit the maidin of France, ffor they thairby begane to 
be of better curage and to recower money of thair landis 
quhilk the Inglischemen had reft from thame befoir, 
and nocht onlie triumfit against them that is to say the 
Inglischemen bot also became wictouris ower quhatsum- 
ewer pepill or natioun witht quhom they had debaitt 
or quarrell. Bot the Inglischemen thinkand to augment 
thair strength be ane new allieance and affinitie mairieit 
this zoung King Henrie the Sext wpoun the Dwike of 
Loranis 4 doughter and lightlit the honourabill marieage 
witht the Duke of Oringis 5 douchter quho was promissit 
in marieage to him of befoire, sua in contracting of new 
freindscheip they lost the auld. Quhairat the Duke of 
Oringis tuik sic haitrent and indignatioun that witht 
nobillis freindis and familiearis [he] 6 left the Inglisch- 




1 I "boudnit." 2 I " Burgoundis " (Burgundians). 

3 " Surriesberrie," I. 

4 B and I " Loranis." A has " Florens " wrongly. See Notes. 

5 B and I have " Orange." 6 B. 


men and gaif ower the band betuix thame, and thair- 
foir fre hand as the infortunat chance of worldlie 
effairis befallis, that mischeif followis wpoun mischeif, 
thair raise ane marvalous sedietioun in Ingland and 
5 discord amang thame selffis, ffor money of the nobillis 
invyand the impyre and governance of the Duke of 
Gloscester quho was chossin protectour in Ingland 
during the kingis minorietie gadderit to ane conven- 
tioun quhair they tuik him and put him in pressone 

10 for that night and wpoun the morne they brocht him 

out and hangit him schamefullie wpoun the gallows as The Duke of 
he had bene ane common e theif. The principall moveris hangit. 
of this seditioun was the Duke of Buckinghame, the 
Earle of Bewment and the constabill of Ingland, bot 

15 how sune this wyld act was devoullgat throw the realme, 
the Duk of Gloucester's 1 kin and freindis gadderit and 
invadit all partis witht fyre and suord quhairfor the 
Earleis of Bedfurd Simmersait, Chorseberrie 2 quho was 
destitute of the defence of Normandie 3 to gainstand 

20 thair enemies in France being destitute of thair kin Foi. 16 5. 
and freindis and men that was baitht in Ingland and 
in France was compellit to withdraw thame selffis hame 
wart and so they lost the nobill toune of Rowan witht 
mony wther goode touns in Normandie. How sune 

25 thir nowellis war spread in Ingland the commonis of 
Ingland witht no les mischeif nor the rest choissit 
them ane Ireland man 4 callit Henrie to be ane cheif- 
tane, and then came fordwart purpossing to come to 
Loundone bosting right highlie to be revengit wpoun 

30 the nobillis of that realme. The king being sum part 
deiectit in so great a warieance gadderit ane airmie of 
all kynd of pepill to weir bot ony ordour and send 
thame furtht to repres the proudnes of the commons, 

1 B and I. A has " ambassadouris " wrongly. 

2 I " Schirosberrie," and B "Shrewsberrie." 

3 I reads " Moyen " instead of "defence of Normandie." 

4 I " Iyreland land man callit Henrie." See Notes. 



The kingis 
airmie defait 
be the 

deliuerit to 
the com- 

Fol. 17 a. 

The chan- 
celar wrait 
to the com- 
mons of 

The com- 
mons past 



wpoun quhome the commons ruschit sa fercelie that 
they wanquist thame witht small difficulties Thairefter 
they past to Loundoun quhair they desyrit sum especiall 
courteouris to be randerit in thair handis and spetiallie 
the Lord Gray the thesawrar, the bischope of Saillis- 
berrie and the Lord of Dudlie 2 ; sua thir men was 
gevin to thame to dispone at thair plesour thinkand 
that throw the sacrefice of thair enemieis Hues 3 all the 
rest might eschew the present danger. Bot thir com- 
mons-pepill cruelltie in ane maner was sufferit 4 witht 
the slaughter of the Lord Gray and thaireftir they 
wairdit the rest in Strang haldis and fortressis. Bot 
sa sune as the Lord Gray was execut, fre hand they 
begane to spoillzie the toune and slew all the citinaris 
but ruth or pettie that maid ony defence for thair geir. 
This and siclyk wther crudities maid the governouris 
of Ingland werie solist and fierce thinkand gif they 
pat nocht remeid haistelie thairto 5 [thair laubouris], 
wniversall commons sould ower rin them as they had 
done the rest. Efter lang consulltatioun they tuik 20 
porpois to cause the chancelar wryt to the commoneis 
and thair Capitane prayand thame to skaill thair airmie 
quhilk gif thai stanchit thair uproir they promissit thame 
fre remissioun of all offences by past and allis to pro- 
move thair Cappitane Henrie to great honour and 
dignatie. The pepill war sune be thir fair plessant 
wordis pleasit quho also efter the heigh furie ower 
past thame they desirit to be at hame to red them 
selffis of sick cummeris and enormitieis as they had 
enterit in befoir. Sua Henrie thair capietane being 
left be thame, quhom 6 they accompanit so heighlie to 



1 B and I. 

2 B and I. A has "Diplin." Boece, " Baronem a Doubly." 

3 B " these menes liues," and I "thir menis lyffis." 

4 So also I, but the sense requires "surfeited" or "satisfied." 

5 B " haistalie thairto, thir commones." I follows A. The 
passage is corrupt, the words "thair labouris" being superfluous. 

6 I "for quhais caus he attemptit so hiche oppressioun," &c. 


oppressioun and mischeif, was taine and beheidit for Henriethe 

taine a 

capitane is 

his tirannis and mterpryces, 1 and his taker gat ane taine and 

thowsand pund starling to his revaird. 


Provocatioun of weiris maid be the Inglismen. Remeid for staying 
of forrane persecutioun. Hou the armye of Scotland invaidit 
Ingland. Hou thair was ane new armye send to the bordouris. 
And quha was thair cheftaines : libertie grantit to conques. 

2 Then the nobillis seing that so lang peace had generit 
5 so great riches amangis the commons quhair throw they 
became so proud and insolent that they perturbit the 
contrie. Efter lang consulltatioun they thocht no thing 
better nor to wraike them and that witht extreme weiris 
quhairfoir they begane to gar Humbere, Cumbere, and 
10 Northt-humberland 3 to provoike the Scottis. As it Provoca- 

. . tioun of 

nes bene the wse sen ewer this yle of Brettane was in- weiris maid 

be the Ing- 

habitit be Scottis or Inglischmen that quhene ewer they Uschmen. 
had weiris witht thair enemeis thay could never be so 
easie drawin fre all ciuell discoird and be the contrair 
15 being at discentioun amang them selffis thai war com- Remeid for 

, . . staying 

pelht to desist thairfra be moving of extreme 4 weiris. offorand 
Sua [the] 5 Inglischmen as said is, [deputit to that effect 
invadit] the bordouris baitht witht fyre and suord and 
hierieit and tuik away great riches baitht of men and 
20 goodis, and sa money Scottis men as maid defence to 

1 I " temerarius enterpryesis." 

2 I begins new sentence and chapter here. 

3 I has " Humbrie, Cumbre, and Northumarland. " " Humbere " 
or " Humbrie " for a district of England = Yorkshire, is singular. 

4 " Extreme " = distant, or a mistake for "enterne." Boece has 

5 B inserts " the," and has " the Inglismen as said is inwaidit the 
borderis." I inserts " the," and has " deputit" for " departit," and 
the rest as in B, which is preferable to A, "departit away to the 
effect in waird. " 




Fol. 17 I. 

The airmie 
of Scotland 
invadit \ 

Ane new 
airmie of 
send to the 

Manis witht 
the reid 

grantit to 

resist the Inglischemen was all cruellie slaine. The 
Scottismen knawand weill the intentioun of the Inglisch- 
men and be quhat consall maid be 1 thame was brokin 
and allis the occatioun quhairthrow the weir begane, to 
revenge the great iniurieis done to them they gaderit 5 
ane great companie of men and invadit Ingland in the 
same maner bum and and slayand quhairewer they come, 
and returnit hame again e witht great pryce of men and 
goodis. Sua the contrieis being invadit on this maner 
on ether syde and daylie trublit with slaughter and heir- 10 
scheip as said is the land of Cumber 2 was allutterlie 
waistit and distroyit, for the Scottismen invaidit that 
countrie witht greatest cruelltie be ressone they war the 
first provokaris of the weiris and battel. Bot how sune 
this was schawin to the nobillis of Ingland they collectit 15 
ane airmie of men of weir to the number of fourtte 
thowsand men and send them to invaid Scotland witht 
greatter expeditioun nor was beleueit. The chiftaneis 
and lutennentis of the airmie was the Earle of Northt 
thumberland and Magnus Reid maid knycht of the Ordour 20 
who was so brocht wpe in his zouthheid in the weiris of 
France, and thairthrow had so great knawledge and ex- 
perience of the same weiris and weirlie effairis and allis 
ellustrat witht sic manheid that he was callit baitht [the] 
Inglischmen fader in chewellrie quho was nameit [by 25 
the Scottismen] Manis witht the reid hand. 3 It is said 
that this man had sic haitrent at Scottismen that he 
desyrit in great anger and wraith at King Henrie sa 
mekill of Scottis ground as he might conquis in Scotland 
be the slaughter of the inhabitants thairof and expelling 30 
of them quhilk was grantit to him. 

1 I "between." 2 I "Cumbrie." 

3 B and I have, " called be the Englismenes father in the weiris 
wha was called by the Scotismen Magnus with the reid main." 
Boece has " rubente juba," so it ought to be " Magnus with the red 
mane or beard," which the transcriber of A misunderstood for 
"hand." Boece calls him "Auratus eques." See Notes. 



Hou George Douglas was luiftennent to Scottis men. The dispo- 
sitioun of the battell of Sark : George Douglas to the Armye : 
hou multitud makis nocht victorie : hou the pepill tuik purpois 
to flicht. The pepill comfortit be thair captaine : Magnus redis 
navie slaine. The nomber that war slaine. Craigie Wallice 
deidlie woundit. The Erlle of Ormond banckitit : the kingis 
harring x to the Erlle of Ormond. 

In this meane tyme the Scotismen war right diliegent 
to prepair all sic thingis as was necessar for thair releif 
to quhome George 2 Douglas Earle of Ormond was maid George 
Lutennent quho gat knawledge be the exploratouris that Lutennent 

. . to the 

5 the Inghschmen was come in Annerdaill and had trans- Scottismen. 
portit thair arme ower the watter of Sulluay, and had 
stentit thair palliezieouns 3 wpoun the watter of Serke. 
Efter that they had campit on this wyse, wpoun the 
morne efter past to the countrie and hierieit and slew 

10 quhairewer they came bot knawledge that the Scottis Foi. i8«. 
airmie was approchand sa neir them, they tuike great 
feir and caussit thame all that was burnand and slayand, 
as said is, to reteir be sound of trumpit to the camptis 
again e quhair they past thame selfis in arrayit battell. 

15 In the wangaird Manis witht the reid navie 4 was placed; Thedisposi- 

tioun of the 

in the reeir gaird was all the Waldmen 5 placed to batten of 


quhome Johnne Apmiroun 6 was maid Cheiftane, ane 

man of good report and good spreit in warldlie effairis ; 

and the Earle of Norththumberland was in the midell 

20 gaird 7 witht the [rest] 8 of the multitude of the men of 

weir. Wpoun the wther syde Scottismen placeed them George 
selffis craftelie for George Earle of Ormond was in the airmie. 

1 " Harring " = harangue. 2 B and I [Hugh]. 

3 I " pauillzonis." 4 I and A have " maine." 

5 B "Welshmen," I " Vellchiemen." See Notes. As to Magnus 
and the mistake as to his name, see Notes. 

6 B "Openorone," I " Pennyroun." 

7 I " middell ward." 8 B and I insert "rest." 



makis not 

Fol. 18 b. 

The pepill # 
tuik purpois 
to fle. 

staill 1 him self, the Laird of Craggie Wallace ane nobill 
knycht of sowerane manheid was wpoun the right wing 
of Lord Maxwell and the Laird of Johnnstoun wpoun 
the left wing, witht ane choissin companie of thair 
freindis and money wther walliezeand gentillmen of this 5 
realme. Sune be 2 the airmeis was arrayit the Earle of 
Ormond said to his folkis after this maner, — ' I requist 
' zow maist waliezeant camppieounis effectuslie to re- 
' member it is nocht for no wrangous quarrell that we 
' haue assembellit our selffis this day to airmur bot rather 10 
' for our awin defence and souertie of our selffis frome 
1 the iniurieis of our enemieis and thair tirannie [quhome 
' it is pleissit for this present to invaid ws but ony caus or 
1 prowocatioun] 3 made be ws euerie ane of zow wnder- 
' stand sufficientlie that they haue done the samin of 15 
1 befoir, quhilk at the last 4 is redoundit to thair hech 
' displesour and disadwantage for we haue experience 
1 that quhene we haue bene wniustlie invadit be thame 
' that the infinit favour of God quhilk hes bene ever redy 
1 to the iust hes caussit the wictorie to inclyne to ws by 20 
' expectatioun of mans ingyne ; and ze may be assurit 
1 that the wictorie standis nocht in the multitud of men 
1 bot in singular curage derectit witht ane iust querrall 
1 and godis providence. Think no wther thing bot cer- 
' tane wictorie gif that zour will and purpois be to defend 25 
' zour contrie wyffis and bairnies ffrome the tirannie of 
' zour enemeiis.' 

Thir wordis being said the truimpitis soundit to joyne 
the airmieis, bot at the beginning thair came sic ane 
schour of dairtis and arrowis wpoun the Scottis wangaird 30 
that throw suddane feir they tuik the flight and porpossit 
to flie. Then Craggie Wallace thair capitane began to 

Sune be " = soon after. 

l I"steill." See Notes. 2 " 

3 So I. A omits. 

4 I has " leist." B, " ye all know that in doing so abefoir it has 
turned to our disadvantage and displeasure." 


reproche thame for thair febillnes, saying ' It is nocht the The pepm 
1 dewtie of waliezeant campieounis to feir at the sight of the captan. 
1 thair enemieis and to deiect thair curage befoir they 
1 come to straikis. I exort zow thairfoir rusche fordwardt 
5 c wpoun zour enemieis witht ane manfull contienance and 
1 gif ze persewere 1 bot ane littill space think no wther bot 
1 siclyk wictorie in zour handis sen zour actioun is good 
1 for the defence of the libertie of zour contrie. Follow 
1 me thairfoir and ze sail sie how hapie it is to put zour 

io ' lyffis in perell resisting 2 of our enemieis and deliuering 
£ of our selffis frome thair tirannie and bondage.' Be 
thir words war said his men was sa inrageit and ruschit 
sa furieouslie wpoun the Inglisch wangaird witht exis 
speiris and halbertis and maid sa great slaughter at the 

15 first tocoming that they put the Inglisch men cleane abak 
fre thair standart and compelled thame at the last to 
tak the flight. Manis Reidman nothing feired of this 
disadwantage bot rather bowdnit and kindlit witht this 
disadwantage and the greatter ire nor became sa wyse 

20 ane cheiftane did proceid wpoun Craggie Wallace think- 
and to slay him, bot his men 3 did so kinlie that witht 
small deficulltie they slew him cruellie and all his gaird. 
The rest of Inglischemen had no better fortoun. 
Quhene the clamor raise amang the Scottismen that 

25 Manis Reidman was slaine the Inglische cheiftane to Manis Reid 

hand was 

quhom all Inglischemen pat thair haill hope and confie- siaine. 
dence of thair weill fair and feliecietie, thair come sic Foi. 19 a. 
dreadour and feir wpoun thame that they might nocht 
lang sustene prece of the Scottischemen bot gaif bakis, 
30 wpoun quhom our men followit werrie scharplie. Money 
was slaine at the thik of the battell but money ma in the 
flight ower the watter bridnit 4 witht the filling of the sie 

1 I, which is better than A, "persave," or B, "persew." 

2 So I and B,'" resisting" ; A has "resting," perhaps a contraction. 

3 I has "bot his enterprys was in vaine for the Scottismen In- 
uironit round about him so kinelie," &c. 

4 B "boldned," I "boudnit." 


caussit money to lose thair lyffis and so perischt in the 
watteris. Wtheris seand this and doubting quhither they 
sould feght and die witht honour or flie witht schame war 
cruellie slaine wpoun the watter bankis. The battel was 
The number fouchin witht great cruelltie. Thair was slaine in it 5 

that was , , 

slaine. ma 1 Inghschemen and the governour in the vangaird 

and ellewin wtheris nobill men knychtis of the order, 
and of the Scottismen ma nor sex hunder. Thair was 
taine in this battell John Pennytoun 2 and Robert Heir- 
intoun tua nobill men Inglische knychtis and allis the 10 
Earle of Norththumberland sone be quhois convoy his 
father was horssit and eschewit his enemeis, was taine 
and ane great number of wtheris and brocht captiues in 
Scotland, quhair was sic aboundance of riches silluer 
and gold gottin in the feild that never was the lyke sene 15 
in na mans tyme befoir. The spoillze was partit amangis 

Craiggie the Scottismen efter the rait of airmes. Craggie Wallace 


deidiie was deidlie hurt in the feild and dieit the thrid monetht 


thair efter. 

The Earle of The Earle of Ormond efter this wictorie returnit 20 

bankittit. hame againe witht great triumpth and inpresonit the 

principall of the capietanis withtin the castell of Louch- 

mabane. Efter this he was treitit and bankitit witht the 

kingis maiestie witht great magnifiecence. It is said 

Thekingis during the tyme of bankit the king maid ane hairing 3 to 25 

haring to the 

Earle of him and William Earle of Douglas his brother, saying, 


1 Now my lordis I beseik zour lordschipis to remember 
Foi. 19 £. 'how happielie all thingis succeidit and quhat honour 
' comes throw wyse and seage counsall be the hie feliecitie 
' and renoune that chances to all subiectis quhene they ar 30 
' rewllit gladlie and wnder the obedience of ane king or 
1 prence ; and be the contrair quhat mischeif befallis them 

1 I " thrie thousande. " 

2 A " Appeirincollin," B "Johne Openorone," I "Johne Penny- 
toun." See Notes. 

3 I " hairing " = harangue. 


1 that runes owerheid to ony porpois witht out regaird or 
1 foirsight to god or man. It becommes all favoraris of 
1 the commone weill to conqueis all men thatar thair nicht- 
1 bouris to be thair freindis and to schew thame self witht 
' all strength Strang enemeis quhene they ar wrgit [to] 1 bat- 
' tell be thair fais for in sa doing the princes [hes] 2 plesour 
' to rulle and governe and the subiectis leiffis in peace and 
' rest fre frome the iniurieis of thair enemies and tirannie 
' of oppressouris. And knaw in that the conditioun and Commenda- 

tioun of the 

' fassoune of all the Douglassis sen the beginning hes ben Douglas. 

' in this wayse as this is and as I suppone to be in tyme 

1 comming bot dout. Thair is no thing sa deir and ples- 

1 sant to me as nobill men of the bloode of Douglassis 

1 quhilk I favour abone all thingis inteirlie witht my hart, 

' sua that ze wald schaw zour selffis na war myndit in the 

* correctioun of theiffis and murderaris nor ze haue provin 

' waliezeantlie baitht first and last for the defence and 

' libertie of this realme ; for gif theiffis and murderaris be 

' nocht repressit the poore anes and the commons can 

' haue 3 no lyfe quho ar the werie wphald of the nobillis, 

1 ze, quho perchance ar zour awin kin and bloode albeit 

' throw base estait thai be degenerat, and beand Christans 

1 and particiepant witht zow of the favour of god and 

1 obedience to the samin prence to quhom ze ar subiect 

1 and thair for I exort zow to proceid in the renoun and 

1 fame quhilk ze and zour forbeirraris hes conquist in 

' tyme past.' 

1 I and A has "be " wrongly. 

2 So B and I. A has "princes " and omits " hes." 

3 B, " cannot leue in peace and rest nor haue no lyfe wha ar the 




Promeis of Obedience in Scotland. Hou it was discernit in Parlia- 
ment that thay wald revenge the battell of Sark : civill discord 
in ingland : peace for thrie yeiris. James Auchinlek slaine 
be ane callit Colvill : hou the Erie of Douglas revengit the 
slauchter of Auchinlek : hou the Erie of Douglas past to 
Flanderis. The Erie of Douglas peregrinatione and resave- 
ing within Rome. 

Promise of 

Fol. 20 a. 

Quietnes in 

Decernit in 
to revenge 
the battell 
of Serk. 

Civill dis- 
cord in 

Quhene the king had said, the earle thankit his 
maiestie witht great reverence promitand to perseveir 
in all thingis as he had commandit and never to 
tholl reif nor slaughter wnpunist in tyme to come nor 
zeit ony kind of iniurieis nor offences committit ether 5 
aganis riche or poore to lat the samin pase wnre- 
vangit. Sua thir nobill men tuik thair leif and past 
hame to thair wyffis and bairnes, convoyit witht thair 
kin and freindis witht great triumph 1 and gladnes. 
Efter this the Lordis of Scotland stude ane lang tyme 10 
in great quyitnes nor was befoir. Bot quhene the word 
of the sorrowfull battell came to Londoun it maid all 
the nobillis and pepill of the contrie wondrous affrayit; 
zeit that thai sould nocht appeir to be allutterlie deiectit 
of thair wonted curage, they decernit in parlieament 
to revenge this great slaughter maid laitlie in the battell 
of Serk. Bot quhene they gatherit ane airmie to send 
in Scotland weill furnischit witht all kynd of weweris 2 
and munitioun, thair raise suddenlie ane ciuell discen- 
tioun and discoird amang them selffis quhair of the 
lyke was never hard nor sen of befoir. The Duke of 
Zork the Earle March e Warvick and Saillisberrie witht 
money wther great nobillis of the realme conspayirit 
against King Henrie the Sext, quhairfoir they dis- 
sembelit thair ire witht the Scottismen to ane mair 
convenient tyme. And look, how bussie thai war to 

J 5 


2 5 

1 I adds "mirth." 

2 " Weweris " = " vivers " — i.e., provisions. 


wex ws witht battell beand at quyitnes and rest, sa 
thay war all solist to procure our peace being troublit 
witht weiris amang them selffis, and send ane ambassa- 
dour to intreit peace witht the king of Scottland, quho 
5 be the advyse of the nobillis grantit the samin foir thrie 

zeiris thinkand it was nocht best to refuise it seeing the Peace for 
Inglischemen attentatis was sumecientlie be the hand of 
god in the last battell punischid. This peace was maid 
in the zeir of god 1450 1 zeiris. 
10 In the samin zeir Schir William Colvell knycht, sett 

wpoun James Auchinlick ane neir freind to the Earle James Auch- 

inlick slaine 

of Douglas and slew him witht diuerse of his freindis be Coiiveii. 

because he had susteined sindrie iniurieis be wrangis 

of this James and never maid redres thairof, nocht- Foi. 206. 

15 withstanding that the said Richart 2 requirit him sindrie 
and diuerse tymes to the same effect. Bot the Earle 
of Douglas tuik sic high indignatioun at the slaughter 
of his freindis that he maid the sollempnit aith never 
to ceis quhill he war revengeit thairof and sa he 

20 gaderit ane companie of men and first hierieit all the 

landis pertening to the said Colvill, and thair foir seigit TheEarieof 
the castell quhair he was, quhilk schortlie was wone and revengit the 
the said Richart and all them that was withtin slaine and Auchinlick. 
the house spoillzeit. Thair was money in the contrie 

25 that commendit the Earle of Douglas interpryse for 
the revenge of his freindis quarell gif he had bene sa 
deliegent in punisching of murtheraris and theffiis and 
reveris that murtherat and oppressit the poore commons 
but rwth or pettie, bot money had expectatioun that this 

30 tyrrane sumtyme sould haue ane end that wexit them 
all tymes sa cruellie. 

At the last the Earle beand sa inrichit both throw 
his awin great rentis and budis conquist in court and 
all throw the great extortioun 3 of the puire pepill and 

1 B and I also. See Notes. 

2 B " Sir William," but I has " Richart." 

3 So I, but A and B wrongly "exortatioun." 


be that the great importance that befell him throw the 
owerseing of the theiffis and murtheraris, he tuik por- 
poise to wisit wther contrieis to advance his mightienes 
in sa far that he thocht no man worthie withtin this 
realme to behald his waine prodigalietie. Sua Johnne 5 
Douglas Lord of Bavanie, ane man maist lyke to 
his awin conditiounis of ony creature, being constitut 
procuratour and owersiear of all effairis belangin to 
him in Scottland in his absence and all necessaris 
thingis being prepairit conforme to his estait tuik 10 
TheEarie his weage towards Flanderis being- accompanit witht 

of Douglas & . 

past in his brother Mr James Douglas, ane mane of singular 

erruditioun and weill sene in devyne lettres brocht 
wpe lang tyme in Paries 1 at the Scollis and [quha] 
luikit for the bishoperick of Dunkell and thair 2 [efter 15 
for the earledome of Douglas, bot the king because 
that] the earle being sa lang marieit nocht haueand 
bairnes was despairitt to haue procreat or getting 
Foi. 21 a. ony childerin in tymes comming. Thair was in the 
Dyuersmen companie money wtheris nobillis and knychtis amang 20 


the Earle of quhome was the knycht and lordis of Hammelltoun 

Douglas. i J 

Ghrame Salltoun Setoun Oliephant men of great fame 
and estimatioun. Thair was wtheris of lawer estait, 
sic as Caulder, Wrquhart, Cambell, Forster, Lawder, 
knychtis and gentillmen quhois convoy maid this 25 
earle so proud and insolent that he representit ane 
kingis magnefiecence. Quhene he come 3 of Flanders 
he past in France and out of France to Itallie and 
sua fordvard to Rome, bot the Romanis haweand 
knawledge of his comming mett him witht ane hon- 30 
ourabill companie and ressawit him werie princelie 
withtin the toune. 

1 I B has "Parreis," and A "parteis." As to James Douglas, 
see Notes. 

2 I omits all in brackets. " Bot " perhaps here means " without." 

3 I, "quhaireiur he come out " = whenever. 

JAMES II. 8 1 

Bot withtin tuo monethis efter hend his departing TheEarieof 


sum of the nobillis of the realme mwyand the Earle compienitt 

on his 

of Douglas his promotioun with great rentis and absence. 
dominiouns, and wtheris oppressit witht his tyrannie 
5 of befoir, began to delet x his proudfull ambitioun and 
disdainning of the pepill and heigh offence sustenitt be 
everie man the tyme of [his] 2 great credit in court, bot 
mony 3 seand place gevin to men that pleissit to pleinzie, 
begane day be day more and more to compleine wpoun 
10 his tyrannie. 


Hou Johne Lord Ballwaine procuratour to the Erie of Douglas was 
sumond and dissobeyit : hou John Lord Ballwaine put him 
sellfe in the kingis will and keipit nocht his promeis. Hou the 
Erie of Orknay was send be the king to Galloway to tak up 
the Erlle of Douglas rentis : hou he dissobeyit : hou the king 
past to Galloway. The Castell of Douglas cassin down : hou 
the Erlle of Douglas returnit heime. The Erie of Douglas 
thankfullie resavit by the king : hou the Erie past to Ingland. 

Bot the king as became ane wyse prence gaif no sud- 
dane credit in this earleis absence and thairfoir thocht 
expedient to send ane herrald to sowmond Johnne Lord 
Ballvanie executour to the Earle of Douglas as said is to 

15 ansuer to sic complentis as was gevin in on him, his 
cheif kin and freindis. Bot seing he was sumthing 
stuburne to obey the command and charge gevin to him, 
the kingis maiestie commandit ane companie of men of 
weir to bring him agains his will, at quhilk tyme sum 

20 persuadit the king to handill him regourslie sen he had 
anis begun, wther wyse everie willane sould contempt 
the kingis autorietie they seing na haistie punischment 
foir dissobedience. Bot the king nothing movit witht 
thair sayingis thocht nocht best to punisch sic thingis in 

1 "Delate" — i.e., inform against. 2 B and I insert "his." 

3 B and I have "mony." A has "ony." 



Foi. 21 i. his anger bot rather to repair all thingis gentillie leist 
that gif he wald haue bene regorus thair sould come 
greatar inconvenience and callametieis wpoun the com- 
mone weill, and sa caussit accuse him and speir at him 
quhat excuse he had to repell his pointis 1 of dettay and 5 
iniurieis as was laid to the Earle of Douglas charge 
and wtheris that was of his consall and dependance. 
Quhilkis poyntis quhene he could nocht gudlie collour 
thame he put him self in the kingis will, quho chairgit 
him to restoir to ewerie man his a win efter as he mycht 10 
gif 2 tyme and oppertunitie. Zett how sune he esscheivit 
in this wyse and was frie at the kingis handis he keipit 
never ane word that he had promessit for the repairing 
of his offenceis as he was commandit, following the con- 
sall of the Earlies of Ormond and Murray quho albeit 15 
they durst not oppinlie zeit they subornit him quyitlie to 
dissobedience, and allis wtheris wickit flatterrarers to 
quhome cevill dissentioun was ewer plessant for by it 
they thocht they had ane woluptous lyfe, and be the 
contrair na thing was sa odious to them as peace and 20 
rest. The king heirand of his prudenes caussit the Earle 

The Earle of of Orknay chancelar for the tyme to pas in Galloway 3 

Orknay send - . .. . . . , . .... 

be the King and gather wpe all the rentis in they partis to the kingis 

to Gallovay. 

proffit and to mak collectouris to that effect, attour to 
gif everie man command in they contrieis to refound the 25 
skaythtis and iniurieis done be thame of befoir and to 
eschew fre all offending of thair nichtbour in tyme com- 
ming. Bot quhene the Earle of Orknay past to Gallo- 
way and Douglasdaill to the effect forsaid accompanit 
The Earle of witht ane small number of folkis nocht onlie was he dis- 30 
dissobeyit. sobeyit in his charge bot also mokit and iniurrit be the 
Earle of Douglas freindis familiearis. The king being 
provockit be this to heigh anger and wraith caussit ane 
herald sowmond all men quhatsumewer of hie or law 

1 I and B. A has "promis" wrongly. 2 B "get." 

3 B "and Cliddisdaill, I "and liddisdaill." A follows Boece, 
"Vallem or Douglas." See Notes. 


degrie partenand or favorand ane Douglas to underlay Foi. 22 a. 
the law and to declare the dissobeyaris the kingis reb- 
ellis quhois tyrannie he thocht to represe witht fyre and 
suord. Sua the king accompanit witht ane airmie past The king 

• • • rr- 1 passit tO 

5 to Galloway, at quhois comming the theiffis and mur- Gaiiovay. 
theraris tuik sic feir that they fled to strongholdis and 
strengthis for saiftie of thair lyffis. Bot the king send 
ane great part of his airmie to persew thame quho gat na 
wther thing bot was repullsit werie contemptieouslie, at 

10 the quhilk the king tuik sa great anger that he seigit all 
the fortalices and castellis of the contrie amangis quhome 
he wan the castell of Lochmabane, and Douglas, and 
because the castell of Douglas was so deficill to win he 
caussit cast doune the same to the ground, bot Lochma- 

15 baine was garnischit witht men of weir and nocht cassin 
doune because it was hastelie randerit; and albeit he 
tuik sindrie in his favouris efter they war randerit in his 
will zeit he delt thair landis and goodis to thair credit- 
ouris and complenaris quhill they war satisfieit of the 

20 thingis taine fre thame, quhairof the misdoaris war con- 
vickit. The king nochtwithstanding of this rebellieoun 
and dissobedience was not mair cruell in the punisching 
thairof nor he was at the beginning. At the last the 
Earle of Douglas beand at Rome gatt word and it maid The Earie of 

rr • 1 m • Douglas cam 

25 him to be anrayit and thairefter tuik porpois to come from Rome. 
hame in Scottland bot far fre the magnifiecence he 
passit away ; for how sune this word come in the Erlis 
earis they partit sindrie wayis, sum came throw Flan- 
deris and sum come to France. The Earle gat saif cun- 

30 dit to come throw Ingland, bot quhene he was marchand 
neir the Scottis bordour, he send Mr James befoir him, 
his brother, to the kingis maiestie to knaw the kingis 
mynd towardis him. The king sieand this zoung gentill Foi. 22 b. 
mane sa obedientlie intreating his brotheris peace, re- 

35 ssaffiit him werie hamlie sayand he desyrit na mair of the 
Earle of Douglas in tyme comming bot that he wald pun- 
ische murtheraris theiffis and robberis in that partis quhair 


he buire autorietie and rule, and namelie in Annener- 
daill. The Earle of Douglas efter this came hame him- 
self and was ressawit richt hairtfullie be the king and 
The Earie of remittit 1 all byganis and than he ressawit all fortallices 


ressawit and strengthis againe out of the handis of the kingis men 

thankfullie ° . . . . 

be the king. f weir and [was] thairefter haldin in sa gryt estimatioun 
and favour witht the king that he was maid Lutennent 
genrall of the realme, bot he stuide nocht lang in this 
credit, foir fragill fortoun changis the consait of men in 
sic maner that it standis never ane monetht at ane por- 

The Earie of pois. Sua schort quhyle efter, he past to speik witht the 


past in king of Ingland witht out knawledge of the king of Scott- 


land his awm prince, and as he alledgit to be repaint of 
sindrie skaithis and damnage sustenit be the frequent 
incursiouns of the Inglischemen of befoir. Bot the king 
of Scottland was grittumlie commovit throw this passage 
in Ingland nocht onlie ingerit 2 be himself [and] lightlieit 
be the Earle of Douglas, bot also he thocht somme quyit 
draught to be drawin betuix the Earle of Douglas and 
the king of Ingland to his great dishonour and offence. 


Hou the Erlle of Douglas returned haime out of Ingland : hou The 
queine meid intersessioun for the Erlle of Douglas : wrang narra- 
tioun maid to the Erlle of Douglas : haistie credence givein to 
flatteraris. The Schancellaris slauchter deuyssit be the Erlle 
of Douglas : hou Schir William Crichtoun was in perrell and 
counsallit be his sone : hou Schir William Crichtoun compellit 
the Erlle of Douglas to leave Edinburgh. Confederance betuix 
the Erlle of Douglas and othiris errlis aganis the king. 

The Earie of The 3 quhilk quhene the earle wnderstude that the 


1 I has, "of all thingis bygaine quhairfoir he promeissit fayth- 
fullie to wait and rewlle all thingis within his boundis and the 
kingis command and pleasour and than," &c 

2 B "injayrit," I "ingyrit." 

3 " This erlle foirsaid being in ingland quha wnderstanding the 
king of Scotland his master to knaw of all his quyet doings, " I. 


king knew of his quyit doingis he tuike porpois and come returning 
right humlie to the king, seikand pardone for his fault 
promittand solemnlie newer to committ so great offence 
in tyme comming, ffor quhome the queine and nobillis The queine 

maid inter- 

5 maid great requist to forgif him. The king being movit sessitioun 
be thair desyre ressaueit him againe in his faworis as he of Douglas. 
was of befoir bot dischairgit 1 him of all his offeices and Foi. 23 «. 
dischairgit him of ony administratioun thairof and thair- 
foir placeit in the Earle of Orknay and Schir William 

10 Lord Creichtoun in thay offeices quho was at all tymes 
fund faithtfull and obedient subiectis. The Earle of 
Douglas was [so] heighlie offendit witht this that he haittit 
the kingis counsallouris as his deidlie enemies and spetiall 
Schir William Creichtoun for auld feid betuix thame, 

15 allthocht sum flatterand courteouris feinzeit the Earle of 

Douglas that he hard Schir William Creichtoun quhene Wrang nar : 

,._.,. . . ,. ratioun maid 

he was takm amang his fremdis saying ' I awove oppmhe to the Earle 

of Douglas. 

' that the king did not his office lyk ane trew and faithtfull 
1 prence nocht onlie that he tholit the Earle of Douglas to 

20 ' eskaip witht his lyfe unpunischit bot also reconsellit sic 
' ane wnhappie man to his favour sua oft againe quho had 
{ deserwit ane thowsand deidis for his wickit tyrannie ; 
1 mair, it had bene goode for the commone weill of Scott- 
1 land that the Earle of Douglas witht his haill kin and 

25 ' freindis had bene rootted out of memorie, cleane stram- 
' pit away. Wtherwayis gif this be nocht done 2 sa lang as 
1 he or ony of them leiffis he was assuirit that nether wald 
' the king ring lang in peace and rest abone this realme 
1 nor zeit the subiectis obey to his artickillis as becomes 

30 ' ane commonweill institut and ordanit to be gydit witht 
c lawis and iustice.' The Earle of Douglas heirand this 
gaif credit to sic wickit fallis reportis of ane idill loune Haistje 


that he had no wther scheift to conqueis his leving bot gevin 
[except] waine trattillis to saw discoird amang nobillmen, 
35 bot zeit he suppressit his irefull mynd and consallit witht 
his freindis how and quhat maner he sould distroy Schir 
1 I "depryweit." 2 B and I. A has "goode." 




Fol. 23 b. 

The chance- 
lars slaugh- 
ter put to be 
executit be 
the Earle of 

in perrell and 
be his sone. 

the Earle of 
Douglas to 
leif Edin- 

Fol. 24 (7. 

William Crichtoime, for gif he war cut of or slaine he 
thocht weill it was bot lyttill defiecultie to obteine the 
kingis favour witht all the offices he had of befoir. Sua 
throw the waine wordis of this wickit and wnhappie 
flaterar thair kindlit ane fyre that was nocht abill to be 5 
sloknit out in na mans tyme levand in thir dayis. At 
the last the Earle of Douglas being advertissit be sum 
spyis that Schir William Creichtoun had sett ane day to 
come to Edinburgh thocht to put his wnhappie purpois 
to executioun and to that effect he suburnit sum blody 10 
tyrantis to ly in ane quyit place neir hand by his gait 
awaitand for the slaughter. Wpoun the morne airlie in 
the morning, Schir William Creichtoun knawand nothing 
of this watching for his distructioun chanceit neir be the 
same place quhair the bucheris lay quha brak about him 15 
witht sic ane reird and clamour he knawand no sic thing, 
he was allutterlie abaissit and affrayit, bot being admoneist 
be his sone ane zoung walieand mane witht sum wtheris 
his freindis to remember wpoun his auld wontit curage 
and nocht to tak feir seing it was force 1 ether doe or flie, 20 
and the proverb is, ' Fortoun helpis the hardie ' bot no 
remeid can be fund for febillnes, he defendit so walie- 
antlie quhill ane of thir briggantis was slaine and ane 
wther deidlie wondit. And at the last seing he might 
nocht make his partie goode he tuik the flicht witht his 25 
folkis towart the castell of Creichtoun ffor saiftie of thair 
lyffis and sa eskaipit that perrell, but was nocht lang 
wnrecompenceit, for he gadderit ane great companie of 
his freindis and assistaris and come fordwart to Edin- 
burgh to be revengit wpoun the Earle of Douglas devyser 30 
of the foirsaid consall, quho was remaning thair witht 
ane small number accompanit, witht out ony suspe- 
tionnis of Schir William Creichtounis gaddering and 
thairfoir it was force to him to leif the toune and flie to 
saif him self or ellis bot dout to be in perell of his lyf 35 
witht all them that was in companie. 

1 I.e., necessary either to do or fly. 


Thir mutuall iniurieis and dispytfull consaittis movit 
on ewerie syde exasperit baitht the parties in wtheris ire 
and haitrit that the ane of thame appeirit suddenlie to 
bring the wther to destructioun and rvine. Throw this 
5 discentioun the realme was devydit in tua partis and 
factiounis. Bot zeit the Earle of Douglas bearand 
werie hevelie that he was so schamefullie put out 
of the toune of Edinburgh be the desaitfull gadering 
of his enemeis, attour feirand that the king was nocht 

10 forgettfull of sa money offences done in tyme by- 
gaine and thair throw to be more [profietabill as] 1 fawor- 
abill to Schir William Creichtoune nor to him, he 
thocht to bind ane lige witht sic nobillis as wald 
be partie, zea and far abone it come to the worst 

15 baitht to his wnfreindis and to the king himself gif 
he wald declair him self in his contrair, and thair 
foir send quyit messagis to his freindis and speciall 
to the Earleis of Crawfurd, Rose and Murray to assist Confeder- 

ance betuix 

and debait aganis sic 2 dangerous invatiouns as pres- theEarieof 

. ° ° ... Douglas and 

20 entlie appeirit to fall wpoun him. Quhilk being gladlie Athens 
grantit, for all thir men, as ane, haittit Schir William againsthe 
Creichtoune witht the rest of the curteouris that was 
in credit witht the king, bot ony hope of recon- 
silieatioun, thair was ane confideratioun maid betuix 

25 thir Earlles and thair freindis be ane solemn aith that 
the iniurieis done to ony of them or the soberest of 
theme or thair hadherentis, 3 sould be equall pertiall 
to thame all, contrair quhatsumewer men in or fourtht 
of this realme, and to spend thair lyffis landis and 

30 geir to the wterance of the samin. Throw this cove- 
nant the Earle of Douglas grew so proud and sa 
insolent that they bostit in all partis quhairewer they 
come, to haue the rule and gyding of the realme 
aganis all mens will and so haue thair enemeis wtterlie 

35 exterminat. 

1 B omits. 2 I "dangeris and." 3 See Notes. 




Hou Johne hereis was hereit be the Erlle of Douglas : Johne hereis 
was hangit schamefullie. The tutor of bombie heidit be the 
Erlle of Douglas : hou the Erlle of Douglas came to Stirvilling 
at the kingis desyre. The kingis resoun to the Erlle of Douglas. 
The Erlle of Douglas proud ansueir to the king. The Erlle 
of Douglas slaine be the king. 

Fol. 24 b. 

herieit be 
the Douglas. 


Bot this ambitious and wain awancement * pairtlie 
was the cause that the king begane of new to hait the 
hous of Douglas and wtheris caussis was because sum 
theiffis of Douglasdaill that had herieit the landis per- 
tening to Johnne Hereis ane nobill and faithtful subiect 
to the kingis maiestie at all tymes; quhairof quhene this 
Hereis had oft and diuerse tymes complenit and sought 
redres thairof at the Earle of Douglas and could never 
gett remeid he tuik porpois to recompance the same be 
wrang because he gat no iustice. Bot this attempt suc- 
ceidit wnhappelie, for in the height 2 of Annerdaill he 
was taine witht his compleces and brocht to the Earle 
of Douglas quhair he was cassin in irons and hangit 
schamefullie as he had bene ane theif, nochtwithstanding 
the king commandit in the contrair and wtheris messeris 
send to the effect. 

The king tuik werie heavie witht this heigh contempt 
bot superceidit 3 for the tyme. Attour the poore pepill 
was sa owercum [and] burdaned witht importabill thingis 
and chairgis that thair was na lyfe for them and zeit, 
nochtwithtstanding, they durst nocht pleinzie nor lament 
thair awin misseorie in thir troublous tymes, and thair 

1 I adds here, "was nocht plesand in the sicht of god for waine 
pryde and ambitiousnes cumes nevir of god bot allennerlie be the 
Deuill quha is the maister of pryde. In the meantyme the king," 

2 I " herrieing." 

3 I " suppressit " — i.e., suppressed his anger. 





day be day mischeif begane mair and mair to in- 
tres 1 wther nobill men that was full of substance and 
had no will of discoirdis bot abhorit allutterlie thir 
dwell wearis rysand amang our selffis and lamented 
5 quiettlie thir dangerus callamitieis quhilk lay nocht in 
our powar to quenche and slokin. For this mischeif 
daylie incressit samekill that all men tuik suspitioun 
that the Earleis of Crafurd Murray and Rose witht thair 
assisteris quhilk was the greattest part of the realme 

10 haistelie deposit the king of his autorietie quhilk suspi- 
tioun being schawin to the king he tuik great feir thairof 
for he knew weill that thair factioun was allis potent 
gif they war not mair potent nor himself. 2 At this 
mean tyme the Erie of Douglas cuist him selff for to be I, foi. 18 b. 

15 stark aganis the king and thairfore socht and perswadit Theerieof 
all men vnder his opinioun and seruitude and in speciall E^adis 

1 * Kyill Carnk 

the gentillmen of galloway with kyll Carik and Cun- Jamandsm- 
inghame and all vthir pairtis that war neir adiacent J^'p^j 
vnto him desyreand thame daylie to ryd and gang wlthhim - 

20 with him as his awin houshald men and serwandis 
and to assist him in all thingis quhatsumewer he had 
ado quhidder it was richt or wrang or with the king 
or aganis him bot sum vthir wysmen seand the danger 
appeirand of the Erie of Douglas proceidingis contraire 

25 the king and his authoritie thairfoir wald nocht assist 
him nor tak pairt with him nor ryd nor gang with 
him nor be his man. Amang the rest of thir thair was M'cieiiane 

tutour of 

ane callit makclalene for luife he buire to the king Bumbiere- 

fusis to tak 

quha was tutour of bombie for the tyme and sistir pairt with 

J the erle of 

30 sone to schir patrick gray quha was maister of gray and Dowgias 


1 I.e., interest. I, A, and B read "incres" = increase, which 
seems wrong. 

2 A and B omit entirely the episode of Maclellan, and leave out 
the passage in the text from p. 89, 1. 13, to p. 93, 1. 2, which is 
from MS. I. Dalzell, who prints this in a note, says it is from the 
most modern MSS. consulted, but he has himself modernised the 



I, fol. 19 a. 

The erle of 
Dowglas talc 
the tutour of 
bumbie out 
of his hwis 
and putis 
him in ward. 

Schir patrik 
Gray is ad- 
vertesit of 
his impres- 

he deillis 
with the king 
tioune to 
the erle of 
Dowglas to 
releive him. 

principall seruitour to the king and captaine of his 
gaird. This makclalene for luife he buire to the 
kingis graice and to the ministratioun of justice wald 
onnawayis seme nor ryd with the Erie of Douglas 
contraire the king and his authoritie nor zit to oppres 5 
the common weill of the cuntrie bot keipit him quyetlie 
within his boundis doand na man na wrang. The Erlle 
of Douglas seand this that this man wald nocht serue 
him as he desyreit come haistelie vnto his hous with ane 
gret number of men and seigit it and wan it and tuik him 10 
out of the samyn and had him to the castell of Douglas 
and cuist him thair in strait presoun. His freindis 
seand this passit to the court to Schir patrick gray and 
schew him the maner heirof desyreand him to laubour 
effectuouslie that his freind mycht be releiwit. The 15 
quhilk quhen Schir patrick gray hard the nowellis [he] 
was heavelie displeassit at the matter and passit haistelie 
to the king and schew him the maner quhow it stuide 
with his sistir sone desyreand the kingis graice erTectu- 
ouslie that he micht haue his suplicatioun to the Erie 20 
of Douglas for to delyuer to him his sistir sone quhilk 
the Erie of Douglas had in captiuetie and presoun for 
the tyme. The king grantit the same verray thankfullie 
and gart wreit ane sueit lettir of suplicatioun to the 
Erie of Douglas for to delyuer the tutour of bombie 25 
to Schir patrick gray his eime as we haue schawin vnto 
zow. This wreittand beand subscryuit and signatit 
with the kingis signit [was] thaireftir delyuerit 1 to Schir 
patrick gray to wsse the samyn as he thocht caus 
quha passit haistelie with the said wreitting and sup- 30 
plicatioun of the kingis to the erle of douglas quha 
was than in the castell of douglas for the tyme sittand 
at his denner and heirand tell that schir patrick gray the 
kingis familiar seruant was lichtit at the zett. The erle 
merwellit meikill at the matter quhat that sould meine 35 

1 I omits " was " and inserts " it " after " delyuerit " by mistran- 


and gart incontinent draw the burdis and rais and met 
the said Schir patrick with grett reuerence and humilitie 
because he was the kingis principall captaine and secreit 
serwant and familiar to his graice. Thairfoir the erle 
5 resauit him with mair thankis bot all was vnder cullour 
and disseitt for the erle had na favour to the king nor to 
nane of his familiaris zit he inquyreit at the said Schir 
patrick gif he had dynit quha ansuerit he had nocht than 
the erle said ' thair is no talk to be had betuix ane fow * 

10 ' man and ane fastand. Thairfoir ze sail dyne and we sail 
1 talk together at lenth.' In this mein tyme Schir patrick 
gray satt downe to his denner and the erle treatit him 
and maid him guid cheir quhairof Schir patrick gray 
was weill contentit beleiwand all thing to succeid weill 

15 thairefter. Bot the erle of Douglas one the vthir pairt 
tuik ane suspitioun and coniecttour quhat Schir patrick 
grayis commissioun was and dreidand the desyre thairin Thetutour 

of bombie 

sould be for his freind the Tutour of bombie Thairfoir heiddit be 

the erle of 

in the meintyme quhan thay war at the denner crakand D ° u § las - 
20 of mirrie matteris the erle gart quyetlie tak out the 
Tutour of bombie out of presoun and haue him to the 
greine and thair struk of his heid and tuik the samyn 
away fra him and syne covered ane fair claith vpone his 
bodie that nothing micht be seine of that treassounabill 
25 act that was done. In this meintyme quhan denner was 
done Schir patrick gray presentit the kingis wreitting 
vnto the erle quha reuerenced 2 and quhan [he] had red 
it and considderit the effectt thairof he gave gret thankis 
to Schir patrick gray sayand he was behaddin to him 
30 that brocht sa familiar a wreitting fra his prince to him 
considderin quhow it stuide betueine thame at that tyme 
and as to the desyre and supplicatioun it sould be thank- 
fullie grantit to the king and the rather for Schir patrickis 

1 Dalzell has "full," modernising the text. 

2 So I, but Dalzell may be right, " reverentlie ressavit " (received 
it). The text may mean "reverenced " = paid reverence to the 
king's letter. See Notes. 


saik and tuk him be the hand and led him furth to the 

greine quhair the gentillman was lyand deid and schew 

him the maner and said ' Schir patrick ze ar come a litill 

' to leit bot zondar is zour sistir sone lyand bot he wantis 

' the heid tak his bodie and do with it quhat ze will.' 5 

Schir patrick ansuerit againe with ane soir hairt and 

said c My lord gif ze haue taine frome him his heid 

dispone vpone the bodie as ze pleis' and with that 

callit vpone his hors and lap thairon. And quhan he 

was one hors back he said to the erle in this maner 10 

1 My lord and I leiwe ze salbe rewardit for zour laubouris 

1 that ze haue wssit at this tyme according to zour demer- 

1 ittis.' At this saying the erle was verray wraith and cryit 

1, foi. 19 b. for hors Schir patrick sieand the erllis furie spurred his 

g ray r the tnc hors bot he was cheissit nar to Edinburghe or thay left 15 

Ha^serwalld him and had nocht beine his led hors was so tryed and 

the erie of guide he had beine taine. Bot quhen thir nowellis come 

Douglas. . .... 

to the kingis eiris he was heawelie discontentit thairwith 
baith of the slauchter and syne of the chessin of his ser- 
wand. To that effectt the king callit his secreitt coun- 20 
sail to adwyss heirvpone quhat was best to be done for 
to dauntoun this wickit man that cuild na wayis be 
stenchit fra reffe and oppressioun and slauchtar baith 
of gret men and small. The counsall adwyssit and 
concludit that it was best to flatter him and to bring 25 
him in to the counsall be fair hechtis and promeissis 
And in the meantyme to puneis him according to his 
demerittis So the king maid him to forzett all faultis 
and enormeteis done be the erle of Douglas in tymes 
bypast desyreand no thing of him bot that he wald be 30 
ane guide man in tyme cuming and for that caus desyred 
him effectuouslie to come to the counsall makand him 
suire with all promeissis that he sould be saiflie pardonit 
and sum sayis he gat the gret seall thairvnto or he wald 
grant to cum to the king than the erle of Douglas send 35 
for in this maner as I haue schawin zou he come at the 
kingis commandement to Stiruilling quhair he was weill 


resauit and intertenit be the king, and thaireftir callit 
him to the supper. Sa * he maid him to misknaw all 
wther preceidingis, as he had not knawin sic ane number Foi. 25 «. 
nor suspitioun ryssin amang pepill, He send for the 
5 Earle of Douglas and callit for him werrie humblie to TheEarieof 
Streweling to come and speik witht him and thair efter come to 

... . Stirling at 

callit [him] to the supper and bankitit him wene reallie, the kingis 

L J . , command. 

thinkand gif it might be possibill ether witht gentill- 
nes or goode deid to draw him fre his attempt that 

10 he porpossit to do. At the last efter supper the king 
callit the Earle of Douglas to ane secreit challmer 
and put all men assyde except sa money as was wpoun 
the secreit counsall and his awin gaird, and they 2 
said to him werie meiklie and gentillie as it had bene 

15 bot ane sober offence that was commitit in cace of 
his prydfull mynd sould gain stand and stope him to 
inclyne to the kingis requist and exortatioun. 'It is The kingis 

1 11 T 1 1 • • ressone to 

' gevm me to wnderstand that my Lord sayis thair is sum the Earle of 


1 confideratioun maid betuix zow and ane part of the 

20 ' nobillis of this realme 3 I pray zow thairfoir to bruike sic 

' bandis, leigis and societie that is nocht wount to be 

' withtin ane realme wnder ane prince his autorietie and 

1 command, and that ze 4 wald be sa goode as to remove 

' all sic occatiounis as may cause the subiectis of this 

25 ' realme to tak suspitioun of zour evill mynd towart me. 

' As to my self I knaw no ewill nor belewis nane occa- 

c tioun of zow, it is werie wnsemand to do ony sic thing 

1 as is not consonant to the lawis of this realme and dis- 

1 plesour 5 of the kingis liegis for doutles it can not be 

30 ' withtout great sklander of the pepill nor zeit withtout 

' [the princes haitred] 6 to committ sic thingis as sail cause 

' the pepill to come withtout ordour throw ewill exampill, 

1 A and B begin here again. 2 B "then," I "thair." 

3 I here inserts, " my lord, sayis the king, that thair is betuix zow 
and the erle of Craufurde sum band and," &c. 

4 B " ye," I " ze." A has " hie " by mistake. 5 I " pleasour." 
6 The words in brackets are from B and I, and are necessary to 

the sense. 


1 be the quhilk the realme salbe abussit be everie man 
' evin as they war ane pepill but law or iustice.' 

This beand said witht money wtheris wordis plessant, 
The proud quhilk ar impossibill to rehearse, the Earle of Douglas 

ansuer of 

the Earie of nathing movit [with] 1 the kingis great humanitie, ansuerit 5 
the king. againe werie proudlie, sayand, that he could nocht break 
Foi. 25 b. that band that was maid nor zeit wald he discharge the 
samyn for no mans saying, and that for the great offen- 
ces that the king had done to him, reprochand the king 
werie arrogantlie that he had reprovit him of all his 10 
offences. Zeit, nochtwithtstanding of his proud ansuer, 
the king exorted him to do nothing that was degenerat 
fre the nobelietie of his forbearis for that was werie 
wickit that he had begun, and was sufnecient cause to 
tyne his lyfe landis and goodis, deservand forfalltour and 15 
his memorie to be abussit and strampit fourtht for ewer. 
At the last the king sieing that he could nocht speid 2 
witht fairnes, and allis dreadand that throw sa proudfull 
ansueris that warse sould haue followit thairwpoun nor 
was brutit of befoir wnles haistie remeid war fund ; and 20 
sa he tuik ane heigh anger and thocht to do the thing 
that was les skaith to the commone weill nor to trubill 
the haill realme thairwith. And sa he pullit fourtht ane 
suord and said, ' I sie weill, my Lord, my prayer can do 
' nothing to cause zow desist frome zour wickit consal- 25 
The Earie of ' louris ' 3 and thairefter immedeatlie strak him throw 
siaine be the body with the suord, and thairefter the gaird heirand 
of the tumult witht in the challmer ruschit and slew the 
Earle out of hand. This slaughter was maid in the zeir 
of god I m iiij c lij zeiris * wpoun the xx day of Februar. 30 

1 I " with " ; A has " in." 2 I " could come na speid." 

3 I has " consall and interprysses I sail caus zour uicked con- 
speraceis to ceis, thairefoir," c\x. 

4 I here adds, " quhilk is to be lamentit that a prince sould haue 
beine so temptit be his awin subiecttis efter sa mony godlie and 
wyss exhortatiounis," and begins the next chapter, "Vpone the 
twentie," &c. See Notes. 

the king. 



Money gentillmen in Stirvilling. The burneing of Stirvilling. The 
Castell of Dalkeith beseigit. The seig dissolvit : hou the king 
send for the Erie of Huntlie : hou the Erie of Craufurd 
stoppit the Erie of Huntlie in his aiming : the battell of 

Thair was in the toune of Stirling money of the Earle 
of Douglas freindis with his brother James, the Earle of 
Murray the Earle of Ormond, my lord of Ballwenie, the 
Knycht of Kaidoch 1 Lord Hammelltoun, ane mane of 
5 great estimatioun amang the nobillis of the realme, witht 
money wther great gentill men werie potent baith of 
riches and freindis. Thir men how sune word came 
that the earle was slaine and word come withtin the 
toun they remanit that night and wpoun the morne they 

10 put James of Douglas in his brotheris place as was 

ordanit be the earle off befoir, quho maid ane lang Foi. 26 a. 
exortatioun to his freindis to seige the castell and to 
rewenge the unworthie slaughter of his brother witht the 
kingis leif. Bot 2 they cust sindrie thingis in thair mynd 

15 quhilk was not possibill to them to do seing they had no 
inventioun gevand to the effect to seige the castell. 
Being sa Strang they gaif the king wncomlie wordis, 3 Theheiring 

of Sterling. 

sayand, they sould never obey nor ken 4 him againe as 
ane king or prence bot sould be revengit wpoun his 
20 cruell tyrannie or ewer they ceissit. Efter this they 
brunt and hierieit the men 5 of Stirling, and siclyk all 
wther landis belangand ether to the king or zeit to 
theme that wald nocht profes thair factioun they waistit 

1 I " Kedzow, James." 

2 I has, " Bot quhen thay saw it was nocht possibill to do seing 
thay had na monitioun ganeand for this effect, the," &c. 

3 B "werie uncouthe," I "verrie contimelius." 

4 B "acknowledge." 5 I "toune." 

9 6 


The seige 

Fol. 26 b. 

The king 
send for the 
Earle of 

The Earle 
of Crafurd 
stopit the 
Earle of _ 
Huntlie in 

witht fyre and suord. Amangis the quhilk the haill landis 
and cornes of Dalkeyth was distroyit and brunt and the 
castell thairof belttit about witht ane Strang seige and 
maid thair solemn 1 aith never to pas thair fre into the 
tyme it war maid equall witht the ground, for James 5 
haitit and invyit Johnne Lord of Dallkeyth his freind 
and kinsmane abone all wther tratouris and that because 
he was baitht of his kin and surname quho nocht onlie 
had refussit to assist his attemptes and interpryssis bot 
also invadit all Douglassis witht extreme invy and haitrit 2 10 
This seige lastit langer nor the seigeris thairof luikit 
ffor the men withtin defendit sa vaillzeantlie quhill the 
wnfreindis irkit sa lang be valkin, hunger or wther 
trubillis be the great slaughter of manie of thair folkis 
and sindrie wondit so cruellie that they war constranit 1 5 
to leif of thair porpois and sa they dissollvit the seige. 
The king being hielie offendit witht thair arrogant 
attemptis gaderit ane armie to punische thir conspira- 
touris ffor thair temerarious interpryssis ; bot quhene he 
might nocht haue the upper hand wpoun them as bot 20 
dout hie might nocht mak his partie good against them, 
beand so stark ane airmie he left his intentioun quhill 
ane better tyme. 

In the meane tyme quhen he was looking for the 
comming of Alexander Earle of Huntlie quhome he had 25 
chargit be ane herald and offiecer of armes allis requirit 
werie effectuslie him to come in his defence, the said 
Alexander obedient to his princes command and charge, 
command fordward witht ane great airmie for the kingis 
suport his gait was wnbesett be Alexander Earle of Cra- 30 
furd who was allredy declairit 3 the kingis rebell 4 for 
liesmaiestie because he contemnit the kingis autorietie 
and impyre being sumond witht ane offiecer of airmes to 

1 I "solemnit." 

2 B omits ; I has 

3 I has"beleiwit.' 

yre " instead of " invy." 
4 I adds 

and tratour." 


wnderly the law. The Earle of Crawfurd assembillit the 
haill folkis of Angus witht ane great companie of his kin 
and freindis and clyantis and thairefter quhene the Earle 
of Huntlie was makand towart Angus, the Earle of 
5 Crawfurd campit his folkis besyde the toune of Breichin 

quhair baitht the airmies command in wtheris sight and The batteii 

•in • of Brichin. 

schot fordwart m arrayit battell wpoun wtheris. It 
was lang fauchin and with great cruelltie and wncertane 
wictorie quhill that ane companie of fresche men come 

10 to renew the battell, takand the advantage of the bray 
syde, come so fercelie wpoun the Earle of Huntlieis 
wangaird quhill they war compellit to satill a littill abak. 
The quhilk quhene the Anguische men persawit that they 
war put abak and haueing l sa great ane wanttage they 

15 come more fercelie wpoun them nor they did of befoir 
and namelie wpoun the place that was farrest chairgit. 2 


Hou the Laird of bonnimone left the Erie of Craufurde : hou the 
Erie of Craufurd fled. Tua of the Erll of Huntlies brethir slaine. 
The Erie Craufurdis godlie desyre : the Erie of Craufurdis 
cruelltie : the burneing of the landis of Strabogie be the Erlle 
of Murray : hou the Erie of Murray left the Cuntrie. The toune 
of Forrest brunt. Ane parliament proclaimit. The Erie of 
Craufurd foirfalltit the Erles was sumond to underly the law : 
exploratoris send to Edinburge. Pacrates 3 put on the kirk 
dures and the tennor thairof. 

Bot 4 at the last Johnne Collese of Boneymone being 

1 I "haveand avantage." 2 I "plaice sarest chairgit." 

3 Probably "placattis " = placards. 

4 I tells the story with additions, thus : — 

"The xxii chapt. . . . Bot in the meantyme ane captaine of I, fol. 20 <5. 
the erll of craufurdis to wit Johne Colless of bonimone quha had 
in gouernance thrie hundreith abill men weill arreyhVand enarmyt 
and buire battell aixes and halbartis with wthir scharp weaponis 
this Johne Colless fled frome the Erie of craufurde traterouslie and 



sum quhat offendit at the Earle of Crafurd the day beffoir 
Foi. 27 a. because he wald nocht enter his sone into his landis the 
The laird of said Earle being supreme thairof quhairat the said Laird 


left the Earle tuik sic dispyt that he come and left the Earle of Cra- 

of Crafurd. J 

furd and passit out at ane syde 1 quhome moneist of the 5 
abillist of the airmie followit. This Laird of Boney- 
mone 2 was capietene to the airmie in quhais handis the 
haill hope of wictorie stude that day. Bot the Earle of 
The Earle of Crafurde seing him self destietut and spetiallie of them 

Crafurd fled . . ..... n . . r . 

that night, quhome hie maist trustit compellit him to flie for saiftie 10 
of his lyfe and albeit the wictorie inclynnit to the Earle 
of Huntlie zeit he gat nocht the samin withtout great 

Tuaofthe slaughter of his folkis. Tua of his awin brether was 

Earle of .... 

HuntHeis slaine witht sindne wther gentillmen and money zeamen 

brether to . J 

war slaine. men of commons. Thair was slaine wpoun the Earle 15 

of Crafurdis syde Johne Lyndsay knycht, his brother 

witht money wtheris gentillmen gif they had bene 

in ane better quarrell. Sua the Earle of Crafurd being 

wincust in this maner, it is said 3 that ane gentillmane 

causeit vthiris to flie with him quhair throche he tint the feild and 
that becaus this lard desyred his sone to be put in fie of his landis 
quha war hauldin of the earle of craufurd with vthir commodities and 
gaines that this lard of bonymone desyred at the Earle of crawfurd 
quha ansuerit him and said the tyme was schort bot baid him do 
weill that day with him and prowe ane wailzeant man and he sould 
haue all his desyres and mair. Bot the lard of bonymone nocht con- 
tentit with this ansuer passit fra him with ane greiffe and arreyit 
his men and pat thame in ordour as he wald haue fochin maist 
furiouslie bot quhen he saw his tyme cum that he sould haue 
reskewit the erle of craufurd quha was fechtand than cruellie the 
said captaine drew him sellff array [away] at ane sydde cowartlie 
and maid na support to the said Erie quho seand this his men de- 
pairtand fra him treassonabillie be command and convoy of this 
captaine he was constraint to flie" [&C, as in A]. 

1 I reads "towartlie and maid na suport to the said Earle and 

a Now Balnamoon near Brechin. 

3 This story is not in Boece. Pitscottie becomes henceforth more 
original. Hitherto he has kept very closely to Boece. At line 16, 
after the words "his brother," Ferrerius, the editor of Boece, notes, 
" Hoc loco reperi in Autographo quatuor linearum lacunam." See 


followit him sa ferslie wpoun the chase that he draif in 
the midis of the preis of the Earle of Crafurdis folkis that 
war gaderit about thair maister to be his saifgaird in the 
midist of the flight and sa was compellit to pas witht 
5 them as he had bene ane mane of thair awin to the place 
of Phennevin 1 quhair he hard the Earle say that he 
wissit to be sevin zeiris in hell to haue the honourabill The Earle 

of Crafurds 

wictorie that had fallin to the Earle of Huntlie that day godiie 


considdiring the great favour that he had conquist of his 
10 prince for his releif and repressing of his rebellis. Wpoun 

the morne thairefter all the deid bodieis was burieit, ilk Foi. 27 b. 
ane eftir thair awin estait ; and albeit the Earle of Cra- 
furde was owercome, as said is, zeit he remanit in the 
contrie of Angus as [he! did of befoir and persewit all The Earle 

L J . . r of Crafurdis 

15 them that was nocht of his factioun witht great cruelltie cruelltie. 
waistand all thair landis be fyre and suord, namelie, 
them quho had fled fre him in the battell spoillzeand 
them of thair lyffis and goodis as they might be appre- 
hendit and cassin doune thair houssis to the ground. 

20 The battell was strikin wpoun the Assentioun day in the 
zeir of god I m iiij c liij zeiris. 2 

In the mean tyme quhill the Earle of Huntlie was 
occupyit in this maner for the libertie of this realme, 
the Earl of Murray enterit in the landis of Strabogie Theheiring 

. . of the landis 

2K and brunt the landis and tounis and hieneit the contrie of strabogie 

J ... t be the Earle 

witht all wtheris landis pertening to the Earle of Huntlie, [of Murray], 
quhilk was nocht lang wnrequitit for how sune he was 
wictorious ower the commone enemeis of this realme he 
invaidit the landis of Murray witht greater cruelltie 
30 slaughter and heirscheip nor was done in his boundis 
and landis at quhois comming the Earle of Murray witht 
his freindis and clyantis tuik sic feir be ressone of the The Earle of 

• rr- n- • Murray left 

recent wictorie that it benuimt him to flie the contrie for the contrie. 
the saifgaird of his lyfe. It is said that the Earle of Thetouneof 
35 Huntlie came to the toun of Forrest 3 and brunt wpe all brum.' 
1 Finhaven. 2 See Notes as to date. 3 Forres. 



Ane parliea- 
ment pro- 

The Earle 
of Crafurd 

The earleis 
was sumond 
to wnderlay 
the law. 
Fol. 28 a. 

wpoun the 
kirk doore. 

the ane syde of the toune be ressone it apperteinit to the 
Earle of Murray his kin and freindis bot spairit the 
wther syde be ressone ane part thairof perteinit to his 
favoraris and good willaris. 

Schort quhill thair efter the king gart sett ane parlie- 5 
ment be the consall of James Kennedie bischope of 
Sanct Androis quhair the decreit of forfaltouris led 
aganis the Earle of Crafurd of befoir was newlie ap- 
provit and ratiefieit againe and goodis and geir confiscat 
and landis delt, himself delattit trator for his rebellioun 10 
and his memorie abollist and scrapit 1 out of the book 
of armes for ewer. And allis James Earle of Douglas, 
the Earlies of Murray and Ormond Johnne Lord of 
Ballvanie James Hammelltoun of that Ilk, knycht, for- 
said witht wtheris diuerse landit gentillmen was sowmond 15 
to the parlieament to ane certane day to wnderly the 
law for certane crymes that was to be laid to thair 
chargis. Bot this was in waine ffor nane of them thocht 
to make obedience or compeirance ; and allis wpoun the 
night efter they send exploratouris to the toune of Edin- 20 
burgh to spy the forme and fassoun of all thair proceid- 
ingis quho at thair maisteris command affixt paccattis 2 
wpoun the kirk doore seillit witht the Earleis awin hand 
and signit, beirand thir wordis in effect, 'the Earle of 
' Douglas wald never obey command nor charge in tyme 25 
' coming be ressoun the king was bot ane blodie mur- 
1 therar [and] 3 of his awin bloode and breaking of the 
1 law of hospitalietie ane fallis wngodlie thrister of inno- 
1 cent bloode witht out iust quarrell or occatioun,' witht 
money wther contumulus sayingis wnworthie to rehearse. 30 

1 B "blotit," I "scraipit." 

2 Carelessly written for 

3 I omits "and." 

plakattis." B has " paipers," I 

JAMES II. 101 


Ane armye gadderit : the Erie of Douglas be dispensatioun of the 
Paipe mareis his brotheris wyfe : heirschip in all pairtis. The 
Erie of Douglas counsallit be his freindis to deseist : persua- 
tionis to the Erlle of Douglas quha wald nocht crave pardoun : 
ane of tua thingis choisin: flatteraris ever raddie to comand 
wickidnes. The Erie of Craufurdis cunsall to himselfe. The 
maner of the Erie of Craufurdis humiliatioun to the king. The 
Erie of Craufurdis orisoun to the king: confessioun of offence: 
Genelogie of the hous of Craufurd. 

The king getting wit of this thing he tuik sa heigh 
disdaine that he gadderit ane companie of airmit men Anearmie 
to invaide his prydefull tyrannie, 1 and because it was 
the deid tyme of the zeir he could do nathing for re- 
5 pairing of his honour except he brunt the cornes and 
houssis and hierieit the contrie and slew sum spyis he 
returnit hame againe and deferit his purpois quhill the 
spring of the zeir. Bot zeit the Earle witht his assist- 
ance tuik lyttill heid of thir heirschipis slaughteris or 
10 wtheris wrangis, was allis insolent as they had never 
bene afflictit witht sic misfortounis. And mair ower 
that the landis richis and rentis perteinand to his 
wmquhill broder sould nocht come wnder the handling 
of fremmit men the Lord 2 Douglas send to the paipe TheEarieof 

. ,. . ...... _ Douglas dis- 

15 for ane dispensatioun to mane his brothens wyfe to pensatioun 

. . to marie his 

quhome ane great part of the landis fell throw deceis brotheris 
of hir husband besyde the landis that apperteinit to hir 
in herietage quhilk he could be na maner of way obtein Foi. 28 b. 
and thairfoir withtout law or ony respect to god or 
20 goode conscience he tuik and marieit his brotheris wyfe 
to the effect forsaid. 

In the spring of the zeir thairefter thise intissin 3 

1 B " this tirrant," I " this prydfull tyraint." 

2 I " Erie of." 3 B "intestyne," I ' ' intesting." 



in all partis. 

The Earle of 
consellit be 
his freindis 
to deceist. 


The Earle 
of Douglas 
wald nocht 
craif par- 

Fol. 29 a. 

weiris witht in the boundis of the commone weill begane 
to increse ay mair and mair and sa contineit tua zeiris 
togither, during the quhilk tyme the Douglas brunt and 
hierieit all landis belangand to the king and his assist- 
aris and allis to them that war nocht plaine of his fac- 5 
tioun, and wpoun the wther syde the king and his 
assistaris war leath to wse sic cruelltie for thair recom- 
pance bot rather to break thair enemeis prydfull arro- 
gance waistit and hierieit Annerdaill, Aitrick forrest, 
witht all wther landis belangand to the wther factioun. 10 
At the last the Earle of Douglas spetiall freindis sa 
money as was left on lyfe during the said cruell wearis 
being wexit and irkit sa lang throw frequent heirschipis 
and surfeit 1 raidis drawing to extreme povertie, gaif con- 
sail to thair cheif to leif and desist fre his seditious 15 
dissobedience and humlie to desyre pardone of the 
kingis maiestie and to rander him self witht out fraud or 
gyle in his will and gentrice quho of his 2 honour appeir- 
andlie could not deny the samin to him, ffor gif ane 
king will denude himself of all clemencie consideratioun 20 
and pettie thair was ane manifest signe and taikin of 
his feirfull dread and terrour to everie man. Attour 
they gaif the earle to wnderstand that the king being 
sua wexit, as appeirit to them, throw langsum and 
tidieous trawell taine of the appessing of the commone 25 
weill, wald be allis glad to ressaue him in his favouris as 
hie wald be to offer himself thairto and sa not onlie 
sould he be reconceillit to his prince bot also might 
conquise the freindschip of money wtheris as principall 
author of all mischeif ringand in this realme. Quhene 30 
his freindis had said this (witht money wther pleassant 
wordis), he maid ansuer againe that he wald never put 
his lyfe in that manis will and danger that had put first 
doun tua in the castell of Edinburgh that war brether 
bairnies witht him and now lait William Earle of Douglas 35 
1 I " surphat. " 2 B inserts " kinglie. " 

JAMES II. 103 

his awin brother of quhome the lyke rang never in this 
realme and ' was nocht all thir men,' sayis he, ' callit werie 
1 gentillis 1 as secundis be him self and be his present 
' consallouris to richteous actioun, to the effect thairby the 
5 ' law of nature and law of hospitalietie they sould be ewin, 
1 as they war in deid, destroyit and slaine 2 wnder collour 
1 of intertienement how mekill mair feirfull is it to me to 
' put me in his danger.' Sua he thocht thair was bot ane 
of tua to be choissin, other extreme chance of battell Aneoftua 

10 quhairby ane might haue the upper hand, or ellis gif they bechossin. 
left the feildis and gaif ower the interpryse they sould 
be murtherit slaine or banist witht wther intollerabill 
chances that might befall, to his hie deriesioun, skorne 
skaith and schame to his freindis and kin. Schortlie, 

15 thair was no remedie, 3 he thocht, that might deliuer him 
out of his present perrell. Ffor quhilk sayingis money 
begane to leif his mightie curage in sic adwerssatie, 
wtheris nocht onlie desollvit his obstienat mynd in sic 
wickitnes bot allis reprochit the fortieflearis and all Fiaterars 

.-,... . ,.... ever more 

20 lowens of him in sic perversit persewerance thmkand is to com- 
weill, as it was trew in deid, that all they that fed him wickidnes. 

witht sic flatterie and dissobedience baitht toward god 

and the king wald nocht continew wnto the wnhappie 

end of this matter, as they had promissit, to the great 

25 distructioun of the commone weill and distroying of the 
prince, ffor they knew that his proudnes could not lake 
ane mischevous end, as might be suffiecientlie wnder- 
stand 4 be the exampill off siclyk men in all tymes Foi. 29 b. 
bygaine baitht be Scoittis and wtheris forand historieis. 

30 Then sa sune as the Earle of Crafurde wnderstud the 
Earle of Douglas obstinat and wilfull dissobedience, 
for quhois quarrell he had fallin in sic mischeif he dis- 

1 B has "noble," I "gentill as freindis." 

2 I inserts, " and gif swa was that thay war betraissed and slaine 
vnder," &c. 

3 B "no other midway," I "na midway." 4 I "understood." 



The Earle 
of Crafurd 
counsall to 

The maner 
of the Earle 
of Crafurdis 
tioun to the 

Fol. 30 a. 

The Earle of 
Crafurd his 
wriesone to 
the king. 

pyttit his companie and tuik purpois to humbill him self 
and to come in ane wyld abullzement to the king and 
askit pardone [knawand weill] l that gif he wald perseveir 
in his wickit societie and band that nocht onlie sould he, 
his kin and freindis witht posterietie be delaitit and put 5 
fre all memorie but allso the nobill factis and martiall 
deidis of his forbeiraris, quhairthrow thair goode service 
had conquist baith the landis that he possest presentlie 
and also the kingis faworis witht great laud and com- 
mendatioun of all men, sould be obscureit and forget for 10 
ewer. Sua quhene the king was passand to the north 
land, command throw Angus the Earle of Crafurde came 
bair heidit and bair futtit to the king clad as he had 
bene ane miserabill catiue gilltie of ane cryme accussit 
in iudgement in dollorus and poore arrayment to move 15 
the iudgis and magistratis to haue commiseratioun and 
pettie ; and sua accompanit witht ane small number 
of folkis, said, 2 witht drerie continance, he caist him 
in the kingis gait. Bot frehand he come befor the 
kingis maiestie witht teiris brustand out aboundantlie 20 
and fell on his kneis quhilk being schawin to the 
king quhat man it was and quha they war was in his 
companie and that the earle confidit mekill in the 
kingis clemencie quherin he had placeit his haill hope 
of restitutioun, then movit 3 but ony feir or dredour had 25 
put him self in his will and marcie, the king bad raise 
him wpe to schaw quhairfoir he came, witht all feir 
and dreadour sett assyd. Then it is said that the 
earleis curage being 4 sum part recoverit againe dryit 
the teairis frome his eieis and said to the king in maner 30 
following : ' Gif transgressouris of the lawis and statutis 
' of the realme hoppit for nane wther thing of kingis and 
' princes handis haweand the rule and governament of 

1 I inserts. 2 " Sad," I. 

8 We should say, "and now moved," instead of " then." 

4 I.e., " sad," I and B. A has "was." 


J 5 



JAMES II. 105 

wtheris, bot that quhilk the lawis decernis, maist mightie 
prence I sie na 1 place left to me this day for remissieon 
of my cry me, zeit nocht witht standing ressone it self 
persuadis me to goode hope to come into the clemencie 
to impitrat pardon e for my offence evin as it war to ane 
sicker anker in quhois handis lyis the powar of lyfe and 
death foir I belieue clemencie to be the principall of all 
royall dewtieis and ze to haue conqueist the samin as 
that becumes ane king and prince abone all wther 
wertew for gif my seveir 2 sluth wald labour to put 
away but ony argument of the samin ressone he wald 
appeir to mak away all occatioun of amendement frome 
them that duallis 3 and fallis sumtyme from right and 
ressone, and 4 sould all kingis wertew be obscurit and 
clossit wpe and braid entreis oppinnit fourtht largelie 
to all kynd of defectioun and iniquitie. I grant in 
deid that [na] 5 man sould of his dewtie declyne frome 
right and ressone, bot ane thing I require quhat is he 
that is in greatest estimatioun of the commone pepill 
in all civell and publict effairis that may awove 6 that 
[he] 7 hes never falted against the lawis ether for the 
caussis of haitrit, fawour, dreadour or invy. I beleif 
for the suith that no man can say it is counsall to 
ane man to fall in ane offence bot to amend and re- 
cognose and to dampt 8 his fault him self it is ane 
great benifeit of god ; for it becomes ane that is fallin 
in errour to the quhilk everie mortall man is subiect 
to becume penetent and amend his lyfe witht firme 
purpois to eschew the lyk in tyme comming. Quhair- Foi. 30 £. 
foir, maist clement prence I ame 9 ane werie man com- 
mand to zour maiestie this day, grantand that I haue 
fallted and my conscience bearand witnes dampnis my 

1 I and B. A has "my." 2 I has "sweir." 

3 I " devallis " = devolves (?). 4 I inserts "so." 

5 B and I. A omits. 6 "Avow." 

7 B and I insert, A omits. 8 I "condeme." 
9 I inserts "as." 



of offence. 

of the house 
of Crafurde. 

I, fol. 22 b. 

' awin doingis in sa far that I confes that I ame nocht 
1 worthie to leif wnles I being willing my self in the part 
1 to correct the former fatiouns of my lyfe. On the wther 
' part the great pettie of the noble housse of Lyndsyis 
1 falling into distructioun but gif ze help it in tyme, sould 5 
' move zow to restoir me, for zour 1 forbearis caussis evin 
' as I war frome deid to lyfe againe. For the 2 clemencie 
1 fre the quhilk no mane hes bene excussit 3 at ony tyme. 
' that was movit witht goode with tout fraude or gyle to 
' humbill him self thairto, hes gewin ane hardiment to 10 
' ask pardone to my offences and faultis. I pray the 
1 thairfoir that I may obteine this my requist and that 
1 for my forbiaris thair truith and constancie cair and 
1 trawall taine be thame for defence of the realme ; and 
' because the beginning of our houssis progrese genoliegie 15 
1 of the samin will appeir to further me in this cace I sail 
' declair the samin breiflie. 4 The first man of our sur- 
' name was callit Lyndsay, ane proper name then to him, 

1 I and B "my." 2 I and B "thy." 

a B and I "repulsitt." 
4 I gives a separate narrative as follows: "The first man was 
callit lyndsay quhilk was his propper surname and was heritour to 
mony gret landis in Ingland thocht he was baneist thairfra be the 
conques of the bastard of Normandie and swa come in Scotland 
with queine margrett in the tyme of malcolme canmure quha was 
resauit richt thankfullie for hir caus becaus he was the narrest and 
grettist of hir freindis at that tyme and for his wictorius and manlie 
deidis in defending and menteneing the common weill of Scotland 
king malcolme gave him the landis of wachopdeill quhilk lyis ad- 
iacent to annardeill quhilk of that hous discendit our foirbearis quha 
war eftirward lordis of glanesk and erleis of crawfurd and that be 
the manlie and verteous gouerniment of our progenitouris quha 
wssit thame sellffis sa manlie and trewlie to the crowne that thay 
war rewardit richlie and gat be the gret liberallitie of the princeis of 
Scotland seand the wictorious deidis and in speciall of robert the 
secund quha gave ws the landis of crawfurd and meid ws erleis 
thairof as ze may heir heireftir how he succeidit ffor eftirward dis- 
cendit out of our hous ane nobill hous callit lord lyndsay of the 
byrris quho ringnes and flourisches in gret fame into this day and 
estimatioun and honour with thair prince thocht we haue sliddin 
thairfra at this tyme. Bot lang tyme heirefter discendit Allexander 
lyndsay that faucht and was slaine at the brig of stiruiling" [&c, as 
in text]. 


1 quhilk is now the surname of our clan. Kennit the 
1 secund, sone to Alphin revairdit witht large boundis 
1 and landis in this countrie ffor his good counsall and 
' sowerane man heid in the ower thrawin and conquissing 
5 ' of the Picthis. Ane lang tyme eftir this, Alexander 
1 Lyndsay succeidit lenallie to him, quho was slaine at 
' the brige of Stirling right manful! ie 1 against the Inglis- 
1 men our awld enemeis ffor King Robert the firstis 
' quarrell, wpoun quhois factioun and partie he schew 

10 ' him self at all tymes right manfullie. This Alexander 
' begatt Alexander quho was slaine at the battell of 
1 Dumblaine 2 ffor the defence and preservatioun of our 
1 zoung King Dawid the Secund frome the tyrannie of 
1 his enemies. Schort quhill eftir the battell Dawid 

15 ' Lyndsay succeidit baith to his fatheris landis 3 for he Foi. 31*. 
1 was slaine at Haliedene hill quhen the Scoittis men 
1 war fightand contrairrie in to the Inglischmen 4 for the 
1 libertie of our natiue realme quhois nevoy, sone to 
' Johnne his brother, callit James faught wpoun the 

20 ' breige of Loundone in singular battell witht the Lord 
' of Waillis ane Strang campioun in good estimatioun 
1 witht the King of Ingland [at that tyme and wainquist 
' him nochtwithtstanding] 5 his strength and might to no 
1 les schame and mervell of his adwersaris then great laude 

25 ' and praisse of this our natiue countrie quhome King 
* Robert the secund revairdit witht the landis of the 
' castell of Crafurd quhome throw our earledome is sa 
' nameit for his singular behavieour towartis the com- 
1 mone weill. For by his consall and conwoy all thingis 

1 I has " manfullie fechtand in companie with Erie thomas randill 
in defence of king robert the bruce contraire the Inglismen. This 
Allexander," &c. 

2 Boece has "ad Duplense prgelium." See Notes. 

3 I inserts "and vther gret lordschippis gevin to him be the 
authoritie for his manheid and seruice done for the pleasour of 
the crowne and common weill of the countrie" [for, &c.]. 

4 I " debaitand the libertie of Scotland his brother sone succeidit 
to him quha was lord of glanesk faught," &c. 5 I omits. 



The kingis 
punischit be 
the Earle of 

Fol. 31 b. 

' pertening to the weillfair of this realm e the tyme of 
' Robert the secund was rewllit witht greatter craft and 
' wisdome then ony aigis of befoir. This James begate 
' Dawid quho was my father quho deservit great laudis 
1 and praissis for the deliegent inquisitioun maid be him 5 
' in the searching of the tratouris that pat doune thy 
' father of worthie memorie and tuik sa great travell in 
' the punisching thairof, that hie never deceissit 1 quhill 
1 everie man war condinglie punnischit for thair schame 
' full tressone. Sa na man douttis bot thy excellencie 10 
' knawis perfytlie be our Scottis historieis the wisdome 
' constancie strength and gravietie witht the singular 
' knawledge of warldlie effairis and sowerane man heid 
' of my forbearis predecessouris, quho ewer hes lossit 
1 thair lyffis for the libertie and weilfair of this realme. 15 
1 Bot fy on me maist messerabill and wnworthe creatur, 
' that is sa forzeitfull of all thir men j quhat mischeif was 
' in my mynd quhene I had inioyned 2 me in airmour 
' witht they tratouris that conspayrit aganis thy maiestie 
' and be my cruell doingis compellit all Angus, witht 20 
' money wtheris to invaid them that was command for 
' thy defence for the suppressing of fallis coniurit tra- 
' touris. Willfull 3 and foolehardie interpryse and subtell 4 
' and temerarieous purpose O heigh furies 5 and woid- 
' nes O meserabill chance to be lamentit ; nocht onlie 25 
' haif I brocht myself bot allso hes brocht the nobillis 
' and gentillmen of Angus to extreme danger baitht of 
1 thair lyffis and tinsall of thair houssis. Quhat sail I 
' say or do or quhair sail I go or be quhat moyane 
' sail I red me of this mischeif. All [law] 6 positiue 30 
1 denyis that I sould leif bot to ryfe the lyfe out of my 
' bodie the actis and statutis of the realme requyris that 
1 I sould thoill and die ane schamefull deid. That is of 

1 B "desisted newer," I " decistit 

3 I " O willfull." 

5 B "fury "only, I "furie." 

2 I "adioyned." 
4 B "Osubtill." 
B and I insert ''law," A omits. 

JAMES II. 109 

' truith, thair is no remeid for me nor nane of my had- 
' herence quho casuallie hes fallin as men I will nocht say 
1 hes slidin from thair dew obedience throw the great feir 
1 and dreadour of me, wnles thy royall maiestie quho hes 
5 ' the powar baith of lyfe and deid most 1 haue considera- 
1 tioun and pettie of ws and grant ws grace and favour 
1 quhilk the lawis and actis of parlieament denyis to ws 
' allutterlie zeit zour grace may do because kingis and 
' princes may dispense witht the lawis and statutis. 

10 ' Attour it is ane miserabill and lamentabill cace to sie 
1 thir nobill and ancient housse of Lyndsayis, conquest 
1 nocht withtout great cair and trawell, to be distroyit 
' for ewer ffor the offence of ane onlie man. I pray 
' the thairfoir maist marciefull prince that I be nocht Foi. 32 a. 

1 5 ' debarit nor excludit fre the fruit of thy gentrice 2 zeit 
' exibit nor denyit of thy humanitie quhilk hes bene 
1 schawin sa largelie to diuerse wtheris of befoir, foir 
1 gif it be ane great extollent 3 to out draw and winquis 
1 thy enemie zeit no les prayis zow witht goode advyse- 

20 ' ment to haue ruth and pettie of him quhome he hes 
1 owercome because that it is wnderstand to be ane 
t suire puissance quhene he dois moderat his awin 
1 strength and powar and knawis how to ower come 
1 his awin effairis 4 of ane strength and wictorie. I 

25 ' regaird nocht my awin personage na maner of way 
' thair foir it is content to wnderly quhat paine thy 
1 maiestie pleissis to provyd wpoun me ether to be 
' hangit or to be riwin with wyle 5 beistis, to be drownit 
1 or cassin ower ane craig banist or cassin in pressone 

30 ' quhill I die. Ffinallie, it is nather the feirfull induring 6 
1 of my darrest spous nor the greiting of my bairnes nor 
1 the lamentabill sobing of my freindis no zeit the heir- 

1 I has "mot." 2 I inserts "nor." 

3 B " extollance," I "manheid to ovirthraw." 

4 B "his awin effectis of any wictory." 

5 B "wylde,"I "wyld." 6 I "murneing." 


' scheip of my landis that moves me sa mekill as the 
1 decay of our housse and lamentabill change and fortoun 
1 of the nobill men of Angus witht the rest of my had- 
1 herentis quhais landis, lyffis and goodis standis in danger 
1 for my cause. Haue ruth and pettie, maist clement 5 
1 prence of the nobill houssis and surname of Lyndsayis ; 
' haue compassioun of nobill men that concordit to my 
' factioun that they at the leist be nocht spullzeit of thair 
1 lyffis and herietage onlie ffoir my offence and fault.' 

Quhene the earle this 1 had endit the nobillis and 10 
gentillmen of Angus that came in his companie to seik 
remissieoun, held wpe thair handis to the king maist 
Foi. 32 b. dolorouslie cryand marcie quhill that sobing and sighing 
cuttit the wordis sa sair that all maist theyr prayeris 
could nocht be wndirstude throw the quhilk thair raise 15 
sic ruth and pettie amang the companie that men culd 
skairslie contene thameselffis from teiris and murning 
and sua evverie man begane to imploir the kingis 
maiestie for respet 2 to the earle and his assistaris, bot 
princiepallie James Kennidie Bischope of Sanctandrois 20 
[and] Schir William Creichtoun be quhois persuatioun 
the Earle came at that tyme to seik mercie, and solistit 
grittumlie for him and his assistaris quhom he com- 
pellit contrair thair heartis to mantein hes treassone and 
consperacie, prayand the king of his benignitie to spair 25 
thame for the experience of this mischeif that had 
befallin thame be this rebellioun sould mak the mair 
humbill and obedient to thair prince and to serue his 
maiestie 3 was nocht to be lichtlieit and dispyttit. Haue 
consideratioun and regaird to the dangerous tyme witht 30 
the wther circumstance presentlie withtin the realme, for 
gif sic ane thing be wpoun the face of the earth as faitht 

1 I " thus." 2 Respite. 

3 B, " nor giue they had newer fallin abefoir attour sa gryt ane 
manes repentance wes nocht to be lichtlied." I follows B, adding 
after repentance "humble submission and desyre." 


and trutth na man goodlie may beleiff nor arid suspect 
ether fraud or gyle. Be thir mens wordis lamentabill 
iestur and continance the king overcome and movit be 
thair sade and drerie continance of the Earle of Crafurd 
and his assistaris and presentlie be the requist and 
prayeris of thir men that stud about him. 


The kingis ansueir to the Erie of Craufurd. The Erie of Crau- 
furdis his assistaris resavit in the kingis favour : The king 
baneacit be the Erie of Craufurd : hou the Erie of Craufurd 
dieit. Foundatioun of the College of Glascow. Hou the prince 
of turkis seiggit Constantinople. 

So remissioun being grantit vnto thame the king said 
in this maner, ' Be of guide comfort and be of ane better 
' mynd towardis the effairis of the commone weill nor they The kingis 

,..,-•« ,, , , ., ... ansuertothe 

io ' did befoir, sayand that he nether desynt the nobill Earieof 


menis landis, lyffis nor guidis bot rather to conquis thair 
harttis and freindschip, and it is foir truth that he waxit 
irefull aganis all consperatouris bot zeit wald settill of his 
ire sa sune as they became penitent of thair offences 

15 and cryme. And allis he wnderstud that it became ane f i. 33 «. 
prince to be revengit wpoun rebellaris and murtheraris 
of his maiestie zeit nocht witht standing he wald wse 
sic moderance heirin and deill witht thame as gentill as 
he could withtout danger of wtheris or evill exampill. 

20 Attour he desirit na greatter revenge on thame nor to sie 
ane man of greit spreit and curage attemptand schort 
quhill sensyne temerariouslie sic thing abone his degre 
and strength now randering him self frelie withtout com- 
pullsioun to that estait that he grantit he had no wther 

25 refuge nor help of restitutioun bot in the kingis clemencie 
and gentrie ; and that he, beand denudit of all airmor, 
feir and dreadour set assyde, askand mercie and forgiue- 



The Earle of 
Crafurd and 
his assistaris 
ressawit in 
the kingis 

Fol. 33 b. 

The Earle 
of Crafurd 

of the Colleg 
of Glasgow. 


nes wpoun his kneis of him quhome he persewit maist 
cruellie, witht out ony, sociatit witht the common e ene- 
meis of the realme. 

How sune the king had said this and siclyke wordis, 
schawand his mynd inclynit to marcie he ressawit the 
earle and his assistaris into his grace and favour, obsol- 
luit thame frome leismaiestie restoirit thame againe to 
the dignatie and former estait, quhilk was great ioy and 
gladnes to all them that beheld the samin. The earle 1 
glorieit in his happie aventar, convoyit the kingis maiestie 
in the northt land and witht him ane schoissin compane 
of zoung abill men of Angus and in the northt thair efter 
bankitit him magnifiecentlie in the place of Phenhevin, 
promissing faithtfullie to be redy witht all his forces to 
ower thraw and fecth all his coniurit enemeis of the 
realme quhene and quhairewer it pleissit the kingis 
maiestie. This earle beand on this wyse reconsellit 
witht the kingis maiestie gaif ower all tyrannie and 
become ane faithfull subiect and ane siker targe to the 
kingis lieges haueand nothing in mair reverence and 
honour nor the kingis royall persone. At last beand in 
this maner set at quyitnes and rest quhene he appeirit 
his freindis and all wtheris of the contrie to be in 
greattest prosperatie and fortoun that thoillis no thing to 
indure for ewer schawand that thair is nothing firme 
and stabill bot all thing subiect to ruine and decay 
leving 2 wpoun ane brukill stafe thollit not the happie 
estait of this man lang tyme to continew and in the sex 
moneth efter his restitutioun, as said is, he tuik the heat 
fewer and dieit in the zeir of god I m iiij c liiij zeiris and 
was burieit witht great trieumph and pompe in the gray- 
freiris in Dundie in his forbearis sepullture. In the 
same zeir the colledge of Glasgow was foundit and 
erectit. In the zeir preceidand Mahomet prince of 
Turkis beseigit and wan the nobill and anscient toune of 35 
1 I " of Craufurd. " 2 I " leaneing. " 





JAMES II. 113 

Constantinobill and wssit great cruelltie and slaughter The prince 

• i • xt- ofTurkis 

wpoun the Christieans quhairewer thai come, Nicolus beseigitCon- 


fyft beand paipe of Rome, and maid [it] the samin zeir 
fre then fourtht the principall duelling place and zeit 
makis thair resiedence thairin in thir our dayis. 


Ane parliament sett at Edinburge : hou James Crichtoun was 
restourit to the Erledom of Murray : hou George Chrichtoun 
was maid Erie of Cathnes. Ane new armye : Galloway and 
douglasdeill invaidit. Schir James Hamiltoun send to Ingland 
for support to the Erie of Douglas. The Erie of Douglas conn- 
sallit to enter in battell aganis the king. The seige of Abircorne. 
Bischope James Kennedies counsall to the king. The Erie of 
Douglas reteird. Schir James hamiltounis counsall to himselfe: 
James hamiltoun wardit : James hamiltoun mareit. The Erie of 
Douglas past in Ingland. The Erie put to flicht and all his 

In the begining in the next zeir quhilk was in I m v c lv 
zeiris thair was ane parlieament set at Edinburgh, quhair Ane pariiea- 
James Earle of Douglas, Beattrix his broderis wyffe that Edinburgh. 
pretendit 1 spous to him self, George Earle of Ormond, 

10 [and] Lord Ballvenie was alltogither forfaltit and con- 
damnit to the deid. Thair was ane conventioun maid 
thairefter quhair the king, calling to rememberance how 
that the earledome of Muray was reft fre James Creich- 
toun, quho marieit the eldest dochter of the earle of 

15 Murray is, as said is, be the subtell craft of William Earle 

of Douglas and gevin to Archbald his broder and he Foi. 34 a. 
restorit the samin to him againe. Bot quhen James /onTreSorit" 
Creichtone persawit that he could not joyse the landis dome e of arle 
bot the haitrent of money gentill men he laborit fre 

|2o hand to dimit himself thairof and pat it in the kingis 
handis and his sone thairefter callit George Creichtone 

1 B has " pretended," I " pretendit"; A has "prudent," a mistake. 





maid Earle 
of Caitnes. 

Ane new 



and Doug- 



I, fol. 24 a. 

in recompensatioun thairof was maid Earle of Caitnes. 
Attour William Hay then constabill of the realme was 
the first beltit Earle of Arrell and also in the same con- 
ventioun incorporatit to the number of Lordis and bar- 
rouns of parleament and sindrie wther nobell knychtis 5 
sic as Darnell, Haillis, Lyell and Lome. 

Efter this consall was dissollvit the king caussit raise 
ane new airmie to pas wpoun the commone enemies 
of this realme and first he iniurit and invaidit Gallo- 
way quhilk was randerit but ony defecultie witht all 10 
the strengthis thairof, thairefter past to Douglas - daill 
quhair the greatter cruelltie was wssit nor in Galloway 
and the haill men and guidis gevin to be ane iust pray 
to be tane wpe be the kingis men of weir, because the 
inhabitaris was stuburn and maid thame to gainestand 15 
the kingis autorietie. Bot quhen the Earle of Douglas 
landis and men war owerthrawin witht sic callameties, 
Schir James Hammilltoun the Earle of Douglas fameliear 
servand was send in Ingiand to desyre support aganis 
the king x [of Scotland in defence of the Erie of 20 
Douglas bot he obtenit na men bot money the quhilk 
beand obtenit he perswadit the Erie of Douglas to offer 
the king extreame battell. To that effectt he gart 2 tak vp 
bandis of men and weir to the number of thrie hundreith 
horsmen and thrie hundreith fut men to be vndir the 25 
captanrie and gouernement of James Hamiltoun and 
alswa he gart seik all clienttis and familiaris and his 
tender kin and freindis with all thame that favourit him 
in the realme of Scotland at that tyme chargand thame 
to be reddie the appointed day to cum to him and 30 
debait him and his landis aganis the king quhen he come 
to persew him and speciallie gif he seiggit abircorne. 

1 Cf. note, p. 126 of Dalzell Ed. The passage in brackets from p. 
114 1. 20 to p. 121 1. 1 is from MS. I, and contains a much fuller 
account of Sir James Hamilton's defection than the corresponding 
passage in MS. A, which is printed as a footnote, p. 121. 

2 Dalzell has "caused." 

JAMES II. 115 

Quhen the king hard of this prouissioun of the Erie 
of Douglas he was gretlie effaired thinkand that he had 
wastit him sellff and his muny and had tyred all his 
subiectis in the persuit and heirschip and dantoning of 
5 the Erie of Douglas. The quhilk he thocht be that 
extrematie that he had wssit toward the Erie of Douglas 
was occatioun gif the said Erie micht be pairtie to him be 
ony way that he wald gif him battell athir be tinsall or 
wyning to put the haill realme in ieopardie the quhilk the 

10 king was verie laith to do. And so the king was werrie 
pansiwe in his mynd quhat was best to be done in defence 
contrair the Erie of Douglas quhome he knew to haue sa 
money favouraris at that tyme that it was onpossibill to 
him to be pairtie to the said Erie gif he pleissit rys 

15 aganis him and gif him battell zit the king dewyssit ane 
subtill and craftie meine aganis the said Erie That is to 
say he gart the word gang to the Erie of Douglas eiris 
that he was to pas out of the cuntrie and that for feir of 
the Erie of Douglas Thir tedingis cummand to the Erie 

20 of Douglas [he] was verrie rejoysit heirat and was the 
slackker in the ryssing of his men and armye aganis the 
king thinking that he suld obteine his purpois but ony 
battell or gainestand of the king bot in this meintyme 
the king causit the Erie of Orknay the Erie of Angus 

25 with vtheris sindrie barronis and gentilmen to the number 

of sex thousand men with all prouisioun to be reddie at i.foi. 24*. 
ane certaine day as he aduertissit thame to pas to castell 
of abircorne and to seige it. In this meintyme the Erie 
of Douglas heirand tell that the kingis armye was cum 

30 to the castell of abircorne and seigeand it he beleivit 
suirelie that the king had beine thair himsellff Thairfoir 
he send and warnit all his kin and freindis and alayanes 
and all that wald do for him in Scotland chairgand 
thame to meit him at Douglas the tent day heirefter 

35 with tvventie dayes wictuall to pas with him to the 
castell of abircorne and thair to reskew the samyn 


or ellis to gif the king battell and caus him ather to 
fechtt or flie out of Scotland The king hearand this 
was stupefact in his mynd thinkand his armye was 
ovir litill at that tyme to debeit aganis the Erie of 
Dowglas for it was schawin to him he wald be fourtie 5 
thowsand men in armure aganis the king at that tyme. 
The king seand na refwge passit in ane scheip heistelie 
to Sanctandros thair to meit with bischope James Ken- 
nedie and to haue his cunsall thairvnto schawand him 
that the Erie of Douglas was gatherand ane gret armye 10 
aganis him ether to fecht with him or to cheiss him 
out of the cuntrie and alswa he knew na support to 
be had haistelie at that tyme thairfoir he desyred his 
cunsall quhat he thocht best to be done heirintill This 
bischope was ane wyss and godlie man and ansuerit the 15 
king in this maner as efter followis Sayand ' Schir I 
1 beseik zour graice that ze will tak ane littill meitt to 
' refresche zow and I will pas to my orature and pray 
1 to god for zow and the common weill of this cuntrie ' 
This beand spokin the king past to his disjohne and 20 
the bischope to his oritwre to mak his prayer orisoun 
and suplicatioun to almichtie god to oppin his mouth to 
gif him knawledge and vttrance to gif that nobill prince 
quha was destitute and comfortles of all guid counsall 
that he micht gif him instructioun and learneing quhow 25 
he suld invaid that gret perrell and danger appeirandlie 
to fall at that tyme Than this bischop tuik the kingis 
graice by the hand and led him to his oriture re- 
queistand him to mak his earnest prayaris to almichtie 
that he wald strenthin him with his halie spreit that 30 
he micht with ane bauld curage resist his enemyis 
quha war ryssin aganis him contraire the command 
of god and common weill of the cuntrie beseikand 
god of his michtie power and graice that he wald 
grant his victorie of thaies consperatouris and rebellaris 35 
quha war ryssing aganis him bot ony caus maid be 

JAMES II. 117 

him and speciallie that he vald grant him the vper 
hand of the Erie of Douglas and his complicis lykas 
he had done befoir of him and his predecessouris quhan 
thay oppressit the common weill of the cuntrie This 
5 beand done the king passit in this maner to his de- 
wotioun as this halie bischope had commandit him 
and eftir quhen the king had endit vrisoun and prayer 
to almichtie god than this bischope seand this king 
desolat of guid counsall and dispaird of guid hoip or 

10 succes of ony victorie to fall to him countrair his 
enemyeis causit him to pas into his stwddie or secreit 
hous quhair his bowis and arrowis lay with vthir sindrie 
jowallis of the said bischopis. 1 Than this bischope luit 
this nobill prince sie ane similitude the quhilk micht 

15 bring him to experience and confort how he micht 
invaid aganis the vproir of the conspiratouris and speci- 
alie aganis the Erie of Douglas and the leave of his 
complices The said Bischope pullit out ane gret 
scheiff of arrowis knet together in ane quhange of 

20 leathir and delyuerit thame to the king in his handis 
and baid him sett thame to his knie and brek thame. 
The king ansuerit and said it is onpossibill becaus thair 
is so money togeathir of the said arrowis and knet 
so fast with leathir that no man can brek thame at 

25 anis The bischoip ansuerit and said that is trew bot 
zit he wald lat the king sie that he cuild break thame 
and pullit out ane be ane or twa be twa quhill he had 
brokin thame all and said vnto the king ' Schir ze man Bischope 

.... ... . . Kennedies 

evin do in this maner with zour barronis that hes nssin counsall to 

the king. 

30 aganis zow quhilk is so mony of nomber and knet so 1, foi. 25 a. 
1 fast togidder aganis zow in consperacie that ze on na 
1 wayis can get thame brokin bot be this prettik that 

1 Dalzell's note stops here, but MS. I continues. The apologue 
of the Arrows has been transferred by MS. A to the reign of James 
III. and the death of Bishop Kennedy, and is here inserted from 
MS. I at its proper place. 



Ane armie 
of 30 thow- 
sand men 
with the 

Ane armie 
of 40 t how- 
sand men 
with the Erie 

' I haue schawin to zow be the similitude of thir arrowis 
1 That is to say ze man conques and brek by lord and 
1 lord be himsellff for ze may nocht deill with thame all 
1 at anis and fordar mak ane proclamatioun out throch 
1 zour realme to all theif and tratour and all thame that 5 
1 hes offendit aganis zow. Grant thame frie remissioun 
' to be guid men in tyme cumming and now to serwe 
' zour graice at this instant tyme in zour necessitie the 
1 quhilkis beand done I traist your graice sail get mair 
' favouraris nor sail zour counterparties The king hearand 10 
this wayiss l counsall tuik cuirage and maid his procla- 
matiounis as foirsaid in all pairtis of his realme to the 
effectt foirsaid he pullit vp his baner in sanctandrois 
and passit to falkland one the first nicht in arreyit 
battell, one the morrow vent to stiruiling accumpanyeit 15 
with this nobill bischope James kennedie with all the 
lordis of fyff angus and stratherne and remanit in 
stiruilling quhill the north pairt of Scotland came to 
him quhilk war to the numer with the king of all peopill 
Threttie thowsand men, heireftir awfullie with displeyit 20 
baner came fordvard aganis the Erie of Douglas quha 
wes lyand in camp of battell one the south sydd of the 
watter of caron a litill be eist the brig with the number 
of fourtie thowsand men makand for to reskew the 
castell of Abircorne and thinkand na les into his mynd 25 
nor he sould be pairtie to the king and gif him battell or 
ellis to caus him to leave the realme. Bot on the vthir 
syde Bischope James kennedie vsit ane craftie mein to 
brek the Erie of Douglas armye and send ane secreit 
servand of his awin to James Hamiltoun of keidzow quha 30 
was principall captaine to the Erie of Douglas at this tyme 
and had thrie hundreith futemen and thrie hundreith hors- 
men at his gouernance vpone the Erie of Douglassis ex- 
penssis to chairge and pas with him quhair he pleisit. 
1 "Wise." 

JAMES II. 119 

Zit nochtwithstanding the said James Hamiltoun being 
aduerteisit be his eame bischope James kennedie of the 
kingis guid mynd and favour toward him quhilk he 
appurchest to him be his moyane Schawand to him that 
5 gif he wald returne and leive the Erie of Douglas at 
that tyme and cum and serwe the kingis graice he sould 
haue ane full remissioun of all thingis bypast and great 
revard in tyme to cum the quhilk he obtenit as efter 
followis and zet the said James tuk to be avyssit in this 

10 matter, and gave the messengeir ane guid ansuer. Nocht- 
withstanding this James haveand ane kyndlie luife to 
the Erie of Douglas and ane respectt to his awin favour 
ponderit the caus in his awin mynd thinkand that he 
wald asseill the Erie of Douglas mynd in the said caus 

15 quhat he was purpoisit to do at that tyme howbeit he 
knew weill the matter to be uniust baith aganis god and 
his natiwe prince Thairfoir his conscience moweit him 
to be delyuerit at that tyme of that vnhappie seruitude 
contrarie the kingis and common weill of the cuntrie. 

20 And in this meintyme thair come ane herauld fra the 
kingis armye chairgand the Erie of Douglas and his 
complices to skaill thair armye vnder the paine of tres- 
soun At thir nowellis and chairge the Erie of Douglas 
mockit and stormit the herauld and incontinent gart blaw 

25 his trumpantis and put his men in ordour and merchit 
fordwart to haue met the king and fochin with him. Bot 
fra tyme he saw the kingis armye in sicht and abyding 
him stoutlie with so great ane number his curage was 
sum thing abaced and so was all the lordis and barronis 

30 that was with him quho had hard the kingis proclama- 
tioun quhairin was grantit ane remissioun to all thame 
that had offendit aganis his maieste in tymes bypast and 
than Inmeidiatlie thay wald come to him and be guid 
men in tymes cumming that all faultis sould be dis- 

35 chairgit bygeine. Thir motiwes with vthir mae mo wet 



I, fol. 25 b. 

the gentilmen and commonis hartis that war with the 
Erie of Douglas at that tyme for to favour the kingis 
pairtie better. The Erie of Douglas seand this that his 
folkis had tint sum pairt of cowrage and was nocht so 
weill willing as he requyred Thairfoir he reteird his 5 
armye hame againe to thair campis quhair thay lay in 
the nicht befoir trastand to instruct thame and to gif 
thame bettir curage and hardiment nor thay had befoir 
that thay micht pas fordwart with him one the morrow 
as he pleissit bot of this purpois all the lordis and cap- 10 
taines of the Erie of Douglas ost was nocht contentit 
and speciallie James Hamiltoun quha passit to the Erie 
of Douglas incontinent and requyreit of him quhat was 
his mynde gif he wald gif the king battell or nocht 
and schew to him the langar he delayit he wald be the 15 
fewar nomber at his purpois and the king was evir the 
mair abill aganis him. The said Erie ansuerit to James 
hamiltoun sayand gif he was tyred he micht depairt when 
he pleissit off the quhilk ansuer the said James was weill 
contentit and that samyn nicht passit to the king quhair 20 
he was weill resauit and thankfullie and all thingis re- 
mittit bypast ; that samyn nicht the leive of the barronis 
and gentillmen seand the depairting of James hamiltoun 
tuk sic ane feir that evirie man passit away that one the 
morrow the Erie of Douglas was nocht ane hundreithe 25 
men by 1 his awin hous quho seand this tuik purpois and 
The Erie of haistelie fled in annerdaill quhair he was schone thair- 
fled. efter vincuist be ane band of men of weir of the kingis 

and so this prince obtenit gret wictorie and paice but 
ony slauchtar of his leigis at that tyme and throch the 30 
counsall of this nobill bischope and the returneing of 
James hamiltoun to the king. Zit the king seand nothing 
in his contraire bot bair feildis knawand weill that the 
Erie of Douglas was depairtit in this maner as I haue 
schawin zit riochtwithstanding the king gave James 35 
1 " By " = besides. 

resauit be 
the king. 



hamiltoun na creddit in the begining, 1 ] and thair efter 
send him to be wairdit in the castell of Rosling witht 
the Earle of Orknay quhill he had win the castell of 

1 The version of MS. A or B which Dalzell followed (see p. 128 
and 135 of his edition) is printed in this note. 

Quhilk quhen it was reffussit and seing no wther outgait he per- 
suadit the Earle of Douglas to gadder him his haill forcces and to 
interpryss his recoverence in sett battell contrair the king and rather 
to tak the extreme chance of fortone then to ly in perpetuall danger 
and continuall afflictioun as they did ; for gif he* gat the wpper 
hand he sould haue the realme at his plesour witht ane hours 
trawell ; gif he was f owercome [as he wissit not to be, excepit it 
war the will of god], £ his freindis could be no worse then they war 
and his enemeis suld put ane haistie end to thair cair and laubouris 
quhilkis trublit thame so lang ffor nocht onlie was Schir James 
Hammilltoun and his adherence dispairit of ane better fortone to 
come bot also they might weill persaif extreme danger ewin at hand 
throw the daylie agmentatioun of the kingis powar continuallie 
deminisching of thair awin. James Earle of Douglas inflamit witht 
this and sic wtheris alluring wordis gadderit his clyantis kin and 
freindis with all wther folkis that myht be gottin and past fordwart 
with displayit banner to slaike the kingis airmie lyand at the seige 
of Abercorne quhilk nocht withtstanding being mekill les nor the 
Earle of Douglas airmie zeit they excellit far in strength and curage 
abone thair enemeis sua that quhen the battellis war arrayit standing 
in wtheris sight James Erie of Douglas persawand his folkis sum 
part [dejectit] § and dreidfull in thair continance he withdrew them 
abak to thair campis againe thinkand that they sould be incuragit 
better wpoun the morne to feight. Bot this displeassit his freindis 
and principall consallouris werie heighlie quha declairit that this 
porpois sould be to his wtter disadwanttage and suld perchance 
newer gett sa money of his oppinioun assemblit againe in airmor 
contrair the king to persew or to debait his quarrell nor zeit sic 
occatioun to perform thair purpois for that withtdrawing of thair 
airmie bakwart to thair tentis againe sould incurage the kingis 
airmie and mak them selffis mair febill. And aboue all men it 
displessit Schir James Hammilltoun, quhairfoir in the night follow- 
ing quhen he began to pance and muse with himself throw blude 
affectioun he had followitand debaitit the quarrell of James Douglas 
withtout other right or reassone sua being angrie witht him self 
thair foir and namelie because he schew nothing of thair porpois 
he kaist all blude effectioun and inordinat loufe assyde and, efter 
that he had ressonit the matter to and fro, beheld the quarrell werie 
wnrichteous and wngodlie quhilk na man sould haue sett fourtht 

Fol. 34 b. 

The seige ofj 

The Earle 
of Douglas 

Schir James 
toun his 
to him self. 

Fol. 35 a. 

* B has "thai." 

J B omits words in brackets. 

t B has " thai war." 

§ B. A has " dietit," which is wrong. 



1 The kingis 
eldest doch- 
ter gevin to 
Schir James 
toun in 

The Earle of 
Douglas past 
in Ingland. 


Douglas and 
his brother 
and his 
brocht out 
of Ingland. 

Fol. 35 

Abercorne, quhair he loussit money of his folkis and 
sindrie right ewill wondit ; bot quhen he did remember 
that his haill wictorie ower the Douglas had fallin to 
him bot ony bloode or straik of suord throw the 
Hammilltounis defectioun and leving of them he 
ressawit him as ane of his fameliearis and tender 
freindis sua at the last gaif his eldest doughter to 
him in marieage. Bot quhen the Douglas wnderstude 
himself destitute and leift be money of his principall 
freindis be quhois continance and assistance he had 
interprysit 2 sa heigh matteris contrair the kingis autorietie 
he fled in Ingland witht his brother to conqueis sum 
support to recower that thing he had lost: and thairefter 
schort quhill he returned witht ane companie of men 
and came in Annerdaill quhilk was garnest with the 
kingis men of weir ffrome 3 tyme, quhilk men of weir 
being assembillit togither mett James Douglas and his 
brother witht thair assistaris and faught manfullie and 
pat thame to flight. In this battell was slaine Archebald 
Earle of Muray with diuerse wtheris gentillmen by 4 
wagit men and commons and George Earle of Ormond 
efter that he was wondit was taine and keipit werrie 



Schir James 
toun and his 
past to the 

witht so great trawell and laubouris thair dewtie as he did and thair 
foir callit his dependaris and freindis out quyitlie at ane syde witht 
quhome he passit to the kingis maiestie and fell on grouflingis befoir 
him wpoun his face cryand grace mercie and pardoun ffor his re- 
bellieoun* quhilk being schawin to the Douglas airmie they fled 
away peace and peace sua that wpoun the morne thair efter thair 
appeirit nathing in the kingis contrair bot plaine feildis. And 
albeit Schir James Hammilltoun was forgevin of his offence bot the 
kingis maiestie gaif nocht credit in the beginning. 

1 Instead of what is on the margin here, I has, in the transcriber's 
hand, "The ladie of boyd quhilk euir seinsyne the hamiltounis 
intendit to the croun " ; to which another hand adds, " James 
Hamiltounis mareage with the king's eldest dochtar is thair tytill 
to the croun." See Notes. 

2 B has ' ' interprysed." A is blundered here. 

3 B has " for the. " 4 " By " = beside. 

* I agrees with A after this point with a few unimportant variations. 

JAMES II. 123 

straitlie in pressone till he was haillit of his wondis and 
then broght to the king in Edinburgh and heidit for his 
rebellioun. The earle himself and Johnne Lord of 
Ballvenie escapit werrie narulie throw ane wode quhair 
they fled throw saiftie of thair lyffis. It is said that the 
first adwertiser of this prosperous succes was brocht 1 
witht Archebald Douglas heid quho was ressawit be the 
king with great thankis. 


Hou James Douglas past to Donald of the yllis : hou Donald of the 
yllis assisted James Douglas. Gret heirschipe done be Donald 
of the yllis : Innernes brunt. Hou the king of Ingland persavit 
his tyme. The Bordouris brokin. Hou the maiden of Galloway 
complenit of hir mariage upone James douglas, The maiden of 
Galloway mareit upone the Erie of Athole. 

Efter this wnhappie battell albeit James Douglas was 

10 destitut of his broder kin and freindis and had lost 

manie of his men nor zeit had he great hope of ony 

support of Ingland nocht the les nether deriding of 

good fortoun he past to Donald Lord of the Illis and James 


Lord Rose in Duirsluge 2 for the time, quhome he past to 

° . Donald of 

15 knew of his natur to be proud and inclynnit to mischeif the Yllis. 
and wickitnes 3 and solistit him to assist him in his 
rebellieoun 4 and fand that his oppinion begyllit him 
nocht for this Donald gadderit ane companie of mis- Donald of 

the Yllis 

chevous curst lymmeris and invaidit the king in everie assistit 


20 part quhair he came witht great cruelltie, nether spairing Douglas. 
auld nor zoung withtout regaird to wyffis or auld febill c heip is 
decripit wemen or zoung infantis in the credill, quhilk Donald of 

wald haue movit ane heart of stane to commiseratioun 

1 I and B have "brocht with him." 

2 I has "Dunstaffage." 3 B has "wicked." 

4 B has ' ' thame to his opinion and wer participants of his 

the Yillis. 



Fol. 36 a. 


The king of 
Ingland per- 
sawand his 

The borders 

and pettie and brunt willagis tounis and cornes sa mekill 
thairof as might nocht goodlie be cairit away, by the 
great pryse and goodis that he tuik efter that he had 
invadit Argyle in the samin manner witht the Yillis of 
Arrane quhairof quhen he had gottin the castell be 5 
fraud and gyle he maid it equall with the eard. And 
syne he chassit George bischope of the Yillis and of 
Argyle, and slew sindrie of his freindis and his servandis 
and himself eskaipit werie narullie by fleing to ane 
strength. At last he past to Loquhaber 1 and thair fre 10 
to Murra quhair he invaidit witht no les cruelltie nor the 
rest befoir and spetiallie quhair [thair was] 2 ony favoraris 
of the kingis autorietie Attour he ,distroyit the toun and 
castell of Innernes efter that he had gottin it be ane 
dessaitfull subtiltie. This he did not sa mekill to gratiefie 15 
James Douglas as he did rejoyse to foster mischeif 
cruelltie and wickitnes, to the quhilk he was gevin allut- 
terlie throw the impietie of his awin ingyne. Quhill sic 
vncumlie 3 weir and dissentioun rang in Scottland [that] 
the king of Ingland persaifand ane commodieous opper- 20 
tunitie to tak 4 his pryse as himself and his predicessouris 
wount to do ewer fre the first inhabitatioun of the Yille 
of Brettane be ether of thir tuo natiounis, commandit 
that his bordouris sould break and incursiounis to be 
maid, the quhilk was done as he commandit but knaw- 25 
ledge or expectatiouns of the Scottismen, quha haueing 
no suspitioun of forran natiounis was spoillzeit of thair 
bestiall, thair cornes and houssis distroyit and brunt and 
sindrie gentillmen and commons hurt and slaine for the 
defence of thair goodis and geir. Sua we persaueit that 30 
Ingland had not forgett quarrellis wpoun ane small or 
no regaird quhen thair salbe ony appeirance or ad- 
vanttage to haue bene maisteris and be the contrair 

1 I. A has " Lochmabin," which is clearly wrong. 

2 B has " thair was. " 3 B has " cruel!." 
4 B has " the advantage as," I " to tak pryse as himselff," Sec. 

JAMES II. 125 

they war faine to thige and cry for peace and goode 
will of Scottismen quhene thair was wnite and concord 
amangis the nobillis levand under subiectioun and 
obedience of ane furthie and manlie prince. Bot albeit 
5 that l the king of Scottland persawit that the realme 
was sa ower gaine witht civell weiris on the ane part and 
that it sould be baitht schame and skaith to him self 
and the realme on the wther part to thoill so heigh 
iniurieis without remeid and thairfor desembelit quhill 

to ane tyme mair gainnand to be revengit of thair 

At this 2 tyme Beattrix Douglas the maidin of Gal- 
loway, seand nathing bot wraikis to come to hir pre- 
tendit husband James Douglas fled to the king cryand 

15 mercie for hir offences, lay and the cryme wpon James 

Douglas and his wickit flatteraris and assistaris quha Foi. 36$. 
nocht onlie had silit hir in contracting hir of that 
wngodlie and wickit marieage bot also aganis hir will 
constranis hir to do the same sua sche being destitut 

20 of all goode helpperis and consallouris could nocht 
guidlie resist to gainestand sa great ane partie quhill 
now haueand the oppertunitie, sais scho, of James ab- 
sence to flie the societie of ane wickit and wngodlie 
lyfe, come straucht way to seik the kingis maiestie 

25 protectioun saifgaird and remissioun of thir offences 
bygaine quhilk was ane cryme committit rathir 3 of 
necessatie then willfullie of set purpois. The king, 
efter he had forgevin all offences and ressawit this The maidin 

... - . . .... , . of Galloway 

gentulvvoman to great favouns he marieit hir on his marieit 

wpoun the 

30 brother Tohnne Earle of Atholl 4 and tocharit hir with Earieof 

J Atholl. 

the Lordschipe of Ballvenie. 

1 So B also. 2 B has "that." 

3 B has " rather." A has " redy," a mistake. 

4 I adds, " the blak knicht of lornis sone. " 




Hou Donald of the yllis wyfe complenit to the king on hir hus- 
band. The slauchter of the laird of Caulder : the deid of 
sindrie nobillis. Schir harie peirsie and James Douglas enterit 
in the bordouris. The Inglis put to flicht. Donald of the 
ylleis send messingeris to the king : the Erie of ros remittit. 

Donald of 
the yillis 
[wyfe] com- 
plenit to the 
king on hir 

The slaugh- 
ter of the 
Laird of 

Fol. 37 a. 

The death 
of sindrie 

Quhilk quhen the Earle of Rose wyfe wnderstud the 
kingis maiestie to be so favorabill to [all that sought his 
grace] 1 scho fled also wnder his protectioun and to 
eschew the cruell tiranie of hir husband quhilk scho 
dread 2 at diuerse tymes befoir. The king calling to 5 
rememberance that this nobill woman was marieit be 
hir 3 awin counsall witht Donald of the Yillis, he gaif hir 
thairfor suffiecient rentis and landis how scho sould leif 
honourabillie to hir estait. Nocht lang tyme efter this 
Patrick Thorntoun 4 of the kingis maiestieis awin house, 10 
[quha] 5 was ane favorar of the Douglas factioun, cruellie 
but ony ruth slew Johnne Sandelandis of Calder and Al- 
lane Stewart ane nobill man besyde Dumbartane because 
they war the kingis maiestieis adherence quhilk was 
nocht lang wnpunischit ffor the king maid sic deliegence 15 
quhill he comprehendit baith the principall tyrantis and 
allso thair complieces and pat them to schamfull deid as 
they deservid. 

Schort quhill efter this sindrie of the nobillis and 
great men deceissit, sic as William Earle of Arroll and 20 
constabill of Scottland and George Creichtoun Earle of 
Caitnes, quho being lang wexit witht great infirmitie, 

1 I omits words in brackets, and has "to James Douglas wyfe as 
ye haue hard." 

2 B has "dreidit." 3 His? Boece, "sua opera." 
4 B has " Chrichtoun," I " Thornetoun." 5 B. 

6 Boece inserts here the foundation of Glasgow University. See 

JAMES II. 127 

becaus he had no sonns to succeid in his place, he 
resignit the landis quhilk he gat to him and his airis 
maill onlie in the kingis maiestieis handis seing thair was 
no lyfe to him, for the landis sould haue fallin to the 
5 croune efter his 1 deceise. Schir William Creichtoun 
sumtyme chancelar deceissit the same zeir, ane mane 
of great forsight and singular manheid and ane faithfull 
subiect and sicker tairge to the commone weill into his 
lyffis end. And siclyk [deceissit] Alexander Lyndsay Earle 
10 of Crafurde of quhome mentioun is maid, 2 in quhose 
rowme Dawid his sone succedit, ane of the nobllist of 
they dayis [and] money wthers nobillis and gentillmen 
quhose nameis ar irksum to wryt. 

Nocht lang efter Schir Harie Peirsie Earle of Northt- Schir Harie 

i ix tn • 1 • ■ Persie and 

15 thumberland and James Douglas, laitlie forfaltit, entent James 


in the bordouns witht ane great airmie baitht of Scottis faught in the 


and Inglischemen and waistit all with fyre and suord, 

quhairever they came, quhill at the last the Earle of 

Angus mett thame with ane companie of choissin men inglische- 
men put to 
20 and patt them to flight. For quhen the earleis 3 war fli § ht - 

fichtand maist cruellie with wncertane wictorie on everie 

syde ane greit part of the Inglischemen nocht small in 

estimatioun gredy for pray of geir nocht cairfull for thair 

honour and weillfair of thair lyffis begane to spuillzie 

25 and dryue away thair enemeis horse and wther goodis, 

and left thair nichtbouris in battell voyd of thair support Foi. 37 i. 
quhilk maid ane facell pethway to the Scottismen that 
day to obtene the wictorie. In this battell mony In- 
glischemen war slaine to the number of thrie scoir, and 

30 ten gentillmen taine captiues. Foure scoir Scottismen 
was slaine, with sum captiues quhilk war taine in the 
skarmising befoir the chok of the battell. Quhen this 
wictorie was tauld to the kingis maiestie and how that 
the Inglischemen had waistit sa mekill wpoun the bor- 

1 B and I have " his," A " this." 2 I inserts " befoir." 

3 I has " armyeis." 


douris he lamented sairlie that the realme had bene also 
zeit owerthrawin witht civill weairis and discoird and 
himself sa trublit day be day that he might nocht goodlie 
be revangit of thair skaith, iniurieis and incursiounis. 1 
Attour it offendit him maist of all that his enemeis raigit 5 
mair in thair insolencie and that he was compassit with 
rebellieoun on ewerie hand sua that he could nocht 
interpryse to requite thair invatioun withtout great loss 
of men and guidis and putting of the realme to extreme 
danger and haserd of his enemeis. 10 

Donald Lord And in the meanetyme quhene the king was mussing 
sends mes- maist haill 2 wpoun the purpois Donald Earle of Rose 
the king. Lord of the Yillis send messengeris to his maiestie to be 
remittit of all rebellieoun and offences that he had done, 
thinkand weill that the king was so merciefull to the 15 
Earle of Crafurd that he wald be no less merciefull to 
him, bot zeit wald not put himself in perell as Crafurd 
did and thairefter 3 send ane of his maist spetiall freindis 
quho obtened his remissieoun partlie throw the kingis 
awin humanitie and partlie be the requist and interces- 20 
sieoun of the nobillis of the realme. Bot zeit the kingis 
Foi. 38 a. maiestie handlit the matter werie craftelie and fand the 
moyen how he wald nocht oppinlie and plainlie forgiue 
at that present the wicked and tressonabill deidis of 
that wickit tyrran, nor zeit wald he make the messingeris 25 
foir to dispair of thair cheiffis 4 remissieoun bot ansuerit 
them gentillie to hald thame in hope sayand that the 
Earle of Rose never deserwid at his hand now to be 
remitted of his cruelltie and rebellieoun laitlie com- 
mittit zeit nocht the les sen all men on earth and 30 
spetiallie in king or prince that representtis the werie 
devyne maiestie of God quho also of his excellent nature 5 
ressawis mankynd to the bossome of his marcie as sune 6 

1 B has " incursiouns." 2 I has "hielie." 

3 B has " thairfoir." 4 B and I. A has " chieff." 

5 B has "unspeakable guidnes." 6 I and B have "as." 

JAMES II. 129 

he repentis him of his sin, nocht foir any goode deid 
that man may do to recompence him, that suld 1 thrist 
no mans blude bot to be gratious and marciefull to all 
men that ar become penitent of thair misdeidis, zeit 
5 because it pertenis to god allanerlie to knaw the invart 
thochtis and heartis of men and that mans nature can 
nocht persaif and wnderstand farther of ane wther nor 
he may sie be wtward signnes and taikins and thairfoir 
he wald that the Earle of Rose sould do sum notable The Earie 

of Rose re- 

10 act quhairthrow all men might wnderstand him for to mittitwpoun 

1 certan con- 

repent inteirlie with his heart beffoir that he sould ditions. 

ressaue mill remissioun of all offences. Attour that 

Earle of Rose sould refound the skaithis of all the 

touns and fortalices and houssis that ewer he had brunt 

15 or cassin doune and by 2 that to restoir and satisfie at 

the leist the haill goodis and geir to everie man quhilk 

he had reft and taine away. This beand done the earle 

sould be remittit with all his partakeris and compliceis 

of all offences bygaine. 


Ane conventioun of the nobillietie. Ambasadouris fra the duik of 
York and thair desyre. The Duik of Yorkis richt to the croun. 
The Inglis ambasadouris orisoune. 

20 [Sua] 3 this beand put to rest 4 [in] the northt Yillis of 
Scottland the kingis maiestie sett his haill care and mynd 
to invaide Ingland and ever to be revengit or ellis 
repairit of all oppressiouns and iniurieis committet, with- 
out offence, contrair his realme and leigis and to bring Foi. 38 b. 

1 I and B read " suld," rightly. A has "nocht," which seems a 

2 " By " = besides. 3 I omits. 

4 I inserts "and ane finall end maid of all seditioun and ciuill dis- 
cord in." 




dors fre the 
Duik of 

The desyre 
of the am- 

The Duike 
of Yorkis 
richt to the 

this purpois mair easielie to effect he caussit convene 
the nobillietie to ane certaine day to consult and be res- 
sollvit be quhat moyen best might be done and ordanit 
maist commodiouslie. Bot behald, during the tyme of 
this conventioun thair came ambassadouris ffre Richart 5 
Duike of Zork, Edwart Mortimer Earle of Warvick and 
thair confederat freindis to seike support of men of weir 
contrair Henrie king of Ingland quhome they porpossit 
to depose of his royall dignatie for albeit this Henrie 
throw his sluthfull negliegence, of wickit consall had lost 10 
France and Normandie quhilk his forbearis had conquist 
to his hand zeit in so heigh matteris and disperat effairis 
that allmaist misterit the consultatioun of the great and 
nobill men quhom it behuwit to spend thair lyffis and 
landis for the recovering and defence thairof he admittit 1 5 
nor tellit x sic men to his consall but extollit slaues and 
men of small estait be ressone thay could flatter him and 
that was maist delectabill to his consait he preferit them 
to the administratioun and governance of the commone 
weill befoir and abone all sic nobillis and gentill men 20 
of the realme 2 quhais manheid and the gloir of 
Inglands mertiall 3 deidis spreid befor 4 all the wardill 
war movit to conspyre and convened thamsellfis to 
deprive him of the croune and speciallie the nobill 
men descendit of the kingis house to quhome the 25 
iust croune of Ingland appertainit quhilk befel Lionel 
the third sone to Edwart the third quho was lauch- 
full air to Richart the secund that of his body was 
destroyed and put doun by Henrie the fourt. 5 Sua 

1 I has"callit." 

2 Some blanks in A are supplied from B and I. but they also have 
blanks, which seems to show that the original copy had them. 
Dalzell restores the whole as follows : "quhais manheid and deidis 
spred throw all the world and war commovit," &c. I have also 
restored it, as far as possible following MSS. A and I. B has 
11 whaes manheid and deidis spred throche all the world," &c. 

the gloir of ingland mertiall." 

3 I has 

4 I has "throch." 

5 See Notes. 

JAMES II. 131 

now at this present the Douik of Zork thinkand that 
he had better occatioun to recover the croune nor 
Henrie the fourt had to reive 1 the samin fre Richart 
the secund and 2 Lionellis posterietie admittit 3 him 
5 self in this consperacie of thir nobill men be quhose Foi. 39 « 
moyen and assistance he porpossit to recover his right 
and herietage that had bene reft and haldin sa lang 
fre him and his forbearis. Bot because thay war not 
equall novyse in riches nor powar to the king with tin 

10 him self, they send to the king of Scottland for support 
promissand perpetuall freindscheip with great rewairdis 
gif they brocht thair porpois to effect. Sua quhen thair 
ambassadouris gat presentis of the kingis maiestie in the 
sight of the earleis and lordis conwenit for the tyme, the 

15 principall of them maid his harrance 4 and wriesone in 
maner following : — 

■ How wicked and wngodlie ane thing it is, maist wrieson of 

. . r . the Inglische 

' invincibill and potent 5 prince, to place ane Ignorant Ambassador. 
1 in hie estait and regement of ane contrie. How may 

20 'it be that ane man that can not gyde himself sail 
' gyde wtheris. Be the contrair how necessar it is gif 
1 our wyse and potent prince haue the rulling ower 
' ane realme quhairof we haue experience of baitht in 
' our dayis be diuerse maner of wyse, for all kingis 

25 ' and natiouns, maist redoutit prince, mervellis of thy 6 
1 craft and wosdome quho beand ane zoung man 
1 rather ane child set and put 7 to rest the realme 
' of Scottland witht out great slaughter or effutioun of 
1 blude be ane excellent wit and devyne providence, 

30 ' quhilk in thy minorietie was wraikit and devydit be 
' the seditioun and fassioun of potent men withtin the 
1 samin. Sua we man of werie force grant thy felicietie 

1 I has " reiwe." 2 I omits "and." 

3 I has "admit." 4 I has "harrange." 

5 B has "michtie and invincible," I "invincibill an [sic] potent." 

6 I and B have "thy." 

7 B and I have "hes set and put." A has "sitand," a mistake. 



and happie progres in all thy doingis befor we enter 
to intreit of wther matteris. Thairfoir we pray god 
that thy prosperous beginning may indure perpetuallie 
for ewer. Bot our king Henrie how wnlyk is he 
wnto the in maner and conditioun and how far dif- 5 
frent frome thy wssage and good governament of the 
realme and how he dois beir him self as is not 
wnknawin to thy maiestie no mair then to ws. For 1 [be] 
the ignorance of that man infectit and corruppit with 
the wickit consall of flateraris not onlie is the flur- 10 
ischand renone and fame 2 of Ingland supressit and 
Foi. 39 b. ' turned to scorne and mokerie, bot also ane greit 
pairt of the impyre and dominioun of France ze 3 
nathing inferieour to the realme of Ingland quhilk 
was conquist be our forbearis, tint and lost. Sen sa 15 
it is that we ar opprest of slawes, quhilk the king 
hes promotit, 4 [the nobillis of his realme lightlieit and 
sett assyde,] to hie dignatie and frome les estait, 
quho, placeit in sic power and autorietie as hes sic 
powar ower the noblietie that they dar not draw 20 
anes thair end, mekill les iustlie to compleine for 
ony offence or to gif consall quhat is best to be 
done for preservatioun of the commone weill, quhilk the 
nobillis of the realme can not suffer langer seing it is 
[baith] 5 contrair the commone weill, as allis being sufferit 25 
sail bring our realme to wraik [and] 6 the inhabitaris 
thairof to wtter exterminatioun. Sua it sail pleis zow 
to wnderstand this, wictorieous prince, that the nobillis 
of Ingland takis na wnwontit nor new porpois now 
in hand in the depryving of ane and putting of ane 30 
wther in his place. Ffor our nobill progenitouris and 

1 I inserts "be." 

2 B has " croune and flourishing fame of England." 
3 "Ze" = zea. 

4 B has " preferred," I " promotit," A " permittit." I seems right. 

5 I has "baith." 

6 B has "and our inhabitantis. " I inserts "and." 




JAMES II. 133 

forbearis debarrit the thrid sone callit Edwart Ke- 
bak 1 fre the croun because he was not sa lustie nor 
sa gainnand of dispositioun of his body as was thocht 
expedient for ane prince to attempt sic matteris as was 
then ado, albeit he was ane man of goode witt and 
singular ingyne to quhome [most iustlie the propertie 
of] 2 the croune lauchfullie pertenit. Nocht the les 
the realme of Ingland haueand scherp weiris in France 
[thocht] 3 expedient for the government of the pepill 
and being of the gowernament abone the airmie 
to chese ane man not onlie wyse 4 and prudent of 
spreit bot [who] also was lustie of spreit and of body 
his handis manfull stout and hardie. And sieand 5 ffor 
this porpois then Edwart zounger brother to this man 
of singular curage of no les craft and wosdome nor 
his brother Edmond and in bewtie more excellent and 
abone all men in strangnes and habilietie, the Lordis 
maid him king and debarit this Edmond. 6 [Thairfor 
for quhatsumewer cause our progenetouris did prefer 
ane persone to ane uther even the youngest to the 
eldest and debaring the eldest thairfre nocht the les 
onlie bot far grettar occatioun [we] thocht expedient to 
transfer the croun ffrom ane to ane wther. Sua may 
it appeir how mekill his 7 wosdome commendit abone 
fulishnes in ane persone that beiris charge in ane 
commone weill ; mair is ane princes ignorance and 
wickitnes preventaris of the common weill nor febilness 
of body. For in war quhat trawellis the strength of 

X B has " Henrie Cruickback," I "Edwart Cruckback." See 

2 B omits. 3 B inserts " thocht." 

4 B has " wyse in mynd bot also ane man of guid personage and 
manlie spreit. For," &c. 

5 I follows this, and all the MSS. have a few blanks, which I have 
supplied with the aid of the text of Boece. 

6 Dalzell has "Edward" instead of "Edmond," which makes 
nonsense of the passage. The passage in brackets, pp. 133 and 
134, is from I. 7 "His" = is. 


1 ane capitaine quho from his dull ingyne and sloth 
1 knows little hou to raak persute of his enemeis and 
' quhat in the gowerning is best to be done. And also 
' quhat can the ignorant do in peace quho hes nether wit 
1 nor strength quhais autorietie of force man perische 5 
1 with the lawis or goode order and governance of the 
1 realme]. 1 Attour how damnabill it is to haue ane 

* ignorant captane of weir witles and destitut of all 

* goode consall the wnhapie mischance will beare wittnes 

1 of the lose and tinsall of the boundis of France 10 
' quhilk war Inglandis befoir. And siclyk in peace to 
' haue ane folische prince corrupit and led away witht 
1 flateraris and wicked counsall nocht onlie wnderstand 
1 we that he is dangerous bot also hes wexit Scott- 
1 land sa lang witht civill weiris as ze may haue ex- 15 
1 perience quhilk hes sa oft bene waistit and spullzeit, 
1 quhen Henrie of Ingland knew that thy maiestie 
' might not goodlie wait wpoun france weiris. Quhair- 
1 foir we exort zour maiestie to inarme zour self to 
1 this effect not onlie for our cause bot also for zour 20 
1 awin and to revenge the iniurieis that Scottland hes 
1 sustenit ewin to be revengit I say wpoun the prin- 
1 cipallis authoris of all oppressioun : how honest and 
1 necessar thairfoir is the ground and foundament of 
1 our porpois and intentiounis be thir ressouns forsaidis 25 
' may be easlie wnderstand. Now lat ws sie how 
c facill 2 this matter without slaughter or effutioun of 
1 bloode may be brocht to pase, gif ze pleis to sup- 
Foi. 40 b. * port ws quhilk we hope in deid, and quhat rewaird 

1 What is in brackets, from p. 133 1. 18 to 134 1. 7, is omitted in 
B, which has, after "Edmond," " Sa may appeir how mekle wis- 
dome and manheid be requyred in ane persone that bearis charge 
ower the commoun weill and specialie to our realme of England 
quhilk be the negligence of ane sluggishe prince ar like to lois that 
quhilk our forbearis conquest in France. Attour," &c. Dalzell 
follows this. I have supplied some blanks in the MSS. from the 
text of Boece. 

2 I has " facill " = easy. 

JAMES II. 135 

thairof salbe quhilk being declairit we sail schortlie 
mak ane end. And first I think it necessar to knaw 
of quhat strength and powar is the king of Scott- 
land, syne quhat the thing we may do and than I 
beleif the matter salbe menifest to ws, allis 1 quhen 
the realme of Ingland did flourische 2 in chevallrie 
and all the haill boundis and dominiouns quhilkis 
our predecessouris with thair conqueis did agment 
thairto wald not be diminischit 3 nor our strength and 
powar bot flatterie I say was sa excellent that no 
man of hollsome judgement bot will grant we had 
no perequall in Ewrope. And now sen we have loissit 
the boundis within the realme of France and the 
south of Scottland quhairwith soum hope was to re- 
cover the samin againe quhilk now we despair all- 
utterlie, in sa far that gif ether of the factiouns 
withtin Ingland might get support of ony forrane 
prince the wther eassielie sould be ower cummitt. 
Attour thair was newer seditioun nor discomfort quhill 4 
now of lait in the realme of Ingland bot it trusted 5 
allis as ane, but sieing all was sluthit thair was no 
mischeif could befall our king bot was deliuerit wnto 
ws; and the haill nobilietie sa lang irkit and wexit 
with the tyrannie of King Henrie, to louse them 
selffis out of the zoke of thraldome hes taine por- 
pois to surrogat Richart Duike of Zorke in his royall 
place. For our factioun far surmunttis the kingis assist- 
ance baitht in the nobilietie and wosdome. And al- 
beit we doubt of the popularie 6 quhilk appeirandlie 
to the eieis of men fawouris the kingis partie zeit 
we haue experience that they ar so warieabill and 

1 Bhas "wsall," I "wsall." 

2 B and I have " flovrische " ; A has " spuris," wrongly. 

3 I has "nor sleuthit ovir strenth," &c. 4 " Quhill " = till. 

5 I and B. A has "might" instead of "trusted," which is not 

6 I has "popular " = populace. 


1 faccell that they desyre nothing more nor ane great 
' man that wald of the present estait begun the waiter 1 
1 as may weill be knawin be Henrie 2 of Ireland quhen 
' he gaif the commons to wnderstand that sen thair 

• libertie was reft fre them be auld awaricius 3 gredienes 5 
' of courteouris for the mantinance of thair insolent 

Foi. 4 i a. ' follie and ambitioun, that he wald punische and put 
' ane order to the king and courteouris gif they wald 
1 assist thair interprysse quhilk was taine in hand be 
' this carleis 4 persuatioun as is maniefest to this haill 10 
' yle and 5 had taine the effect bot dout of the sub- 
1 tell ingyne and craft of the chancelar witht fraud 
' and gyle right schortlie had nocht stanchit the samin 
' in sa far that we now presentlie sould not haue had 
1 this matter newer to begin nor end. Finallie that 15 
1 we may mak ane end of the thing that we haue 
' begune, we come now, maist reverent prince, to thai 
' maiestie to gett support, promissand richt remise 6 thair- 
1 foir, quhilk the Duike of Zork and Earle of Warvick 
c witht the advyse of the haill nobilietie of thair op- 20 
1 pinioun hes commandit ws to promise to thy maiestie 
' gine ze will assist thame what boundis 7 or landis to 
1 zour grace progenatouris possest and wssit sumtyme 

• in Northtthumberland with Bervick and all the feildis 

1 adiacent thairto [ze sail hav], foir rewaird and recom- 25 
' pence ; and last of all, ane perpetuall band of amitie 
' and freindscheip to be bund wpe and as ane s thir our 

• realmes to indure for ewer.' 

1 I has "to waltir." 

2 "Henry of Ireland" was one of the names given to "Jack 
Cade." See Notes. 

3 B has "awaritius," I "awaricius." 

4 B has "Hendries," I "Henryis." 5 B has "giue," I "gif." 

6 B has "riche revenues," I "riche rewardis." 

7 B has "what boundis or landis your," &c. I follows B. 

8 I has "ane," A "in." 

JAMES II. 137 


The kingis ansueir. Ane proclamatioun meid. Hou ane man met 
the king and causit him to reteire and his armye be his 
lesingis : hou the king gadderit ane new armye. Ane battel] 
betwix the king of Ingland and the duik of York and the Erie 
with ane number of Scottismen. The kingis armye vincuist 
and him sellffe teine. The names that was slaine. Ane con- 
ventioun at Londoun : hou the duik of York was maid gover- 
nour : the erle of Warwick maid captaine of Calleis : hou the 
erle of Sarisberrie was meid gret Chancellar. 

Quhen the ambassador had endit this wriesone in this The kingis 


maner, the kingis grace caussit him witht his com- 
panieounis to remove thame wntill he had consultit 
wpoun ane ansuer; and quhen the king had adwyssit 
5 witht the nobillis the ambassadouris come againe the 
king said on this maner : ' It is not unknawin to us the 
' iust tyttill the Duike of Zork hes to Yngland bot like- 
' wyse 1 the croune sould not be gevin temerarieouslie to 
' any persone so sould it not be taine frome a persone 

1 o ' inauguratit [or crownit] 2 for ane light cause without greit 
1 tryall and deliberatioun and knawledge of the cause. 
1 Bot that I rest 3 to the wisdome and conventioun of the 
' nobilietie of Ingland. And as for airmeis and forces 
' be assuirit that I haue iust cause to denwnce weir to the 

15 ' king of Ingland, first, seing he did wex my realme and Foi. 41 6. 
1 leidges saiklesle witht incursiounis the 4 tyme the samin 
1 was perturbit with civill weiris ; then also quhen I did 
1 seik redres King Henrie delayit it to gif ane ansuer 
' thairwpoun. Thairfoir gif the Duike of Zork and witht 

1 The MSS. have several blanks here which I have supplied from 
the text of Boece. B has, " but the assistance of my realme suld 
not be gevin nor grantit temerariously nor for ane licht cause without 
great trawell and deliberatioun and tryell of the caus." 

2 I has " or crownit." 3 I and B have "refer." 
4 I and A have "the." 


' the Earleis of Warwick and Richmont witht the nobillis 
' of the factioun will keip promise they sail be assuirit that 
' my haill strength and forces salbe redie to draw x zour 
' kingis favoraris witht fyre and suord quhairever I come 
1 and sail do my wter deliegence to expell King Henrie 5 
' and restoir the Duike of Zork to his awin place.' 

Quhen the ambassadouris had ressawit thair ansuer 
and faithtfull promise gewin and taine 2 on ewerie syde 
they reportit 3 the king of Scottlandis ansuer to the Duike 
of Zork and the Earle of Warvick. In this meane tyme 10 
the king of Scottland commandit be open procliema- 
tioun all men to be redy at ane certane day witht airmor 
and wictuallis to invaid thair auld enemeis witht fyre 
and suord. Behald the quyit and wontit slyghtis of 
England. Quhen the king was passand fordwart as he 15 
had promissit to invaid thame, ane Inglischeman met 
him be the way quho fawored the king of Ingland maist 
inteirlie, perfyte in the Italieane langage, 4 nureist and 
brocht wpe all his dayis in lieing and mischeif, prompt 
of toung and hardie of contienance, instructit and 20 
subornit be the king with bullis and commissiounis as 
he had bene send frome the Pope of Rome, and in his 
companie ane monk, quho did conterfit mervalus gravitie 
and hollienes of lyfe as sic men had weill wount to do, 
and said it was the popis command that nother the king 25 
of Scotland nor any of his companie sould pas ony 
forder to invaid Ingland wnder the pain of curssing and 
cencour of hollie kirk. For throw the desentioun, sayes 
he, [of] the christiane princes the turkis, most damnabill 
and cruell enemeis to godis word, creipis in daylie mair 30 
and mair in wrope 5 sua be thair tyrannie they haue sub- 

1 B has "in rediness to invade," I " to invaid." 

2 B has "givin and tane"; I inserts "taine." 

3 B has "depairted, &c, and reported." I follows text. 

4 B adds, " tounge quha culd weill flatter and dissemble with ane 
hard and peirt countenance." 

5 I and Bhave "Europe." 

JAMES II. 139 

dewit ane great pairt thairof to thair dominioun and im- Foi. 42 a. 
pyre. Thairfor lat all debatis stryf and battellis be set 
assyde and peace establischit among christiane men. It is 
derectit that all faithfull men sail send thair souldeouris 
5 for expelling of thair common enemie quho wald nocht 
only spoillzie thame of thair worldlie fredom and libertie 
bot also of the word of god quhilk is the maist pretious 
thing in the earth. 1 And to bring all discord ringing now 
in the Ille of Brettane the mair easily to ane end thair is 

10 ane wther ambassadour, he said, derect frome the pope 
to cause all iniurieis commitit be the king of Ingland to 
be repairit and allis to aggrie all quarrellis and desen- 
tiounis betuix the king of Ingland and the Duik of 
Zork. King James belleuand thay hade no hide desait 2 

15 in this fraudfull fellowis sayingis obeyit the charg and 
skaillit his airme ; bot skantlie was he weill come hame 
quhen he did persaif the craftie subtilltie devyssit be his 
enemies contrair him. Sa being come sa penitent of 
his faccell obedience [he] gatherit ane new airmie and 

20 past fordwart wpoun his enemeis. 

In the meane tyme the Duik of Zorkis airme quhairof 
ane great pairt come witht the Earle of Warvick zeid in 
arrayit battell contrair King Henrie withtout ony expec- 
tatioun of the Scottismenis cuming, and wpoun the 

25 wther syde the kingis adherentis mett thair enemeis 
werie stoutlie quhose principall cheiftanes wnder the king 
was the Duikis of Sumersyd and Bukinghame and the 
Earle of Cleiffurde. Schortlie, it was manfullie fauchin 
on baitht the sydis bot at the last the kingis airme was The king 

taine pre- 

30 wanqueist and owercome, himself takm presonar and sonar and 

taine to 

had to Loundon and his thrie chiftaneis forsaid slaine Loundoun 

and his 

witht mony nobillis and gentillmen by 3 ane great com- cheftains. 

1 This is an expanded version of Boece, who, for " godis word," 
p. 138, I. 30, has "religio," and does not say "of godis word quhilk 
is the maist pretious thing in the earth." 

2 I has "beleiwand na thing of ony hie dissait." Hide = hid, is 
probably the right reading. 3 " By " = besides. 


panie of the commons. Sa efter this wictorie quhen he 
Foi. 42 b. come to Loundon thair was ane conventioun quhair the 
haill nobilietie aggreit all wpoun that heid that thair 
king sould not be at that time depryvvit of his royall 
estait bot that his wickit consallouris and flatteraris as 
the werie corruptouris of goode ingynes sould be ether 
put to deid or ellis sequestrat of his companie and 
banischit of the realme and him self to be put in sicker 
firmance quhill farther consultatioun ffor it appeirit werie 
on lesum to money of the counsall nocht onlie to put 
hand in ane lewand prince bot also to reif the honour- 
abill impyre fre the anoyntit of god to quhome the 
realme had anes gevin thair aith and fedilietie. For in 
sa doing they sould be compellit as ane periurit and 
mensuorne pepill to chuse ane wther in his place and 
thairfoir decernit that the Duik of Zork sould be gover- 
nour of the realme during the kingis lyftyme. Now the 
Earle of Warwick was maid cappietane of Calice quhilk 
was than ane of the autorietie amangis the Inglismen, and 
the Earle of Saillisberrie great chancelar of the realme 
and sa it was done quhill farther consulltatioun might be 
had in all erlairis. 


The seage of Roxburghe. Ambassadouris fra the duik of York. The 
kingis ansueir. Hou donald of the yllis come to the king ane 
armie of men quhen he was seaging roxburghe. The comming 
of Alexander Erie of huntlie. The death of the king of Scot- 
land and in quhat maner. 

In that tyme * the king invaidit the king of Inglandis 
faworaris in the north with all cruelltie and quhen he 
had wone the toune of Roxburght, quhilk the Inglisch- 25 
men had then ingarntschit with men and munitioun and 

1 I has "meintyme." 

JAMES II. 141 

kast the samin to the ground, he beseigit the castell 
thairof and quhen he was maist bessie and earnist in the 
persuit thairof ambassadouris came fra the Duik of Zork 
and the earle of Warwick witht the rest of that factioun 
5 schewand the wictorie quhilk was thair is and to thank 
him for his goode will and redienes, promissand to do 
the lyke to his maiestie and to bring the * effect quhen 
ewir it was neidfull, prayand him to deceist frome the 
seige and nocht to molest the realme of Ingland, seing 

10 god hes grantit wictorie to them in sa far that they war 

maisteris ower the haill realme wtherwayis that he wald Foi. 43 
exasperat thame of Ingland to wraith and yre quha 2 al- 
ready wald haue invadit the Scottis airmie war nocht the 
greatter obstakill and impediement. The king ansuerit 

15 that he was werie glad of thair prosperous succes of 
wictorie that had befallin 3 the Duike of Zork bot did 
merwell how it might be that he could be offendit, or 
the nobilietie of Ingland, he doing nothing ellis bot 
that to the quhilk they requirit him maist effectuslie. 

20 Attour quhen he desyrit the promise to be fullfillit quhilk 
was maid to him; to the quhilk was anssuirit be the 
ambassadour 4 that had no command to giue ansuer 
thairwpoun ; at the quhilk the king was sa commovett 
that he reffussit thair bandis and kyndnes allutterlie 

25 as wnworthie of credit bot altogidder fallis and de- 
sembillit and albeit thai did varie and discoird in 
sum effairis zeit they concordit alltogither in trumperie 
and fallsit [schawand ane fair contienance witht money 
plessant wordis in the beginning quhen they requirit ony 

30 thing wnder collerit fraud and gyle.] 5 And thairfor said 
to the ambassadouris in this maner, 'Albeit the Duike 

1 I has "to." 2 I has "wis." 

3 B has "fallin to," I "befallin," A "bene Tallin." The reading 
of I is preferable. 

4 B has ' ' the ambassadouris said thai had no commissioun to 
ansuer thairunto." 

5 The words in brackets are from I. 


' of 1 his coniurit factioun be proud and insolent of the 
1 wictorie laittlie obteined quhairthrow they disdaine to 
' keip thair promise maid to me zeit nocht the les I will 
4 with godis grace be revengit of all iniuries done to me 
* my realme and leidges be Ingland as I haue determinat 5 
1 of befoir that the ambassadouris solistit for this effect, 
1 nocht knawand then thair quyit desait and subtill fraud. 
' And also I salbe revengit with this iniurie quhilk is maist 
Foi. 43 b. ' of all wiolating and breaking maist wnworthelie the sol- 

' empt aith and faithfull promise that the saidis ambassa- 10 
1 douris did promeis to me in thair names and behalfis.' 

Sua the ambassadouris being departit witht this ansuer 
the king commandit the souldeouris and men of weir 
to assault the castell bot the Inglischemen defendit so 
walieantlie within, the seige appeirit so to indure langer 15 
nor was beleifit qahairthrow the king determinat to com- 
pell them that was within the house, be lang tairrie to 
rander and gif it ower. At the quhilk tyme Donald of 
the Yillis, quhome we spake of befoir, come to the seige 
witht ane great companie of men all airmit in the hieland 20 
faschieoun witht haberiunes bowis and exis and promissit 
to the king gif he pleassit to pase ony farther in the 
boundis of Ingland that he and his companie sould 
pase ane learge myle befor the rest of the oist and to 
tak wpoun thame the first dint of the battell. The king 25 
efter that he had ressawit him with great humanitie, 
ansuerit that he wald wse the nobillis consall in all the 
progresse of weir, rejoyssing mekill that Donald was so 
redy to joyperd him self and freindis for the defence of 
the commone weill. Efter this he bad him stent his 30 
paillzeoun a lyttill by himself quhill farther occatioun 
serwit to do as he desyrit. This Donald obbedient at 
command efter that he had takin the place -to him and 
his folkis that was deputtit for thame send out sindrie 
companies of his men to spoillze and herie the contrie 35 
l B has "and." 

JAMES II. 143 

about the campt seing the seige lastit langer nor the 
perssouaris 1 expectatioun was. For albeit ane great pairt Foi. 44 
of the keiperis of the house was parichit and tint for 
hunger and thrist, straitlie owersett be seigeris, zeit nocht 
5 the les they persewerit so stoutlie withtout regaird of 
all thair adverssaris that the persewaris war all maist 
tint in the lang seiging; quhill 2 Alexander earle of 
huntlieis comming quho brocht ane great companie of 
choissin men quhilk maid the king so blytht that he 

10 commandit to charge all the gunnis to gif the castell 
ane new wollie. Bot quhill this prince mair curieous 
nor becam him or the maiestie of ane king did stand 
neir hand by the gunneris quhen the artaillzerie was 
dischargand, his thie baine was doung in tua witht ane 

15 peace of ane misframit gune that brak in the schutting, 
be the quhilk he was strikin to the ground and dieit 
haistelie thairof, quhilk grettumlie discuragit all his 
nobill gentillmen and freindis that war standand about 
him. Bot he 3 commandit all that knew his misfortoun 

20 to hald thair sielence and nocht [to] 4 dewullgat the samin 
throw - out the camp incace it sould discurage the 
souldartis and men of weir and sa they sould schame- 
fullie dissoullve the seige. 5 Bot how sune the quene hard 
word of this mischeif scho tuik hir zoung sone James 

25 callit efter his father, the thrid of that name and brocht 
him witht ane stout curage ewin representand the all- 
mantis or gildranttis 6 curage and speirit quhome of scho 
was desendit, albeit no man in the ost supponit ony 
thing of hir bot murning and lamenting for hir husband, 

30 Sua by 7 all meanis expectatiounis this nobill lady witht 

1 I has "perseweris." 2 " Quhill " = until. 

3 B has "he," A and I omit. 4 A has "be," wrongly. 

5 I omits all the succeeding passages about the queen, &c, and 
continues with the words, "quhilk was done in August," &c, as on 
p. 145 below. 

6 That is, the courage of the Germans or men of Gueldres. 

7 " By " = beyond. 


ane goodlie and hardie contenance exorted all the 
chiftieans of the airmie to bear fourtht the seige aie 
Foi. 44 b. an quhill 1 the castell sould be randerit or ellis owercum 
and win be Strang handis, saying to thame in this maner : 
' I pray zow maist waliezeant captanes 2 now seing ze 5 
' haue brocht this matter neir hand 3 ane end and that 
' ze will nocht lose and tyne the great tyme and laubor 
1 quhilk in tyme past ze haue spendit and bestowit 
' thair wpoun and nocht schamefullie to leif that quhilk 
' ze haue begun for the matter werie eassalie sail tak 10 
' effect gif that ze will conveine all togither witht ane 
' consent and thairfor lat nocht the mischance of ane onlie 
1 man reif zow of zour curage or zeit thairby to cast doun 
' zour gentill heartis and make zow to dispair. Behald 
' sen sa is that this chance is nocht knawin to the haill 15 
' rest, that ze wald beir goode contienance sua that nane 
1 of thame might knaw the samin be ony signe or taikin 
' of drierienes quhilk salbe no wther wayis better hid from 
1 the airmie nor be zour stout perseverence in the suit 
1 of zour enemeis witht allis good will as ze began the 20 
1 samin. Fordwart thairfor my goode lordis and lat nocht 
' zour selffis appeir in wemenis personagis lamentand and 
' murneand for ony misfortun of the wardill quhilk is nat- 
' uraille and cacewallie for that becumes wyffis rether 
' then men to be cassin to and fro witht the fourtoun of 25 
' adwerssatie of this fragell warld. Quhat is this ze ar 
' doand ; rether sould ze comfort me being ane wyffe nor 
' I zow ; quhairfoir I exort zow that ze never turne zour 
' bakis fre the seige unto the time ze haue ane end 
1 thairof.' 30 

Throw thir wordis the chiftans war nocht sa mekill 
movit witht the quenis curageous wordis as eschameit 
of ane womans hardiement quhilk far surmount abone 
thair awin and thairfor was compellit on thair honour 

1 " Quhill " = till. 2 B has "campiones." 

3 B has " neir ane end that ye." 

JAMES II. 145 

to persew thair enemeis to the wttermaist of thair powar ; 
and that they sould nocht be ane heidles pepill witht 
out ane king they tuik the kingis eldest sone James and 
maid him king quhilk was James the thrid. Efter the Foi. 45 «• 
5 quhilk the Inglischemen might nocht lang indure the 
seige, seing thair was no hope of releif or confort, sua, 
efter they had gevin ower the house and had, thair lyues 
witht bage and baggadg fre, depairtit, the house was 
demolist doun to the ground leist it sould be ane refuge 
10 to Ingland and strength contrair the Scottismen efter- 
wart. Quhilk 1 was done in August the zeir of god I m 
iiij c lx zeiris and 2 xxix zeir of King James the secund 
aige efter he had runge xxiiij zeiris. 


Of the gret signes and taikins that was seine befoir the deid of 
that prince : of the comit that appeirit : of the skartht yat was 
born of baith the kyndis maile and female : and of ane gret 
tyraine and brigane that was apprehendit and taine in angus 
at feindisden : and of the punischment of him and his bairnes : 
and of the exhortatioun and urisonne following heireftir. 

It is said that thair was maney marvellis about that 
15 tyme quhilk pronosticat the kingis deid. The night 
befoir his deceis thair appeirit ane cleir comitt ewin as 
it war ane taikin of the immatour and haistie deid of sa 
greit ane prince. In the zeir preceiding thair was ane 
bairne borne quhilk had baitht the kyndis of maill and 
20 famell callit in our langage, karthe, 3 in quhome mans 
nature did prevaill bot because the 4 dispositioun and 
protratour 5 of body did represent ane woman, in ane 

1 I resumes at this point. See p. 143, n. 5. 

2 I has ' ' and the threttie ane zeir of his age of James the secund 
and the twentie four zeir of his reigne." 

3 B has "scratche," I "scarcht." See Glossary. 

4 B has " his." 5 Portraiture. 



mans house in Lythtgow and assotiatit in beding witht 
the good mans dochter of the house and maid her to 
consaue ane chyld quhilk being devoullgat throw the 
contrie and the matrounis 1 wnderstanding this damesell 
dessawit in this matter and being offendit that the mon- 5 
strowous creatur sould sett him self fourtht as ane 
woman beand ane werie man, they gat him accusit and 
convickit in iudgment ffor to be burieit 2 quick ffor his 
schamfull behavieour. About this tyme thair was ap- 
priehendit and tain for ane abominable and cruell abuse 10 
ane breigand quho hanted and dualt witht his haill 
famelie and houshald out of all mens companie in ane 
place of Angus callit Feindes den. This mischevous 
man haid ane excreabille fassone to tak all zoung men 
and childerin that ether he could steill quyitlie or tak 15 
away be ony moyen witht out the knawledge of the 
peopill and bring thame and eit them and the mair 
zoung thai war he held thame the more tender and 
greatter deliecat. For the quhilk damptnabill and cursit 
abuse he witht his wyffe bairnes and familie were all 20 
brunt except ane zoung lase of ane zeir auld quhilk was 
sawit and brocht to Dundie quhair scho was fosterit 
and brocht wpe. Bot quhen scho come to the age of 
ane womans zeiris scho was condemnit and brunt 3 
quick for the samin cryme [hir father 4 was conuik]. It 25 
is said that quhen this zoung womane was command 
fourtht to the place of executioun that thair gaderit 
ane wnnumerabill mulltitud of pepill about hir and 
spetiall of wemen curssand and warieand 5 that scho was 
sawnhappie to committ sa dampnabill deidis, to quhome 30 
scho turnit about witht ane wode and furieous contien- 
ance, sayand, ' quhairfoir cheide ze witht me as I had 

1 B and I read " matrounis," A has " natiounis" by mistake. 

2 B has "brint," Boece "viva in terra defossa est." 

3 Boece makes her also to be buried alive. 

4 I adds "and mother war convictit of." 

5 "Warieand " = worrying — i.e., scolding the accused. 

JAMES II. 147 

' committit ane wnworthie act. Gif me credit and trow 
1 me, gif ze had experience of eittin of women and mens 
1 flesche ze wald think the same sa delicious that ze wald 
1 never forbeir it againe ' and sa witht ane obstinat mynd 
5 this wnhappie creature but signe or outward taikin of 
repentance dieit in the sight of the haill pepill for hir 
misdeidis that scho was adiudgit to. 

About the same tyme rang money cuning men be 
quhose labouris and trawell goode letteris flurischit 

10 quhilk was all maist perischit be the barbarus cruelltie of 
the Goithis ; sic as Laurentius Walla ane gentill man of 
Rome quhilk did greit goode 1 in restitutioun of the 
Latine tounge to the auld purietie and ornatnes, as his 
warkis zeit dois witnes. Siclyk Franciscus Phelephus 

15 and Franciscus Petraha 2 baitht singular orratouris ; 
Nicollas Perotas 3 quho sett haill studie to abolische 
and put away the rude 4 maner of teichment and to 
garnische and teiche the zouth with eloquent langage in 
all kynd of syences ; Teodor Gaza 5 ane weill besene Foi. 46 

20 man [baitht in Lattine and greik] witht money wtheris 
quhoise names war tedieous to report 6 [of this present 

1 B and I have "in the." 

2 B has "ane Petrarcha," 1 " Petrarcha." 

3 B has " Pilotus," I " Perotus." 4 I inserts "auld." 

5 B has "ane cunyng and expert man," and omits words in 

6 B has " rehers," and omits words in brackets. For the authors 
mentioned see Notes. 

Here ends Lib. xviii. of H. Boece. 

Now ze haue hard the haill proces of James the 
secundis dayes and now thairfoir seine he is depairtit 
out of this present lyffe we will lat him rest with the 
eternall God and speik of his sone James the thrid and 
how the realme was gydit in his dayis and quhat acttis 
and vailleant deidis he did and was done in his realme 
to the nobillis thairof. 

Ane exclamatioun of King James the secund and 
hou he was slaine at the seige of the castell 
of roxburghe be ane of his awin gunis that 
brak rackleslie in hir schutting and hou his 
wife contenit still at the seige exhortand 
the lordis thairvnto quhile the castell 

WONE. 1 

James the secund roy of gret renoune 

beand in thy super excellent gloir 

throch rackles schutting of ane gret cannovne 10 

the duilfall deid allaice did the devoir 

bot one thing thair was I merwell meikill moir 

that fortoun had the at sic mortall feid 

Throche fyiftie thowsand to weyll 2 the be the heid 

This nobill prince being of tendar age 15 

his realme stuide in gret proplexetie 

Be ciuill weiris of gret men in thair rage 

Strywand daylie for the authoritie 

The dochtie Douglas clame most presumpteouslie 

for till haue power and als dominioun 20 

abone the governour and Schir William Crichtoun 

1 The first stanza of these lines, which occur in MS. I only, is 
taken, with slight variations, from Sir David Lyndesay, ' The Testa- 
ment and Complaynt of the Papingo,' cf. Laing's Ed., i. p. 77, 1. 437 
et seq. See Notes. 

2 ■ * Weyll " = wale or select. 


Quho than was new approveit chancellar 
Captaine of the castell and keipar of the king 
full oft tymes with his wisdome did declair 
the ordour of the ciuill gouerning 
5 and of the puire and common weill menteinning 
bot this man fell schortlie at gret divisioun 
with the governour Schir Allexander Lewingstoun 

Quho be his souerane manheid and wisdome 
was chossin be adwyce of the nobillietie 
10 of all Scotland to haue dominioun 

Induiring the kingis lesage and menoretie 
To be governour and to beir authoritie 
chossin Justlie thairto be electioune 
On theiffe and traittour for to mak correctioun 

15 Bot evir allaice the gouernour grew so slaw 

That thair fell in the realme gret dissobedience 
for nevir ane man stuid of ane vthir aw 
Thair was na thing bot workin of wengence 
quhilk come schortlie throch the wariance 

20 Betwine thir thrie men of gret renoune 

The governour the Douglas and the bauld Chrichtoun 

Schortlie heireftir I hard men say 
This lord Chrichtoun with gret provisioun 
he dissaweit baith the tuddar twa 
25 and brocht the Douglassis to confussioun 
In Edinburghe castell with conclwsioun 
Presentand to thame ane buillis heid 
In signe and taikin of thair deid 

Than the realme stuid in guid peace and rest 
30 Eftir that the Douglassis was deid and geine 
The puir lauboraris war no moir opprest 
and the commonis micht travell than thame alaine 


for than thay knew quhome too to mak thair meaine 1 
Ather to the chancellar or to the govern our 
quha ministrat iustice to the kingis honour 

Ane quhile the realme stuid in tranquillitie 

quhill at the last the kingis graice 5 

resawit in hand his awin authoritie 

and luit na vther occupye his plaice 

syne dischairgit the governour of his office 

So was the chancellar ane littill quhyle 

Out of the court fortoun did him exylle 10 

So the chancellar and the governour 

be the Douglas counsall as I hard say 

Off the kingis graice tint perfyt favour 

that they war baneist baith thaie twa 

The Douglas rewlit thame baith nicht and day 15 

quha counsallit the king to tak remeid 

Off his vnckill the erle of Douglas deid 

Quha in the castell was heidit crewllie 

he and his brother without remeid 

and for the kingis saik cuild get na mercye 20 

also the lord flemyng vantit thair the heid 

So thir thrie lordis vas cruellie put to deid 

Vndir pretence and cullour of justice 

for the quhilk caus the chancelar vantit his office 

Than was send ane summondis of foirfaltour 25 

The quhilk was dewyssit be the Douglass consent 

That the chancellar and alswa the governour 

Sould be foirfalt in plaine parliament 

quhairof the commonis war na wayis content 

That thir lordis that had so lang seruit 30 

That in sic way that thay sould be revardit 

1 " Meaine " = moan — i.e., complaint. 


Bot be this way we may weill considder 
Off governouris quha hes the authorietie 
Oft tymes thay find that seit most slidder 
That they haue keipit in the kingis menoritie 
5 Vsing thair awin proffeit and commoditie 
for In that lyf thay are so rejoysed 
thinkand that they sould nevir be depossit 

Bot quhen the king cumis to perfyt age 
reddie to resawe his awin authoritie 
10 Than cummis new officairis rewland in thair rage 
reddie to tak up the kingis patrimonie 
Thinkand the governouris hes beine mortall enemye 
vnto the kingis graice and his honour 
Spending his geir at thair awin plesour 

15 Thairfoir governouris be vyss and circumspectt 

Into zour office do zour dewtie 

And sie alwayis the puire ze nocht neglect 

Bot do thame iustice but parciallitie 

Than sail we leive in peace and vnitie 
20 And evirie man with wisdome zow commend 

Beseikand god to send zow ane guid end. 



How queine mother brocht hir sone James thrid to the seige and 
how his comming comfortit the peopill. How the Castill of 
Roxburghe was wone. Ane Conventione at Scone and hou 
the king was crounit and delyeverit to Bischope James Kennedie 
in keeping. The gathering of the humis and hepburnis. Hou 
the queine of Ingland past to France. The foundatioun of 
Sanct Salvatouris Colledge. The deceis of the queine of Scot- 
land. The duik of Albainie send to France to leirne the leid. 
The deceis of bischope James Kennedie. The kingis marriage 
on the king of denmarkis dochter. 

2 James the Secund wnhapelie slaine in this maner 
forsaid, as we haue schawin, Margaret his wyffe con- 
tenowit at the seige ever exorting the lordis and bar- 
rouns to be stout and deliegent in the persuit of the 
said castell and never to pas from the samin quhill it 5 
was wone. To that effect scho brocht hir zoung sone 
James the thrid to remaine still witht them at this 
seige quhill the said castell was win. 3 Thocht he was 

1 B omits ; I reads " of King James the Thrid and quhat was done 
in his dayis, and how his baronis conspyred against him." 

2 There are three pages of Book XIX., the reign of James III., 
by Boece in the edition of Ferrerius, but they are not translated by 
Pitscottie, who gives an independent narrative. 

3 I has "wone." 


of tender aige and could not wse no wassaledge nor 
feit of weiris zeit his comming incuragit sa the pepill Foi. 4 6 b. 
that they forgett the dolorus deid of his father and 
past manfullie to the house and wan the samin and 
5 iustifieit the cappitans thairof 1 ; secondlie, cuist doune 
the said castell that it sould nocht be ane inpedement 
to them efterwart be the h aiding of the Inglischmen. 
Sune efter thair was ane conventioun sett at Skune Aneconven- 

1 . o • •• it- 11 tioun sett at 

quhair 2 thai conveinnit, and his mother witht the rest Skone. 

10 of the nobilietie and thair be advyse cronit [hir] 3 sone 
James the thrid, of the aige of sewin zeiris and thair- 
efter was deliuerit to Bischope James Kennidie in 
keiping to learne lettres at the scoill. 4 

At this tyme George Douglas earle of Angus was 

15 Wairdane of the borderis and oftymes defendit the 
same manfullie, quhairthrow he was maid Lewtennent 
be the quene and consall to pas witht the haill body 
of the realme in defence of the borderis. And efter 
ane lytill quhyll the Homes gadderit and the Hep- Thegather- 

t -ITT ingofthe 

20 burns witht support of Lowthieane men past to Wark Homes and 


and cuist it done. Efter that the Inglischmen 5 desyrit 
peace witht Scottis for xv zeiris quhilk was grantit to 
them be the consall of bischope James Kennidie, quho 
was put to governe the realme induring his dayis; bot 

25 the spetiall cause of tranquilietie and peace in Scotland 
was because the Inglischemen had civell weiris amang 
thame selffis, strywing daylie for the croun of Ingland 
betwixt the Duke of Zork and king Harie the Sext, 
quho within schort tyme efter, desyrit ane saif conduct 

30 for his wyffe and his eldest sone and certain e of his 

kin and friends conteinid to the number of ane thow- 

sand men, for to remaine ane quhill in Scottland at his 

1 B has "captaine onlie," I "captain thairof." 
2 B "quhair queen," I "quhair thair convenit queine mother." 
See Notes. 
3 I inserts " hir." 4 I has " scuilles." 

5 B has "tuik peace with Scotland," I follows text. 



How the 
quene of 
past to 

Fol. 47 a. 

The founda- 

tioun of S. 


Colledge be 




plesour, quhilk conduct was grantit to him be the king 
and con sail and [he] was weill ressauit and remanitt in 
the Grayfreiris in Edinburgh sa lang as he pleissit. Bot 
not long efter his quene passit in France because that 
scho was ane Frenchewoman and money of the nobillis 5 
witht hir, and King Harie at this tyme gaif Berwick 
to the Scottis men for his support and interteinment 
that he had in Scottland at that tyme. In this tyme 
Bischope James Kennidie hes the gyding of the king 1 
and his consall in goode wnitie and peace quhairbe io 
the commone weill florischit greatlie. He foundit ane 
trewmphand 2 colledge in Sanctandrois callit Sanct Sal- 
vatouris colledge, quhairin he maid his lair verri cure- 
ouslie and costlie ; and also he biggit ane scheip callit 
the bischopis Bairge. Quhen all thir thrie was compleit, 15 
to wit, [the] 3 colledge, the lair, and the bairge, he 
knew nocht quhilk of the thrie was costliest ffor it 
was raknit be the honest men of consideratioun beand 
for the tyme, the leist of the thrie cost ten thousand 
pund sterling [sa the haill wair, being comptit, was 20 
threttie thowsand pund sterling.] 4 

In this meanetyme Harie the Sext went out of 
Scottland towart Ingland. Schortlie thairefter [he] was 
taine be King Edwart and put in pressone. At this 
tyme the king of France send ane captane callit 25 
Petter Bruce 5 witht ane certane support to King Harie, 
but or ewer he come he was taine be king Edwart 
and put in pressone. Thairfoir the said captane Bruce 
heirand that the king was in pressone, tuike ane castell 
in the northt 6 callit Annik and thair manfullie thocht 30 
to defend himself quhill he gat support. Bot Edwart 

1 I has "gydit the king." 

3 I has " the," omitted in A and B. 

4 B omits words in brackets; I has 
comptit." See Notes. 

5 Brice or Brese. See Notes. 

6 B and I have " pairt of Ingland." 

2 I has " triumphand." 
compleit " instead of " being 


the new king [heirand of] 1 his provisieoun caussit ane 
greatter airmie to come haistellie and seig him. The 
said captane knawand no releif to com to him haistelie 
send to the consall of Scottland desyrand them to 
5 releif him or to skaill the seige promissand to them 
to cause the king of France his master to redound 
to them the costis, skaithis and dampnagis sustened 
be thame in the said cause. Incontenent George 
earle of Angus wairdane of the bordouris and great 

10 lwtennent for the tyme raissit ane great airmie of Foi. 47 3. 
Scottis men to the number of tuentie thowsand, ten 
thowsand footmen and ten thowsand horsemen, and 
quhen he was neirhand the said castell he cheissed 
out ten thowsand of the best of his airme and past 

15 to the said castell on swift horse as it had bene ane 
feras 2 and gart the laif of his airme come in sight of 
the castell in arrayit battell as ane staill in adventeris 
gif the Inglischmen wald haue gevin battell. 3 Bot in- 
contenent the Inglischmen was sa feirit witht the 

20 suddane comming of the Scottis that they skaillit thair 
seige and gaif them place quhill he releifht the said 
captane of France and brocht him saifflie in Scottland 
and thair put him to libertie to pase in France as 
pleissit with his companie. 

25 In the zeir of god I m four hundreith lxiii zeiris in I, foi. 32* 
the moneth of November Margret queine of ingland 
come out of france and landit in Scotland and fra 
thence furth vent to Ingland with ane strange armye 
of frenchmen and money Scoittis men with hir trovand 

30 to have maid hir pairtie guid and beine revengit on 
edwart the lait 4 king hir enemye quhairfoir king Edwart 

1 The reading of I, "heirand of," has been preferred to that of 
A, " haueing." 

2 B has "forrey," I "fray." 

3 B has "in case it had chanced the Englismen to have gewin 
thame battell " ; I follows text. 

4 " Lait " = lately made king. 


heiring of this that the queine was cuming on him 
with ane gret power assemblit ane greit armie and 
sped him hestelie vnto the north for to meit the queine 
and gif hir battell bot scho on the vther syde seand 
the awfull cuming of the king and the lordis of Ing- 5 
land quhairof scho tuik sic ane feir that scho was con- 
stranit to flie vnto the cost sydd quhar hir schippis 
was and thair enterit in ane carwell and thocht to 
haue saillit to france bot thair come sic hestie tem- 
pestis vpone the sie that hir schippis was scatterit 10 
and in perrell of drowneing that scho was constranit 
to pas in ane fischaris bot and be that menis saimt 
hir lyf and landit at berwik quhilk than was in the 
Scottis menis handis and thaireftir schortlie passit to 
the king and court of Scotland for refuge bot schone 15 
eftir thair come tydingis to hir that hir carwell was 
drownit one the sea with all hir gret treasure cleiding 
and vthir riches and the samyn tyme fyve hundreith 
of hir frenchmen war drewin one the land neir on 
banbroch 1 and becaus thay cuild nocht get thair 20 
schippis away of land thay fyred thame and brunt 
thame and syne heireftir for saif gard of thair bodies 
passit in ane yland in northumberland 2 quhair thair 
foi. 32 b. ane callit maister maures 3 with wthir certeine knichtis 

with him passit haistelie on thame and assailzeit thame 25 
bot thay defendit manfullie quhill thay gat support 
out of Scotland bot the king heirand this followit fast 
to haue had the queine in Scotland and to haue beine 
rewengit on thame that supportit hir or hir men bot 
he was hestelie vissitit with the heot feweris that he 30 
was constranit to depairt bakward againe and leave 
that jornay bot schortlie about the peace 4 heireftir 
the Scoittis with ane Strang power and armie come 

1 Bamborough Castle in Northumberland. 

2 Lindisfarne. See Notes. 

3 Maurice. See Notes. 4 Pasch or Easter. 



vnto ingland and enterit into the land in the north 
pairtis and seigit the castell of Dandwarpe 1 with money 
vthir castellis and recoverit the samyn and wan it with 
money vthir castellis and townis and brocht thame 
5 againe to the seruitud of Scotland. And in the 
monethe of Maij heireftir king Edwart with his lordis 
being varnit that harrie the leit king was cummand 
out of Scotland and assemblit the north pairt with 
him quhilk contenit of inglis and scoittis ane gret 

10 armye. Bot Edwart seand this come fast fordwart 
and his men and fell in skarmisching with the scoittis 
quha war first in the wangarde bot thay debeitit man- 
fullie and wareit edwartis wangard bot harie seand 
thair was nothing bot fechtin tuik purpois and fled 

15 and was schessit and wan away and escheipit nar- 
rowlie with his lyrT bot the scoittismen retired in 
ordour and passit to berwick for their saif gard. 

The zeir of god I m iiij c lxiij zeiris and Margarit 2 quen The deceis 

of 3Vlcir2 r 3.rit 

of Scotland, dowchter to the Duik of Gilder depairtit at quene of 

... Scotland. 

20 Edinburgh and was buneit in the Trmitie Colledge 
quhilk scho foundit hir self efter the deceis of James 
the secund hir husband. This quene Margarit was 
werie wyse and werteous in hir husbandis tyme, bot 
sune efter his deid sche knawand hirself to be regent 

25 and gydder of the realme seing all men to obey hir 
and nane to controll her wther wayis 3 scho became 
leichorous of hir body 4 [and as sum men deime hir to I, foi. 32 b. 
haue beine 5 quhilk aluterlie I will affirrae because the 
lyk thing was done be vthiris in my tyme quha haveand 

30 the authoritie as scho had at that tyme quhilk I haue 
writtin be the reherss of Maister Johne Mair and report 

1 So also I. 

2 This should be Mary, but the mistake is in all the texts. 

3 I has "of her wyce." 4 The passages in brackets are in I only. 
5 Ferrerius in his Appendix to Boece, p. 386, who agrees with 

John Major. — History of Greater Britain, Scottish Text Society, ii. 
p. 388. See Notes. 



The Duk of 
send to 
France to 
leirne the 


of his cronickill quhilk he hes writtin compleitlie of the 
haill realme of Scotland of the haill notabill actis done 
in King James the thridis tyme] and tuik Adame Hep- 
burne of Haillis quho had ane wyffe of his awin and 
committit adulltrie witht him, quhilk caussit hir to be 
lichtlieit witht the haill nobilietie of Scottland that scho 
saw sa money nobill men in Scottland, lordis souns and 
barrouns 1 fre of marieage that scho wald not desyre 
them to have susteinit hir lust, bot tuik ane wther wyffis 
husband to satisfie hir gredie appetyte. 10 

[Thairfoir we may sie in tymes bygaine presentlie and 
to cum quhair weomen hes ovir mekill of thair awin will 
but correctioun or guid counsall garris thame oftymes 
fall frome god and tyne the hartis of thair best lowearis 
to thair avin gret schame and turpitude as did this queine 15 
for quhan scho fell in licherie as I haue schawin to zow 
befoir, scho tint the hairtis of the nobillietie and all the 
commonis quhairfoir scho was depossit of hir governe- 
ment and schortlie heireftir scho tuik displeasour and 
depairtit as I haue schawin to zow Thairfoir god gif 20 
all quenis that bearis authoritie graice to knaw god 
and to wndirstand that licherie and wenus lyfe hes oft 
tymes a euill end.] 2 The samin zeir Alexander Duik of 
Albanie and brother to King James the thrid, was send 
to France to leirne the leid 3 witht wther lettres derectit 25 
be James Kennidie Bischope of St Androis. The said 
Alexander and his schiep were baitht taine be Inglische- 
men, quha was haistelie deliuerit againe be suplicatioun 
of Bischope James Kennedie, for the said bischope 
James promissid to the consall of Ingland that thair 30 
sould no peace be keipit gif that the said Alexander 
and his schiep war nocht deliuerit. Imedeatlie the 
quhilk was done at his desyre for the Inglischemen 

1 B has "sa money erles lordis and barrones sones in Scotland 
frie," &c. 

2 The words in brackets are from I. 

B has "langage and." 


had sic ciwill weiris amang them selffis that they durst 
not break peace with Scotland. [And about this tyme in 
the moneth of September fra our redemptioun I m four 1, foi. 33 «• 
hundreith thriescoir tuelf zeiris the Duik of Clarencis 
5 accompanyit with the erle of Waruik and pembrok and 
Oxfurd with money vthir nobilis and gentillmen with 
thame landit in Ingland and schone heireftir meid 
proclamatiounis in king harreis name quhiddar it was 
for his weill or nocht I can nocht schaw Bot thay drew 

10 ane gret pairt of the realme vnto thame aganis king 
Edwart quha was afoir Duik of Zork bot quhen he hard 
of thair cuming he sped him fast to the sie cost and gat 
schippis and past to flanderis and restit nocht quhill he 
come to his brother the Duik of burgunzie to get sup- 

15 port ; thus indurit gret trubill in Ingland daylie stryveand 
for the croun that Scotland stuid in gret pace and rest 
money zeiris afoir and heireftir.] 1 

In the zeir of god I m iiij c lxvj 2 zeiris Bischope James The death 

of Bischop 

Kennidie depairtit out of this present lyfe and was burieit James 


20 in the citie of St Androis colledge quhilk he foundit 
him self [in the zeir of god I m iiij c xxxv zeiris]. 3 This 
bischope James Kennidy in his dayis was wondrous 
godlie and wyse weill leirned in devyne syences and 
pratizit the samin to the glorie of god and to the com- 

25 mone weill of the kirk of god, for he caussit all persouns 
and wickaris 4 to remaine at thair paroche kirkis for 
instruction and edifieing of their flock ; and caussit them 
to preiche the word of god into the pepill and to wessie 
them quhen they war seik. And allis the said Bischope 

30 went to wissit ewerie kirk withtin his diosie foure tymes 
in the zeir and preichit to the said parochin him self the 
word of god trewlie and requirit of the said parochin gif 

1 " Indurit " should perhaps be " inducit," but possibly "indurit" 
= endured — i.e., continued. The words in brackets are from I. 

2 I has " 1460," which is wrong. 

3 B omits words in brackets. 4 Parsons and vicars. 


they war dewlie instructit in the word of god be thair 
persone and wickar and gif the sacramentis war dewlie 
ministrat into them be the persone and wickar forsaid, 
and gif the poore war sustenid and the zouth brocht wpe 
and leirnitt conforme to the order that was taine in the 5 
kirk of god. And quhair he fand nocht the samin order 
keipit he maid great provissment x to the effect that 
Foi. 4 8 b. godis glorie might shyne throw the contrie in his diocie, 
gevin goode exampillis to all archebischopis and kirkmen 
to cause the patromoney of gods word 2 to be wssit to 10 
the glorie of god 3 and to the commone weill of the 
puire. Farder he was ane mane weill leirnit in the civill 
lawis and had great pratick in the samin [quhairby by 
the ingyne of lettres and pratick, be lang use and zeiris 
he knew the natur of Scottismen] 4 sa that he was maist 15 
abill of ony lord into Scottland spretuall or temporall 
to gif ane wyse consall or ane ansuer quhen tyme occurit 
befoir his prince or the counsall and spetiallie in the 
tyme of parliement. For 5 quhen the ambassadouris of 
wther countries came ffor thair effairis thair was nane 20 
sa abill as hie to gif them ansueris conforme to thair 
petitioun and desyris of thair maisteris, or ony wther 
occatiouns or trubillis that appeirit [in] the realme and 
spetiallie contrair the leisemaiestie. Quhilk he was also 
practicat in, ffor he gave counsall to King James con- 25 
traire the douglassis, as I haue schawin zow befoir, 6 and 
alswa he did money guid actis baitht to the glorie of 
god and to the common weill and advancement of his 

1 B and I have " punishment." - I has " kirk." 

3 B has " his owin glory." 4 Omitted in B. 

5 B has "or quhan ambassadouris craived thair intentis, wes nane 
so meit as he to have ansuered thame or quhan ony ciwill insurrec- 
tioun wes in the cuntrie and specialie lesmaiestie aganis the kingis 
own persone quhairin he was well practicked." 

6 The MS. which Dalzell followed inserts here the apologue of 
the Arrows, and its application to the Douglases, which, as it belongs 
to James II.'s reign, is more appropriately placed in the preceding 
book by MS. I, as in this edition. 


contrie. So we will lat him rest with god and returne 
againe to our porpois. 

Farder in the zeir of our Lord I m iiij c Ixxj zeiris, 
James the thrid beand of the age of nynteine zeiris the The kingis 
5 counsall thocht it expedient that he sould haue ane wyff 
and for quhilk caus send ambassadouris to Denmark for 
the kingis dochtar in mariage to the said king James the 
thrid and thairof meid the contracttis betwine the twa Contracttof 
kingis of mariage and that the king of Denmark and tuixking 
10 Norrowoy sould gif ovir all titill of richt that he had or thrid and 

J & the king of 

micht haue vnto the landis of Orknay and Scheitland Denmarkis 

J dochtar into 

with vthir gret sowmes of money in name of touchar f^d^of 14 

guide Thus contractis meid and endit betuix Denmark schStiand d 

and Scotland to thir ambassadouris foirsaid as I haue X"k¥ng n of° 

15 schawin at Elsoniure the xx day of Julij The zeir of god to^char^uid 

I m four hundreith thrie scoir xiij zeiris and heireftir the rhe xx d a ay 

ambassadouris come to Scotland with Margret the king i 473 . 

of denmarkis dochter accompaneit with ane gret numer 1, foi. 33 b. 
of duche lordis and gentilmen and schowne heireftir 

20 was mareit with king James the thrid with gret solemp- King James 

nitie and triwmphe at Edinburgh the zeir of god I m four zeiris of ai ge 

mareit the 

hundreith and thrie scoir xiij zeiris the king beand than k i"g of 


of xx zeiris of age and the gentillwoman the king of dochter of 

° 12 zeiris of 

denmarkis dochter bot xij zeiris of age ; thus thay passit ai s e - 
25 thair tyme with gret joy and plesour Bot schort quhyle 
eftir thair fell gret troubill in Scotland amang our sellms 
pairtlie be the kingis insolence vthirvvayis be the con- 
spirace of his awin lordis and barronis aganis him as 
eftir followis. And at this tyme in Ingland the Duik 
30 of Excister was foundin deid in the sea betuix Dower 
and Callice bot quhow he was drownit the certentie was 
nocht schawin. 



Of the kingis tua brether to wit Allexander Duik of Albanie and 
Erlle of Marche, and James Erlle of Mar. Hou Allexander 
Duik of Albanie for his singular manheid and wisdome. was 
chosin Captain of Beruik and liuftennent to the king and 
wardane of the bordouris. Hou the said Allexander Duik of 
Albanie fell at discord with the homes for the uptakin of the 
proffietes and deuities of the Erledom of Marche quilk pertenit 
to him be just titill an hou the homes and hepburnes bandit 
together for thair defence. 

This King James the thrid had tuo brether, the eldest 
callit Alexander Duike of Albanie and Earle of Merche, 
the wther James Earle of Mar. This Alexander Duik of 
Albanie and Earle of Merche was werie wyse and manlie 
and lowit nothing so weill as abill men and goode horse 5 
and maid gret coste and expenssis thairon ; for he was 
wondrous liberall in all thingis pertening to his honour 
and for his singular wisdome and manheid he was 
estemed in all contrieis aboue his brother the kingis 
grace. 1 For he was so hardie and manlie [and] witht 10 
the lordis and Barrouns of Scottland was haldin sa in 
estimatioun that they durst never rebell aganis the king 
sa lang as he rang in peace and rest witht his brother 
the kingis grace for he was so hardie manlie and 
wyse that they stude more in aw of him nor of the kingis 15 
grace. For this Alexander was ane man of mide statur, 
braid scholdeart and weill proportionat in all his mem- 
beris, and in spetiall in his face that is to say braid 
faceit, raid 2 nossit, great eyit, and werie awfull continance 
quhen he pleissit to schew him self wnto onfreindis. 3 20 
Bot the kingis grace his brother was far different from 

1 I begins the next sentence "And with the lordis," &c. 

2 I has " rib nosit, gret eye," B omits. 

3 B has "his onfreindis," I " vnto his vnfreindis"; A has 
"freindis," wrongly. 


his qualitieis and complexeoun, for he was ane that 
lowit sollitarnes and desyrit never to heir of weiris nor 
the fame thairof bot delytit mair in musik and polliecie 
of beging nor he did in the goverment of his realme ; ffor 
5 he was wondrous covettous in conquissing of money 
rather than the heartis of his barrouns 1 for he delyttit 
mair in singing and playing wpoun instrumentis nor he 
did in defence of the bordouris or the ministratioun of 
iustice, the quhilk at length caussit him to reuine as ze 

10 sail heir efter following. Bot we will returne to the 
thrid brother James Earle of Mar quho was zoung fair 
and lustie, ane man of high statur, fair and plessant faceit, 
gentill in all his haweingis and maneris and knew na 
thing bot nobilietie. He wssit mekill huntting and halk- 

15 ing witht wther gentill men pastyme or 2 archorie and 
wther knychtlie games, as the intertening of great horse 
and meiris quhairby thair ofspring might florisch so Foi. 51 b. 
that he might be stakit 3 in tyme of weiris with the 

20 We will returne to our historic The said Alexander How the 
Duike of Albanie and Earle of Marche for his singular Aibanie for 
manheid and wossdome was chossin captaine of Bervick wisdomeand 

. manheid was 

and Lutennent of all the haul bordens and had in his chossin cap - 

tane of Ber- 

handis at that tyme the castell of Dumbar witht the vickand 


25 leving thairof pertening to the earle 4 of Marche nocht ofthehaiii 
withstanding Alexander Lord Home callit wtherwayis 
Lord chancelar had money of the landis into his handis 
in uptaking of the rentis and maillis thairof be ressone 
of his office gevin 5 to him in King James the secundis 

30 tyme, thairfor wald nocht suffer the tennentis and 
occupyaris thairof to ansuer the said Alexander Duik of 
Albanie of the maillis rentis proffeitis thairof witht his 

1 B has " subjectis." 2 I has "as." 

3 "Stakit." The reading is doubtful. Perhaps "stakit = staikit," 
i.e., supplied ; or "starkit," i.e., strengthened. 

4 I has " erklome." 5 A has "ewin," wrongly. 



The debait 
betuix Alex- 
ander Lord 
Home and 
the Duik of 

Fol. 52 a. 

goode will, bot beleiffit efterwart witht sic craftie meanes 
to use the samin to his awin plesour. Bot Alexander 
Duik of Albanie commovit at the samin spairit nocht to 
ryd to the groundis and boundis and landis thair of the 
said earledome of Marche and thair wpe tuike the saidis 
proffeitis and dewtieis at his awin plesour nocht witht- 
standing the Lord Home nor nane of his freindis in the 
said actioun might never in na way be partie into him 
because he was baitht captane of Bervick and had all the 
Mers at his obedience. Right sa [he] had the castell of 
Dumbar and money of the gentillmen of that contrie to 
fortiefie him in his iust cause be ressone that he was 
secund persone of Scottland and the kingis brother thair 
durst na man mell l against him. The samin zeir the 
quene bure ane sone that efter was callit James the 
fourt. Zeit nochtwithtstanding the Homes was werie 
discontent in his proceidingis, cust all the wayis he 
might to keip them selffis in possessioun of the rowmes 
and rentis quhilk they war in wse and possessioun affoir 
of wptaking thairof as challmerlane to the kingis grace 
and to that effect to fortifie thair cause they bandit witht 
the Hepburnes to mak thair pairtie goode aganis the 
said Alexander Duik of Albanie. Bot never the les 
thair laubouris was bot in waine ; because their actioun 
was not goode nor iust, he werrit ewer 2 them at all 
tymes quhen they mett ; gif he 3 had ben xxx and they 
iij xx he wald haif gevin them battell and oftymes war 4 
them and chase thame to thair haldis. 5 




1 I has "meddill." 2 I has " variet thame evir." 

3 I and A have " thair," which is wrong. 4 I has " woritt." 

5 There is something not quite clear here. Freebairn reads : 
"Because their action was not good nor just he prevailed ever at 
all times against them when they met. If he had been thirty and 
they three score yet he would have given them battle : and oft- 
times warred them and chased them to their hold." This is no 
doubt the sense of the passage. 



How the homis and the hepburnis dewysit ane meane to bring the 
king at discord with his brether : and how they assemblit with 
ane new Courteour callit Cochrine for the same intent and pur- 
pois. Hou this Cochrine caussit ane wiche cum and proministrat * 
to the king. Hou the king send for his bretherin and for quhat 
purpois. The slaughter of the kingis brether the erle of Marr. 

Then the Homes and Hepburneis seand that they 
could nothing prevaill aganis this nobill man, devyssit 
amang them selffis ane craftie meane quhairbe they 
might cause his brother the kingis grace to be dis- 
5 contentit witht him knawand weill gif they had the 
king brokin fre the said Alexander his brother in this 
cace, thai thocht to haue rulleit the kingis grace as they 
pleissit : and to this effect sought all the occatiouns that 
they might bring thair purpois to effect, quhill at the 

10 last they persawit ane new courteour start wpe callit Thecom- 
Couchren quho had at that tyme great preheminence Couchrento 
and autorietie in court, and credence witht the king 
and reullit all matteris and actiounis as he pleissit to 
thame that wald giue him buddis or geir for his labouris. 

15 The Homes and Hepburnes seand this man Couchrane How the 

haueand sa greit credance of the king, thinkand na thing the Hep- 
bums assen- 
better nor they wald mak thair moyenis witht him and tit with 


gaif him large sowmes of money to fortiefie and manteine 

thair cause aganis the Duike of Albanie quha haistelie Foi. 52 b. 

20 promissit to tak thair pairt in all thingis debettabill 
betuix them and the Duik of Albanie and his brother 
Erie of Mar. For the said Couchrine confessed to 
them that he was in no less feir and dreadour of the 
Duik of Albanie and his brother nor they war them 

25 selffis, thairfoir he was the mair willing to consent to 

1 Prognosticate. 


thair oppinion and promissit to tham gif he might find 
the tyme convenient he should bring thair purpois to 
effect and depairtit from thame and was in to the 
court and daylie laborit his ingyne to bring the king 
in discord with his brether. He trawellit lang or ewer 5 
he could finde ony effect to bring his porpois to pase for 
the king lowit his brether so weill that he wald trow no 
wrang narratioun of them nor gif no credence to na man 
How Couch- that spake ewill of them, quhill at the last this Couchrane 
anewitche seand of na way he could break the king from his 10 

to come and 

pronosticat bretherin, he caussit ane witche to come and pronunce 

to the king. 

to the king that he sould be suddenlie slaine witht ane 
of the neirest of his kin of the quhilk the king was werie 
effeirit and desyreit of the witche how scho had that 
experience of him or gif ony man had caussit hir to 15 
speik the samin, and scho denyit that ony man caussit 
hir bot that scho had the rewelatioun thairof be ane fa- 
miliear spreit. And then the king begane to grow aston- 
ischit and daylie affryit of thir new tydingis conjectering 
and moving 1 in his mynd quhome this sould be, bot at 20 
the last tuik suspitioun in his mynd of his bretherin that 
he coniecterit 2 that it sould be they that sould perform 
this prophecie that the witche had spokin. Because he 
had no bairnes at that tyme of aige to do sic thing as 
was pronuncit thairfoir he concludit haill witht himself 25 
that it sould be his bretherin that sould do him that 
mischeif; and thairvvpoun he grew in sic suspitioun 

Foi. 53 a. and haitrent towartis them that he might on na wayse 
tak rest because they war neirest of kin to him as the 
witche had spokin, bot ewer inquirand at Couchrane 30 
and the laife of his wnworthie consall quha augmentit 

The sus- him daylie in that suspitioun towart his brether and was 

pitioun be- .... . _, 

tuix the king content of jelozie towartis his brether. Bot quhen thir 

and his . . 

brether. tydingis of the kingis suspitioun came abrode and noyssed 

1 I has "conjectin and studein." 

2 I has "conjectit." 


throw the countrie and also come to the earis of the 
Homes and Hepburnes they war hartlie content of thir 
nowellis traisting to be relewit be that way of thair 
eneme the Duik of Albanie and his brother; thairfoir 
5 maid them to the court and flatterit witht the king and 
witht the courteouris, schawand thair appeirance of the 
kingis suspitioun sayand they thocht all to be of werietie 
that the king had coniectit in that matter towardis his 
bretherin. Quhill at the last, thair grew sic mortall feid 

10 withtin the kingis breist towartis his bretherine that he 
could on nawayis be contentit to lat his brether leif in 
peace and rest to haue godlie cheratie witht them as he 
aught to haue witht his awin bretherin, bot saikles in his 
awin heart condemnit them baitht to deith and that be 

15 persuatioun of this fallis flatterar Couchrin and the in- 
tysement of the Homes and Hepburnes quhilk was the 
fortiffiearis of Couchrane in that cause be thair persua- 
tioun gewin to him great giftis of gould and silluer. At 
the last the king send for his bretherin the Duik of 

20 Albanie and the Earle of Mar 1 in all possibill haist 
for sic thingis as he had ado witht at that tyme; bot 
the kingis mynd and porpois was to destroy inmedeatlie 
efter thair comming and that be the persuatioun of the 
fallis flateraris that was about the king at that tyme. 

25 Bot notwithstanding the Duik of Albanie was suirlie 
adwertissit be his freindis of the kingis malice towartis 
him be the persuatioun of his enemeis and thairfor wald 
nocht compeir for the kingis writting bot fled to his Foi. 53 &• 
awin castell of Dumbar quhill he saw farther in the 

30 matter; bot the Earle of Mar, wnadwertissit heirof 
came obedientlie into his brother the kingis grace not 
dreadand nor suspecand na malice in the kingis heart to 
him nocht-withtstanding this nobill mane came to Edin- 
burgh obedientlie into his brother the kingis grace ; quho ter of the 

35 was haistelie thairefter murdrest and slaine in the Canno- Mar. 
1 I adds, "to cum to Edinburgh to him," &c. 


gait in ane baith fatt, be quhose persuatioun or quhat 
cause I can not tell. 1 


Hou the king past to Dunbar to have gottin his brother the duik 
of Albanie thair in the Castell randerit at the kingis command. 
Hou Cochrene obteinit the erledom of Mar ; Hou Cochrene 
got licence to straik cunzie : hou the Court was misgydit be 
Cochrene. Hou the lordis set ane conventioun amangis thame- 
selfs. The lordis consall to the king. The kingis ansuer to 
the lordis. 

The kingis grace sune efter came to Dumbar to haue 
had his brother the Duik into his handis bot the Duik 
adwertissit of his comming fled out of his said castell 5 
and left men to keipt it and past him self to Berwick 
and remanit thair quhill he hard farther tedingis. The 
Off the king heirand of his depairtur and absence send certane 

Dumbar. nobell men to the castell of Dumbar and requirit the 

samin to be deliuerit to the king and his captans quhilk 10 
obedientlie was randerit at the kingis plesour. This 
being done the king past to Edinburgh and thair re- 
manit ane quhill at his plesour woyd of all feir, dreadour 
or danger quhilk he suspectit afoir to come be the pro- 
phiecie of the witche, and also passit his tyme witht his 15 
flateraris in all pairtis of Scottland at his plesour, think- 
and then that thair was no man that had at him invy 
bot he might saiflie perseveir in his plesour and woca- 
tioun as he thocht best. 

In this tyme this Couchrane grew sa familiear witht 20 
his maister the kingis grace that nathing was done in 
court butt by him and all men that wald haue had thair 
bussienes drest witht the kingis grace come to Couchrin 

1 I adds, " allennerlie exceptt the kingis suspitioun. This crwell 
act was done in the zeir of god I m four hundreith thriescoir 
fyfteine zeiris." 


and maid him forspeiker for them and gaif him large 
money to drese thair bussienes thairthrow and he became 
so riche and potent, of sic substance that no man might 
stryue witht him. Bot he knawand the kingis natur that 
5 he was covatous wpoun money and lowed him better Foi. 54 a. 
that gaif him nor they that tuik fre him for the quhilk 
cause the said Couchren gaif the king lairge sowmes of How Couch- 

ren obtenit 

money quhair throw he obtenit the Earledome of Mar the Eari- 

dome of 

frome the king and was possest in the samin and ewer Mar. 

10 clame heigher and heigher to the court till that he had 
no peir nor compariesone of no lord of Scottland spirit- 
uall nor temporall into the kingis fawour. Quhat ewer 
was in the court or consall witht the king na thing was 
concludit bot be him, nor no man durst say that his 

15 proceidingis was wicked or ewill or wnproffietabill to the 
common weill bot he wald haue his indignatioun and 
gart punisch him for the samin. He gat sic credence HowCouch- 

ran gat leif 

of the king that he gaif him leif to straik conzie of his at the king 

to straik 

awin as he had ben ane prince; and quhen the wyfhs cunzie. 

20 wald refuse the said cunzie quhilk was callit ane Couch- 
rinis plak and said to him that it wald be cryit doun, he 
ansuerit them and said, that day he wald be hangit 
quhen they war cryit doun quhilk schortlie followit 
thairefter that prophiecie as ze sail heir. For this 

25 Couchrane had sic autorietie in court and credence at 
the king that na man gatt audience nor presentis of the 
king bot be his moyen so all that wald esteme him or 
flatter witht him or gif him geir, thair matteris was dressit 
according to thair awin plesour. Quhether they war 

30 iust or wniust or aganis the common weill, all was alyke 
onto him, ffor he cairit not the weillfair of the realme or 
the [kingis] * honour so that he might haue his awin sin- 
gular profeit and estimatioun in court. So he abussit 
this nobill prince that nane was ressawit in court nor 

35 in no kynd of office bot they quho wald obey to him 
1 I inserts "kingis." 



Fol. 54 b. 

How Couch- 
rin misgydit 
the court 
and the 

How the 
lordis sett 
ane conven- 
ist them 

The lords 
consall to 
the king. 

Fol. 55 a. 

and be of his factioun ; so be this meanes the prudent 
lordis counsall was refussit and thair souns absent from 
the kingis seruice. For no man durst come seme the 
king bot he that was ane flatterar with Cowchrin and 
think all thingis weill done that ewer he consallit the 5 
king to. Be this way the kingis grace tint money of the 
harttis of the lordis of Scottland and allso of thair souns 
and brether that was zoung men that faine wald haue 
seruit the kingis grace bot thai could gett na place for 
this Couchrin and his companie, nor na casualietieis 10 
culd fall to the king in Scottland bot it was disponit be 
the advyse of this Cowchrin and not be the consall of 
the lordis of parlieament nether sprituall nor temporall. 

The quhilk proceidingis movit the maist of the lordis 
of Scottland to fall from the king and to sett thair intent 15 
to find remedie in the samin, quho maid ane conventioun 
amang themselffis and thair to consult hou thai might 
best bring the king to defend his realme in iustice and 
equitie quhairby the commone weill might flurische 
and the kingis honour [be] nocht diminischit and put sic 20 
nobill men about him to serue him as was convenient 
for sic ane prince quhairby vertew might be mantenit 
and wyce punischit quhairby he might win the favouris 
of his lordis and barrouns and to bring his realme to 
sic peace and rest as his father left it to him. And 25 
wpoun this conclutioun the lordis send ane wyse mane 
to the king declairing thair myndis into him in maner 
and forme as efter followis ; that is to say, thay desyrit 
the kingis grace to leif zoung consall and wnhonest 
companie quhilk tuike na thocht of the kingis honour 30 
and commone weill of the cuntrie into the ministratioun 
of iustice bot the sight that they had to thair particular 
proffeit, and desyirit him to leif all feir and dredour and 
put suspitioun out of his hart towartis his nobillis, and 
tak the consall of his wyse lordis how he sould rulle 35 
him self in goverment of his realme and in the minis- 


tratioun of iustice and in the defence of his eneraeis and 
mantinance of his commone weill. And gif his grace 
wald wse thair consall in this maner they wald all die 
and leif witht him in defence of his honour and com- 
5 mone weill of the contrie ; and gif he wald not inclyne 
to thair consall in this maner they tuik god to witnes 
that they sould be guiltles of the misgoverance of the 
realme and the charge sould ly to him batht befoir god 
and man, that they sould be declairit innocent gif ony 
10 miswse fell at that tyme in the contrie. The king The kings 


ansuerit to thair petitioun, sayand, he had no consall 
in the goverment of his realme bot lordis consallis, as 
they war, and to his companie they pleissit him for the 
tyme because he could sie nor persaif no better for him 

15 at that tyme; and lat them to wnderstand he wald put 
na ma out of his companie for thair plessouris fTor he 
beleiffit suirlie that thay war baitht trustie and trew that 
seruit and was in his companie. And he could nocht 
beleue in them, because ewer quhen the ane half of them 

20 was witht him and of his oppinioun the wther half was 
aganis him ; zeit nochtwithtstanding he promist, quhen 
the haill lordis was convenit togither and concludit in 
ane woce he wald be content to wse thair consall in all 
thingis and spetiall in the defence of his realme and 

25 libertie thairof. 

The lordis heirand this ansuer of the kingis was not 
halflingis content witht the samin bot zeit they buire 
fair quhill they saw thair tyme knawand thay could do 
nathing mair in this matter quhill they war togither 

30 wpoun the feildis in campt or battell. To that effect 

some of them caussit the bordouris to be brokin and Foi. 55 b. 
wther sume lay still and wald mak no defence quhair- 
throw came greit reif and heirschipis in all contrieis and 
greit slaughteris betuix Ingland and Scottland quhair throw Great 


35 the landis was so waistit be Ingland and the theiffis of betuix ing- 

land and 

Annerdaill that na thing was plenischit wntill Edinburgh. Scottland. 



Ane proclamatioun and hou the king tuik arteilzerie out of the 
Castell of Edinburgh. Ane wthir Conventioun amang the 
lordis. To quhat purpois thay concludit : Hou Cochran quha 
was Erie of Mar come to the Conventioun : hou he was accom- 
panyit and quhat was thair abulzement : quha was keiper of 
the dor : hou Cochran come in and quhat was tane from him 
in his incoming : hou the kingis secreit serviandis was hangit 
and Cochrane also. 1 Quhat maner of man Cochrane was in 
his beginning and hou he com to the Court : hou money of 
kingis servandis eschaipit. Hou the king was put in presoun : 
hou thare was guid pace and rest in the cuntrie so long as the 
king was in presoun : hou he was counsalled to speik with the 
Erie of Douglas. The hech wordis of the erle to the king. 
The kingis wow to the Erie of Douglas. 

Quhen thir lamentatiouns and [cryis] 2 of the poore 

come befoir the king he was hevelie commovet and 

How the caussit to mak procliematioun out throw the realme and 

loner m*iicl 

prociima- to all sindrie his ledgis earleis lordis barrouns and 


friehalderis and all substantious gentillmen, ze 3 and all 5 
maner of man betuix sextie and sextene zeiris allis weill 
sperituall as temporall to compeir and assembill wpoun 
the borrowmure of Edinburgh in thair best array witht 
xl dayis wictuall to pas fordwart witht the king quhair 
he pleissit in defence of the realme. The Inglischmen 10 
heirand of thir procliematiouns maid greit provisioun for 
the same thinkand that they wald defend them selffis 
and thair bordour contrair the Scottis at that tyme ffor 
they had to thair lewtennent and cheiftane the Duik of 
Glossister quho was then principall consallour and great 15 
lutennant wnto King Edwart the new king. Nocht- 
withtstanding the Scottis campt pertlie come fordwart 
at the kingis command and to the place that was ap- 

1 From here MS. I makes a second chapter v. ; but as the next 
chapter is vi., it seems better to run the two chapters v. together. 

2 I. B and A have " to this " — a miscopy. 3 " Ze " = zea. 


poyntit, that is to say, wpoun the borrowmure convenitt 
the haill number of lordis barrounis and gentillmen and 
borrowis, fyftie thousand fightand men, by carrage l men 
and bordereris. The king tuk certane artaillze witht him How the£fc tuilc 

K out of the castell of Edinburgh and maid Cowchrane certanar- 

J ° . taillze out of 

earle of Mare convoyar of the samin out of the castell the casteii of 


vpon his expenssis and past fordwart to Sowtray the first witht him. 
night and on the morrow past to Lawder and thair 
plantit doune thair pawilieounis betuix the kirk and the 

10 toun and thair abaid that nicht, quhill on the morne all 
the haill lordis of Scotland convenit in the kirk of 
Lauder to ane cunsall and thair to consult quhat was Foi. 56 a. 
best to be done ffor the weillfair of the realme and the 
defence of the bordouris or gif they sould pas witht the 

15 king as his plesour. At that tyme sum wyse and antient 
lordis ansuerit and said he was not thair king nor gydit 
be thame nor be thair counsall bot maid fellowis mais- 
souns to be lordis and earleis in the place of nobillmen, 
that is to say he had banist the nobill Duik of Albanie 

20 his brother and had forfaltit and slaine the Earle of Mar 
his wther brother, and had maid Cowchrane that was 
bot ane maissone to fullfill his rowme quhairof they 
could not be contentit. Quhen they had sic thingis 
reformitt, wpoun this they cheissit out certane wyse 

25 lordis to the number of xxiiij that is to say, the earle The number 
of Angus principall of the consall [Lord Annerdaill quho 
was chancellar for the tyme], 2 the earle of Argyle, the 
earle of Huntlie, the earle of Orknay the earle of 
Crafurd, the earle Bothwall 3 the lord Home, lord 

30 Fleming, lord Gray lord Drowmond, the lord Seytoun 
witht certane bischopis. The quhilkis lordis convenit 
forsaid and had adwyssit ryplie in this cause quho had 

1 I has "Carrek," and is probably the right reading — z.e. t 
besides Carrick men. 

2 I omits words in brackets. 

3 I inserts here, " lord evindeill quha was chancellar for the tyme." 
" Avandale" is the correct spelling. Evandail is also common. 



How Couch- 
ran come to 
the consall. 

Fol. 56 b. 

How they concludit haill witht ane woyce thinkand that the king 


sould be taine softlie and fairlie, bot heirm of his body 
and convoyit witht certane gentillmen into the castell 
of Edinburgh to remain thairin quhill they saw forder 
and in the meane tyme to tak Couchrane the earle of 5 
Mar and all the laif of the kingis familiearis and imme- 
diatlie hang thame ower the breig of Lawder. Be this 
was devyssit and spokin be thir lordis forsaid Couchrane 
the earle of Mar came frome the king to the consall, 
quhilk consall was haldin in the kirk of Lawder for the 10 
tyme [quha] l was weill accompanit witht ane band of men 
of weir to the number of iij c light aixiss all clad in quhyt 
cloth 2 and blak bendis thairon, that [thay] 3 might be 
knawin for Couchrane the Earle of Maris men and him- 
self was clad in ane ryding pie of blak wellvet, ane great 15 
chenzie of gould about his hallis to the awaillour of 
v c crounes, ane fair blawing home, witht ane baitharage 4 
of gould and silk sett with pretious stanis. His home 
was typit witht fyne gould at everie end, and ane 
pretious stone callit ane burriall hingand in the midst 20 
This Couchrane had his humelt 5 borne besyd him ower 
gilt with gould and so was all the rest of his harnes and 
all his paillzeouns was of fyne cammes of silk and the 
cordis thairof of fyne twynit silk and the chains wpoun 
his paillzeounis was doubill owergilt with gould. This 25 
Couchrane was so proud in his consait that he contit no 
lord to be marrow to him, thairfor he raschit rudlie at 
the kirk dore. The consall inquyrit [quho was that 
perturbat thame at that tyme. Schir Robert Douglas 
laird of Lochlevin was keiper of kirk dore at that tyme, 30 
quho inquyrit who] 6 that was that knokit sa rudlie and 
Couchrane ansuerit, ' It is I the Earle of Mar.' The 
quhilk nowellis pleissit weill the lordis because they 

Quho was 
keiper of the 

1 I and A omit 

2 I has "livera." 
5 I has "hellmund. 

1 quha," which is necessary for the sense. 

3 I. 4 I has " batherick." 

6 I omits all the words within brackets. 


war redy bound to gar tak him as is affor rehearsit. 
Then the Earle of Angus past haistelie to the dore and 
witht him Sir Robert Douglas of Louchlevin, there to 
ressaue in the Earle of Mar and sa money of his com- Quhen he 

1 1 ill i * t i i come in and 

5 pieces as was thair, as they thocht good. And the earle quhatwas 

his abullze- 

of Angus mett the Earle of Mar as he come in at the mentwas 

taine ffrome 

dore and pullit the gold chinzie frome his craige and him in his 

r ° ° coming. 

said to him 'ane raipe wald sett him better.' Sir Robert 
Douglas seing this pullit the blawing home from him in 

10 lyk maner, and said he had bene ane huntar of mischeif 
ower lang. 1 This Couchrane 2 ansuerit, ' my lordis, is it 
1 mowse or earnest.' They ansuerit and said ' it is goode Foi. 57 «. 
* earnest, for thow and thy compleces hes abussit our 
1 prince this lang tyme, of quhome zow sail haue no more 

15 ' credence, bot sail haue thy rewaird conforme to thy 
' wocatioun as thow hast deservid in tymes bypast, and 
i right to the rest of thy fellowis.' Nochtwithtstanding the 
rest of the lordis held them quyit quhill they caussit ane 
certaine of airmit men [to pase into the kingis paillzeoun 

20 and tuo or thrie of wyse men] 3 to pase witht them and 
gaif the king fair plessant wordis quhill they laid handis 
and tuik all his servandis and familiearis and himself 
and brocht him to the consall and hangit all his ser- How ail the 

• • lcingis se- 

vandis ower the bredg of Lawder befoir his eine. And creit ser- 

... . ^ 1 1 • vandis was 

25 thair incontinent brocht fourtht Couchrane and his hangit. 
handis bound witht ane tow quho desyrit thame to tak 
ane of his awin palliezoun towis quhilk was of silk and 
bind his handis ffor he thocht schame to haue his handis 
bund witht sic ane tow of hempt lyk ane theif. The 

30 lordis ansuerit and said ' he was war nor ane theif he was How Couch- 

-11 • 1 I -i r 1 • 1 rane waS 

' ane tratour and deservit no better and for dispyt they hangit and 

his com- 

tuik ane hardm tedder 4 and hangit him ower the brige of pieces. 
Lawder abone the laif of his compleces ; and maid ane 

1 I adds, " he sould be ane hangit man als lang." 

2 I adds " Erie of Mar." 3 I omits words within brackets. 
4 "Teddir"— i.e., tether. 


procliematioun and cryit done all his cunzie, quhilk 
fullfillit his awin prophiecie forsaid. 

This correction and punishment foresaid was done at 
lather [Lauder] the year of God ane thousand four hun- 
dredth four score and ane years that he might be ane 
Quhat man- exampill to all simpill persouns nocht to climb so hie and 

er ane man 

Cochrane proceid 1 in so great thingis in ane realm as he did. For 

was in his 

beginning a t his beginning he was bot ane printis to ane maisonne 

and how he ° ° r 

com to the an d withtin few zeiris become werie ingeneous into that 
Foi. 57$. craft and bigit money stain house witht his hand into 10 
the realme of Scottland : and becaus he was conning in 
that craft nocht efterlang thai maid him maister maisone 
and ewer this Cochran 2 clam heigher and heigher quhill 
he come to this fyne 3 as is rehearssit. The king was 
taine captiue him self and lede to the castell of Edin- 15 
How money burgh be the convoy of his lordis, and nane eskipit 

of the kingis . . . . 

secreit ser- that was in his companie I meane his secreit servandis 

wandis es- 

kaipit. or cubecularis bot war hangit, saif ane zoung man callit 

Schir Johnne Ramsay, was saiffit be the kingis request 
who for refuge lape on the horse behind the king for to 20 
saif his lyf. This Schir Johnne Ramsay was laird of 
[Balmain] and efterwart thesaurar of Scottland, 4 and efter 
How the this ane lang tyme the king remanit still in the castell 
in presone. of Edinburgh as captiue and had ane certane lordis in 

companie witht him that tuik hald wpoun him and keipit 25 
him in the said castell and servit and honourit him as 
ane prince aught to be, ffor he was not put thair as 
ane presonar bot for the mantening of the commone weill 
and gaif him libertie to wse all derectiouns and all giftis 
of cassuallietieis and propertieis of his realme at his awin 30 
plesour ffor na thing was derogat frome him that per- 
tenit to him be ressone of his autorietie. All letteris 

1 I has " pretend." 2 A has " Cowrent." 

3 I. A has "so fyne," which is wrong. 

4 Sir John Ramsay's proper title was of "Balmain," not " Bomen 
as in A. 


and commandementis and procliematiounis was gevin 
and maid in his name lyke as they war befoir at his im- 
puting, nor no wther Regent nor governor choissin in 
that mean tyme, bot everie lord withtin his awin boundis 
5 was suorne to minister iustice and to cause stouthe reif 
and slaughter to be punished withtin them selfis, or ellis 
to bring the doaris of the samin to the kingis iustice to 
Edinburgh thair to be punist, or ellis they sould ansuer Foi. 58 a. 
for the cryme thame selffis to be haldin doars of the 
10 samin. 

Be this way thair was sum peace and rest in the con- The king 

being in the 

trie the space of thrie quarteris of ane zeir, quhill at the casteii thair 

was goode 

last the king wald faine haue bene out of the castell peace and 

" rest in the 

at his libertie as he was befor. Nochtwithtstanding he c o ntrie - 
15 could on nawayis obteine his purpois at his plesour bot 
gif he wald bind him self into the lordis consallis that 
was his inputtaris and gevin some pledgis thair foir to 
obserue and keip the samin quhilk he wald on nawayis 
do. Sum that was secreit freindis cam to him and gaif How he was 

. consallit to 

20 him consall to speik witht the Earle of Douglas quho speikwitht 

r . © . 1 the Earle of 

was captiue in the castell of Edinburgh at that tyme. Douglas. 
Thir forsaid freindis desyrit the king to tak the Earle of 
Douglas in his favouris and remitt all thingis bygaine 
and to restoir him into his landis againe quho was 

25 forfaltit befoir ane lang tyme ; schawand the king gif 
he wald beir this that the Earle of Douglas was abill to 
fortiefie and defend him and bring him to his porpose 
that he wald haue ben at. Nochtwithtstanding the king 
was werie glade of this consall and desyrit effectuslie to 

30 speik witht the Earle of Douglas quho was brocht to him 
incontenent to inter- commone witht him of the said 
matter. Bot the Earle of Douglas on the wther pairt 
was so heigh and presumptious withtin his awin mynd The heigh 

wordis of 

that he gaif the king no dew reverence as he aught to the Erie of 

. . Douglas to 

35 haue done, bot heigh and presumptious wordis quhilk the king. 
became him nocht to haue gevin his prince at that tyme Foi. 85 b 


i 7 8 


The kingis 
wow to- 
wards the 
Earle of 

How he was 
werie con- 
sallit to send 
to his broth- 
er the Duik 
of Albanie. 

considering that he was in thair subiectioun and in cap- 
tiuetie, thairfoir the king thocht him so proude in his 
ansueris and commoning that they pairtit war 1 freindis 
nor they mett and the king maid ane singular wow that 
he sould never be relaxit out of the castell of Edinburgh 
gif he might keip him into it for be his proud speiking 
he was lyker to be king nor hie, for the king feirit him as 
mekill as ony of the rest gif he had bene at libertie. 
Thair he left him in this maner and commonit no mair 
witht him and schew them that gaif him the consall the 
haill matter quho was werie discontentit at the samin. 
Bot sum of thame gaif him counsall to send to his 
brother the Duik of Albanie ane familiear letter de- 
clairing to him the cace how it stude. 



Hou the king send ane letter to the duik of Albanie his brother and 
for quhat caus. The king of inglandis ansuer to the duik of 
Albanie concerning his brother the king of Scotland. The king 
of inglandis desyre the king of Scotlandis ansuer. Hou the 
Duik of Albanie came in Scotland to the king with support to 
him. The Chancellaris ansuer to the duik of Albanie con- 
cerning the kingis relaxatioun. 

Quhan the king had resawit this consall as is before 15 
declarit he did the samyn, to wit, he send the Duik of 
Albanie his brother ane familiear letter desyrand him 
effectuslie to pas to Edwart of Ingland the new king 
desyrand support of him and his consall quhairby he 
might be relaxit out of the castell of Edinburgh and 20 
to be revengit of his imputtaris, promissand gif ony 
sic thingis occurit towart King Edwart he sould be 
redy witht all his powar to his support. Thir lettres 
war derectit inmediatlie to the Duik of Albanie his 

1 "War" = waur — i.e., worse. 


brother, quho was then in Bervick for the tyme and 
ressawit the kingis wryttingis werie thankfullie requyr- 
and of the king and consall of Ingland the samin 
support to his brother as his wrytting maid mentioun. 
5 Thairfoir the king and consall of Ingland beand ad- 
wyssit thairwpoun, denyit ony support to be gevin to 
the king of Scottland withtout they wist quhairfoir, 
because they had chargit him sindrie tymes for sup- 
port and gat nane. Nochtwithtstanding, wald the king 

10 of Scottland be content to rander Bervick againe to 

them they wald grant him support and wald relax Foi 59*. 
him. The Duik of Albanie ansuerit and said he had 
no commissieoun of that matter bot promissit that he 
sould schaw his brother the king of Inglandis desyre 

15 and his consall and bring ansuer thair wpoun. And 
schortlie efter this the Duke of Albanie wrait into 
his brother the king of Scottland schawand him the 
ansuer and mynd of the king and consall of Ingland The king of 


and quhat thair desyre was, to wit, they desyrit the askitofthe 

? , . king of 

20 toune of Bervick to be randerit againe betuix zeir Scottland. 
and day in Inglischmens handis and gif the king of 
Scottland wald promise the samin to be done at the 
termes forsaid as we haue spokin and send his great 
seill thairwpoun they wald incontenent grant to all his 

25 desyris that is to say to deliuer him frie at libertie and 
to mak him to haue powar to punische quhen he pleissit 
quho had transgressed aganis him, 1 provydand alwayis 
that the king of Scottland wald deliuer to thame certane 
pledges quhill the said toune of Bervick was randerit. 

30 This ansuer pleissit weill the king of Scotland sayand, The kingis 
gif all Ingland was his he had rether rander it nor to be 
haldin in captiuetie with his awin and to this effect he 
wrait this commissioun wnder his great seall to his 
brother the Duik of Albanie to grant thair desyre and 

35 promise the samin to the consall of Ingland and send 
1 I omits the rest of this sentence. 


foure lordis souns in pledge of the samin. The Duik 
of Albanie ressawit the king his brotheris commissioun 
and the pledgis forsaid and past thairefter to Loundoun 
to the king of Ingland and his consall thairof and schew 
them the maner how that he had spede in promise to 5 
the king that all his desyre sould be granted, and schew 
him the king of Scotlandis commissieoun wnder his 

Foi. 59 b. great seall and deliuerit him the pledgis for obserwa- 
tioun and dew keiping of his promise. Wpoun the 
quhilk the king of Ingland was werie weill contentit 10 
and ressawit the Duik of Albanieis pledgis werie thank- 
fullie and interteneit them weill and incontinent caussit 

How the the Duik of Glossester his great lewtennent to pas in 

Duik of Al- . ... 

banie cam in Scottland witht the Duik of Albanie witht the number 


with support of ten thowsand chossin men of the best in all Ingland, 1 z 


brother. we iH artaillzerit, and commandit the said Duik of Glos- 
sester to pase vitht the Duik of Albanie in Scottland 
quhair ewer he pleissit, and to remaine witht him sa 
lang as he pleissit, in defence and support of the king 
of Scottland his brother, and promissit that they sould 20 
want na furnisching nor expenssis ay and quhill the 
king of Scottland war put to libertie and revengit wpoun 
his enemies. And incontinent thir nobill men come 
in Scottland the xx day of the monetht of August 1 in 
the zeir of god I m iiij c lxxxij zeiris, and plantit thair 25 
pallzeouns wpoun the borrow mure of Edinburgh and 
thair maid provitioun for thair airmie lyke tua cheiftanes, 
and thair the Scottis lordis sieand this, effeirit of thair 
comming nochtwithtstanding they knew sumthing of 
the cause and caussit them to draw togither to the 2 30 
counsall, quhilk sune efter compeirit the Duik of Albanie 
witht the Duik of Glossester withtin the toune of Edin- 
burgh witht the number of thrie 3 thowsand gentillmen 

1 Dalzell has "the twentie twa day of August." 

2 I has "thair counsall," omitting "to the." 

3 Dalzell has "ane thousand." 


and enterit in the tolbouth befoir the lordis of Scottland 
quho was sitand than in consall and thair reverentlie 
salust the Duik of Albanie and wilkhimit him hame 
and desyrit him quhat was his petitioun. He ansuerit 
5 againe ' I desyre the kingis grace my brother to be put The chan- 

celar an- 

at libertie,' quhilk was grantit to him incontinent. Bot suemtothe 
the chancelar ansuerit and said, ' my lord, we will grant Albanie. 

* zour petitioun and desyre bot as to that man quho is 
1 witht zow, we knaw him not nor zeit will grant him 

10 ' nothing to his desyre. Bot we knaw zow to be the 
1 kingis brother and, saifand the kingis sone, secund 
1 persone of Scottland and ane favorar of iustice and 
1 all the commone weill thairof. Thairfor the kingis 
' grace salbe at zour plesour to wse him as ze think 

15 ' goode beseikand zow thairfor to cause him to wse wyse 

* and prudent consall in tyme comming quhilk regairdis 
c his honour and the commone weill of the countrie 
1 quhairby iustice myght be ministrat and the poore in 
1 peace and rest. This beand done I trust the king 

20 ' salbe out of suspitiouns of his barrounis quhilk hes 1 bene 
' troublous to him in tyme bypast and caussit ws that 
c was his lordis to do those thingis quhilk stude not to 
1 his contentment because he wald not wse our consall 
' in goode intent 2 of his realme nor in the executioun 

25 'of iustice bot wssit all thingis at his awin plesour and 
' thair consall quho was familiearis for the tyme witht 
' him and was not worthie to be in that rowme to haue 
' gevin ane prince counsall bot rather to haue haldin 
' the pleugh or to haue keipit scheip or, witht zour 

30 ' reverence, had mokit 3 clossitis. Thairfor I pray zour 
' lordschip to cause him wse better consall in tyme 
' comming quhairby zour lordschip may have honour 
1 of zour laubour quhilk ze haue maid at this tyme 
1 ffor his deliuerance.' 

1 " Hes "=has, for have. 2 1 has " gydment of." 

3 I has "muckit clossitis." 



Hou the king was relaxit out of the Castell of Edinburgh. Hou 
the kingis grace wairdit pairt of the lordis : the number of 
thame. Pace in Scotland. Hou the duik of Albanie mareit the 
Erie of Orknayis dochter : hou he partit with her and passit in 
France and was mareit. Hou the lordis hatit the duike of 
Albanie : how the duik of Albanie was sumond before the 
Counsall for certaine crymes of tresoun : hou the duik of 
Albanie was put in presoun : hou the king was counsellit to 
justifie the duik of Albanie. 

Schone efter this quhen the chancellar had endit his 

wriesone, the Duik of Albanie and the Duik of Glos- 

sester depairtit frome the counsall and went towart the 

How the castell to resaue the king. Tua harrottis of armes was 

king was re- ... . 

laxitoutof commandit to pase witht them to charge the capitane 5 

the castell. . . 

Foi. 60 b. t° ma -k tne zeittis oppin and dehuer the kingis grace at 
libertie to pase quhair he pleissit. This being done, 
the king come fourtht of the castell to the Duik of 
Albanie his brother and thair lape on his haiknay to 
ryde doun to the Abbay; bot he wald not ryde ford- 10 
wart quhill the Duik of Albanie his brother lap on 
behind him on the horse and sua they went doune the 
gait to the abbay of hallierudhouse quhair they re- 
mainit ane quhyle in great mirienes quhill all the lordis 
had comde and maid thair dew obedience to the king 15 
be the Duke of Albaneis adwyse. Thaireftir the king 
past to Stirling and throuche money wther pairtis of 
Scottland accompanit witht the Duke of Albanie his 
brother and the Duik of Glocester lewtennant to the 
king of Ingland and with him tuo thowsand horsmen 20 
and v c futemen wpoun the king of Inglandis expenssis 
and thairefter send hame the rest of his airme again and 
remaned himself still for zeir and day witht the king of 
Scottland witht the forsaid number that we haue forsaid 


specifieit. And in this mean tyme the kingis grace put 
certane lordis in the castell of Edinburgh in waird, quho How the 

,, . . .... . kingwairdit 

was the consallouns of the maist pairt of his imputing, prindpaii of 

the lordis. 

to the number of sextene, to wit, the Erie Bothvell, Lord The number 
5 Home, Lord Annerdaill, 1 chancellor for the tyme, Lord of them ' 
Gray, Lord Drummond, the Earle of Eglintoun, Lord 
Fleming, Lord Settoun, Lord Maxwell, with money 
sindrie wther great barrouns, and the king was haill 2 
avyssit at that tyme to haue iustifieit 3 thame war [it] 

10 not the consall of the Duike of Albanie his brother and 
the Earle of Angus quho schew him self familiear at 
that tyme witht the Duik and king to saif the lordis 
from iustifieing in the kingis furie. 

Efter this ane lang quhyll the king had great peace 

15 and rest throw all Scottland and that be the consall of 

the Duik of Albanie his brother, quho sone efter marieit How the 
the Earle of Orknayis douchter and gat wpoun hir ane Albanie 

marieit the 

sone calht Alexander quho efter was bischope of Murray, earle of 
bot not lang eftir he pairtit witht the Earle of Orknayis douc * lter h 

20 douchter and past in France as ze sail heir efter, and pajrtit witht 
thair was marieit wpoun the Duches of Bullon. 4 Bot Foi. 61 «. 
this Alexander Duik of Albanie had great indignatioun of 5 
money of the lordis of Scottland because of fortiefieing and 
manteining of the kingis grace in his particular effairis 

25 and gaif him the wyte that sa money of the lordis was 
in captiuetie at that tyme and for the randering of 
Bervick 6 laitlie conforme to his promise and the king 
of Scottlandis commissieoun quho gaif him command 
and powar to rander the same for his relief. Zeit the 

30 lordis could not stand content thairwith bot alledgit it 
to be tressone and wald faine haue had sum cryme to 
haue accusit the Duik of Albanie thairof and to haue 

1 I has " Evindeill." 2 I has ' ' stedfastlie. " 

3 " Justifieit " = executed. 

4 "Bullon" = Boulogne. See Notes. 5 I has "at." 

6 I inserts "againe to the king of Ingland the quhilk was ran- 
derit be him," &c. 

1 84 


Fol. 61 b. 

How the 
Duik was 
befor the 
consall ffor 

How the 
Duik of 
was put in 

put ane new suspitioun betuix him and his brother the 
kingis grace 1 thinkand weill they could on nawayis gett 
thair intent and will of the king withtout they had the 
Duik of Albanie cutit away. To that effect they caussit 
certane flatteraris and ewill speikaris to schaw the king 
that the Duik of Albanie intendit for to have the croune 
for he was lyker to be king nor the king was himself as 
he proceidit for he disponit all thingis pertening to the 
libertie of the croun j and caussit the king to wnder- 
stand that he wald fullnll the prophesie of the witch quho 10 
pronosticat to the king that ane of the nearest of his 
kin sould distroy him. Thir wordis and wther wickit 
consallouris maid the king sa effeirit of the Duik of 
Albanie that he wald haue bene content to haue bene 
quyt of him witht his honestie, nochtwithtstanding all 15 
the labouris and trawell that he had sustenitt for the 
kingis weillfair and deliuerance of him out of captiuetie. 
All his goode service was forgeit be thair flatterie and 
feir that the king tuik of him be naratioun off wickit 
persouns quho causit the king to sumond the Duik of 20 
Albanie his brother befoir the consall for sic poyntis of 
tressoune as efter followis, That is to say, for randering 
of the toune of Bervick in the Inglischmenis handis bot 
consall or commissieoun of the lordis of Scottland. 
Zeit nochtwithtstanding the Duik of Albanie compeirit 
peirtlie befor the king and consall and producit the 
kingis commissieoun under his great seill for to rander 
the forsaid toun to the effect that support might come 
to the king for his deliuerance. Bot the lordis alledgit 
that the kingis commissieoun was to na effect at that 
tyme because he was in waird and did it by the consall 
of his nobilietie and lordis of his realme. Thairfor the 
lordis of consall for the tyme convickit the Duik of 
Albanie and send him to the castell to remaine in pres- 
sone. In this meane tyme the Earle of Angus gat the 35 
1 So I. A has "Duik" by mistake instead of " kingis grace." 





haill lordis that was in waird releiffit wpoun cawtioun to 
enter againe quhen the king pleissit ether in waird or in 
parleament wnder the paine of ten thowsand pund ffor 
ewer ilk man. Sone efter this they consallit the king to How the 

king was 

5 iustiefie the Duik of Albanie his brother, thinkand gif consaiiitto 

J ° iustiefie the 

they war quyte of him they suld do witht the king quhat Jibanb 
they pleissit ffor they stude [in] sic aw of the Duik of Al- 
banie they durst not mell witht the king nor put hand in 
him, so lang as the said Duik was on lyue. Quhairfor thir 
o consperatouris desyrit at all tymes to haue this Duik put 
to deid, trustand the better to come to thair purpois of 
the king. 


Hou the king of france send support to the duik of Albanie. Hou 
the duik of Albanie slew the captaine of the castell and three 
of his men : hou the duik of Albanie fled and went to France. 
Hou king Edward the fourt of ingland depairtit of this pre- 
sent lyfe. Hou the king gart seek the duik of Albanie. Hou 
the lordis cam to him quhan he suld be justified. Gret 
cumeris in ingland : hou king Edward diet. 

Althocht the conspiratouris thocht to have this 
matter that is above specifyit in quyetnes yet nocht- 
15 withtstanding the king of France gat wit of the samin 
tressoun be moyen of sum that fawored the Duik of 
Albanie, and thairefter come ane Frinche scheip out 
of France haistelie in to Scottland witht secreit wryttingis Foi. 62 a. 
to the Duik of Albanie quho then was in presone in the How the 

Wins of 

20 castell of Edinburgh to advertise him that it was con- France send 

support to 

cludit with the king and consall that he sould be ius- the Duik of 

tifieit witht in ane certane day, quhilk was the 1 day 
befoir the schip strak in the raid of Leyth besyde the 
newheawin 2 and gaif hir self fourtht as ane passinger 

1 I has " was the thrid day heireftir that the schip," &c. 

2 Newhaven. See Notes. 



witht wyne and send wpe word to the castell to the Duik 
of Albanie gif he wald haue of the samin. Quhen he 
hard thir nowellis he desyrit the captaneis lecence to 
send for tuo bossis of wyne, quho gaif him leif glaidlie 
and provydit the bossis himself. And then the Duik of 5 
Albanie send his familiear servand to the said frinche- 
man for the wyne and prayit him to send of the best and 
starkest quho grantit the samin werie heartfullie and send 
him the tuo bossis of mavasie, 1 and in the on of the 
bossis he pat ane roll of wax quhairin was clossit ane 10 
secreit writting quhilk schew the Duik of Albanie sic 
ty dings as he was nocht 2 content witht, bot in the wther 
bose thair was ane certane fadame of cordis to support 
him in his neid at that tyme. The bossis was of the 
quantatie of tuo gallouns the peace, quhairfoir they war 15 
the les to be knawin that thair was ought in to them bot 
the wyne. Nochtwithtstanding the man that brocht the 
wyne sped him hame to his maister and schew him cer- 
tane thingis be toung quhilk this stranger had bidin him, 
and that night the Duik of Albanie callit the captane to 20 
the supper and promissit him ane drink of goode wyne 
and 3 [he] glaidlie desyrit the same, [and] came to him in- 
FoL 62 b. contenent and suppit witht him. The Duik off Albanie 
gaif his chamberchyld command that he sould drink no 
wyne that night bot keip him fresche ffor he knew not 25 
quhat he wald haue adoe ; thairfor he prayit him to be 
war witht him self and giue thair raise ony thing amangis 
them he prayit him to tak his pairt as he 4 wald serue 
him. Quhen supper was done the captane went to the 
kingis challmer to sie quhat he was doand quho was 30 
then ludgit in the castell and quhen he had gart wesit 
it, he gart syne steik the zeittis and syne gart sett the 
watch man 5 and thairefter came againe to the Duik of 

1 I has "twa bossis full of mawesie." 2 I omits "nocht." 

3 I has "quha." 4 I has "as his hairt wald suffer him." 

5 I has " wach merit " = the watch on guard. 


Albanieis chamber to the collatioun and efter that they 
had drukin and all men was in thair bedis, the Duik and 
the captane zeid to the tabillis and plyed 1 for the wyne. 
The fyre was hott and the wyne was stark and the 
5 captane and his men became merie quhill at the last the 
Duik of Albanie persaueit his tyme and saw them merrie 
and maid ane signe to his chamber chyld to be redy as 
he had instructit him befoir. For the Duik thocht at 
that tyme that thair was no wther remeid bot ether do or 

10 die because that he was suirlie adwertissit be the frinche 
scheip that he was to be heidit wpoun the morne ; thair- 
for he thocht it best to prevene the tyme and to put his 
lyffe in jeopardie thinkand the tyme 2 might fall that he 
might releif himself. Thairfor he gaif the evintour and lap How the 

15 fre the boorde and straik the captane witht ane quhinger Albanie slew 

the captane 

and slew him and allso siclyk to ane wther. Bot his andthrieof 

his men. 

chamber chyld was right bussie in the meane tyme and 
sua the tua wther tuik foure, that is to say the captane 
and his thrie men and quhen they had done cast them Foi. 63 «. 

20 in the fyre ; and efterwart tuik out thair cordis and past 
to the wall heid at ane quyit place quhair the watches 
might haue no sight of thame and thair laid ower the 
tow ower the wall and the Duik lat done his chamber 
chyld first. Bot the tow was schort and he fell and brak 

25 his thie baine and thairefter cryit to his maister and bad 
him mak lang for he was gaine. Then the Duik raif the 
scheittis of his bede and maid the raipe langer and past 
doune him self saiflie and quhen he come doune he per- 
sawit his servant lyand in 3 the poynt of his lyfe. He 

30 tuik him wpe on his bak and buire him as far as he 

might win away and hide 4 him in ane quyit place quhair he How the 

Duik of 

trowit he might be saif. and syne went to the New Albanie fled 

& ' J in France. 

hevm 5 quho send thair bott to the land to him and 

1 I has "playit," which is probably right. 2 I has " chance." 
3 I has " upone poinct of death." 4 I has " syne left." 

5 I inserts "himsellff besyd leith and thair meid ane beikin to 
the schip," &c. 


ressawit him in to the scheip, bot I knaw not giue his 
servant past witht him or not bot suirle money gentill- 
men of Scottland wissit to be witht him. Amangis the 
laif Schir Alexander Jeardane laird of Apillgirth past 
witht him witht wther sindrie gentillmen. Bot on the 5 
morne quhen the watchis persauit that the tow was 
hingand ower the wall, they ran to seik the captane to 
haue schawin him the maner bot he was not in his 
chamber, they could not gett him. Then they passit to 
the Duik of Albanieis chamber and thair they fand the 10 
doore standand oppin 1 and ane deid man lyand athort 
it ; and also they saw the captane and tuo wther in the 
fyre burnand whiche was werie dollarus and feirfull 
wnto them, bot they mist the Duik of Albanie and his 
chamber chyld, and thairfoir they rane spedelie and 15 
tauld the king how the matter had hapnit, that the 
captane was slaine and his servantis. Bot the king wald 

Foi. 63 b. not credit them quhill he past him self and saw how the 
matter stude and saw the captane and his men lyand 
deid and brunt in the fyre. Then he considerit the haill 20 
cause how it stude and caussit the zettis to be haldin 
close that no worde sould pase to the toune quhill he 
had searchit all the place to se gif the Duik of Albanie 
had bene withtin the place or not. Bot quhen he could 

How the on nawayis comprehend him he caussit to send out 25 

king send 

and sought horsemen in all pairtis 2 of the contrie to se gif they 
Albanie. R could comprehend him in ony place and bring him to 
the king againe and they sail haue great revairdis thair- 
foir. Bot on nowayis could they gett wott of him, bot 
at last thair came ane man out of Leyth and schew the 30 
king that thair came ane bott of the frenche schipe and 
tuik in certane men and thairefter pullit wpe thair saillis 
and trevissit wpe and doune the firth, quhome they 
iudgit all to be the Duik, as it was trew ; for he past to 

1 I inserts "achar" = ajar. 

2 I has "arthis and cuntreis " = directions and districts. 


France incontenent and thair was weill ressawit witht 
the king and gatt in marieaige the Duches of Ballan 1 
and gat wpoun hir Johnne Stewart quhilk efter him was 
Duik of Albanie and governour of Scottland. 
5 Bot we will leif of them and we will returne to our 
historie how at the hour of nyne before nune, the haill 
lordis came upe to the king to the castell to sie quhat 
ordour sould be taine in the executioun of his brother 
the Duik of Albanie to sie in quhat place he sould be 

10 heidit. Bot quhen they knew how the matter stude 
thair was soume of them werie sorrie thinkand that he 
wald quyt them 2 [ane commone gif he leiffit] ; but wther 
sum that favorit him and knew that he was innocent, was 
weill content that he had fred him self in that maner 

1 5 thinkand that they wald heir better tydings of him ane Foi. 6 4 a. 
wther day. Zeit notwithtstanding the king was werie 
commovit at the slaughter of the captane of the castell, 
bot he was more feirit at the depairtur of the Duik of 
Albanie his brother that he was eschapit, thinkand of 

20 the waine suspitioun that was put in his heid towartis 
his brother be the witch 3 [and inchantment of the 
devill] ; thinkand ewer that he sould nocht be satisfleit 
in his mynd les nor 4 his brother had been put to deid, 
the Duike of Albanie lyk as the Earl of Mar was befoir. 

25 Bot fre tyme he was suirelie advertissit that his brother 
the Duik of Albanie was sa intertinit in France be 
the king and his counsall and had gottin the Duches 
of Bullan in marieage, in that cace the king con- 
iecturet that he wald never come in Scottland againe 

30 haistelie because that he was baitht forfalt and had 
brokin his waird and had maid slaughter thairin. Zeit 
notwithtstanding the lordis ewer tuike feir of his return- 

1 1 has " Bullone," which is nearer the right " Boulogne." 

2 I omits words in brackets. ' ' Quyt them ane common " = requite 
them. See Glossary under " Common." 

3 I omits words in brackets. 4 I.e., unless. 


ing and thairfoir durst never mell with nane quhill they 
knew suirlie that he was deid. 
i, foi. 40 a. 1 [About this tyme Ed wart the fourt of that name king 
of Ingland depairtit out of this lyf eftir that he had rung 
in Ingland the spaice of xxij zeiris and sum thing mair 5 
and in all this tyme was in gret troubill. He left behind 
him twa sonis the eldest was callit prince Edward 
and the secund richard Duik of Zork but thir two war 
hestilie put downe be the Duik of Glocistar the kingis 
brother quha enterit to be governour of the realme and 10 
keeper of the kingis sonis. 

[Here one chapter ends and another begins in MS. I.] 


Hou the duik of glouster pat doun king Edwartis twa sonis and 
usurpit the crown of ingland. Hou Harie the vii. came out 
of france to ingland be sie with ane armye and landit in Ingland 
at Millburne and faucht with king Edward and slew him and 
took the croun to him selfe. 

Bot fra tyme he was in possessioun of thir twa childreine 
foirsaid he pat thame in the tour of londoun and schone 
heirefter he murdreist thame baith crwelie and vsurpit 
the crowne of Ingland thairby and vastit the samyn the 1 5 
spaice of twa zeiris quhairat the lordis gentilmen and 
commonis of ingland was discontent heirwith that sic 
ane tyrane sould ringe over thame that had murdreist 
his brothir sonis that he micht rigne heireftir. Thairfoir 
money and sindrie gentilmen that war friendis to the 20 

1 MS. I at this point has the following very long addition. It is 
another proof that MS. I is the genuine and only complete text of 
Pitscottie, that he speaks in this addition several times in his own 
person ; but the matter of this digression into English history was 
probably supplied by Bruce of Earlshall, to whom he refers as one 
of his authors. See Notes. 


said Edward the fourt passit out of ingland to france 
quhair they fand harie the sone of the erle richmond 
discendit latelie from harie the fourt king of the realme 
of Ingland and thair intercommonit with him that gif he 
5 wald marie Elizabeth the eldest dochtar of king Edward 
the fourt they wald with goddis help strenthin him king 
of ingland and quhen he and the said Elizabeth was 
spousit togeddar thay wald ceis the lang debeit that has 
beine for the crowne of Ingland thir money dayis bygeine 

10 betuix harie the saxt and the duik of zork. Harie heirand 
thir offeris weill and vpone this maid ane aggriement and 
conclwsioun that he wald stand at thair counsall so thay 
wald be sworne to tak his pairt heirin the quhilk thay 
promeisit faithfullie to do. Vpone this prince harie passit 

15 to the king of france and schew him the maner how it 
stuid at that tyme in the realme of ingland, and quhat 
was promeisit to him be the lordis and barronis of 
ingland and quhat he conclwdit againe and purposit to 
do so that he micht haue his support and help thairin. 

20 The king of france heirand this was verray glaid of his 
desyres and grantit him thankfullie quhat support he 
pleisit to pas in Ingland with him aganis richard the lait 
king quha onvorthilie had vsurpat the crown of Ingland 
the spaice of twa zeiris befoir for the king of france knew 

25 him to be bot ane tyrane thairfoir he wald haue beine 
quyt of him and furnessit the said harie with better will. 
This beand done prince harie maid his prowisioun to pas 
to the sie and saill to Ingland to the effectt foirsaid with 
the nomber of xxx schippis with thame ten thowsand 

30 men of Inglis frenche and Scoittis viz : — thrie thowsand 
inglismen, of frenchmen sex thowsand, of Scoittis men 
ane thowsand men of armes quhilk vas callit the Scoittis 
cumpanie quha had to thair captaine ane nobill knicht 
quhilk was callit Schir Allexander bruce of Erlshall. 1 

35 This prince harie and his armye meid him hestelie 
to the sie and saillit to Ingland and heireftir landit 
1 See Introduction and Notes. 


at the port of milburne 1 in the moneth of august in 
the zeir of god I m iiij c lxxxv zeiris. Bot quhen thir 
i,foi.4o*. tydingis come to king richart that harie the sone of 
the erle of richmond was come out of france with ane 
armye and landin at the port of millburne and as thay 5 
alledgit his intentioun was to haue the crown zit king 
richart heirand of this he meid litill defence to his 
landin thinkand that he fearit him litill Bot this king 
richart had meid gret persecutioun vpone all king ed- 
wartis freindis a litill befoir and had justifeit mony of 10 
thame that he trowit wald ryse or vsurp aganis him 
Thairfoir he vas the war loweit 2 with all the rest of 
lordis and barronis and commonis that was behind 
for his tyrannie gave thame occatioun to pas to harie 
at his landing and to tak pairt with him. Than king 15 
richart heirand tell that the nobillis and commonis of the 
cuntrie war passand to harie to his landin to tak pairt 
with him he was nocht content thairwith and* gart 
incontinent mak proclamatiounis throch all the realme 
of ingland that all maner of man speirtwall or temporall 20 
to rys and pas with the king and tak pairt with him 
aganis harie the erle of richmondis sone quha was 
cum in ingland with ane armye to invaid him. The 
proclamatiounis past the armyeis gadderit on baith the 
syddis the king of Ingland come fordward with fyiftie 25 
thowsand horsmen and als mony fute men quhilk was 
to the nomber of ane hundreithe thowsand men in 
awfull arrey and guide ordour. This king richart come 
fordarwart to meit the said harie quha at that tyme was 
makand greatt provisioun aganis the said king richart in 30 
maner as eftir followis that is to say eftir the said harie 
had landit he humblit him sellrT vpone his kneis prayand 
to his lord god thankand him of his gret graice and 
mercie and benefeittis that he had schawin and bestowit 
vpone him in the bringing of him throw the raiging sea 35 

1 " Milburne " = Milford Haven. See Notes. 

2 I.e., " the worse loved by." 


bot ony storme of violence of wether and that he was 
saiflie landit bot impediment of any enemyeis and thair- 
foir he gave lowein thankis vnto the lord his god on this 
maner singing the xliij psalme ' Judge and rewenge my 
5 ■ caus O Lord.' Quhan he had meid ane end in this 
maner of his prayeris and suplicationis vnto god he than 
passit to his cunsall and adwysit quhat was best to be 
done in defence contraire the tyrane king richart that 
was cummand aganis him with so greit ane nomber baith 

10 on fute and hors his counsall concludit that it was best 
to send secreitlie amang king richartis armye to sie quhat 
moyanis micht be maid thair foir helpe or support of 
the said harie and his small nomber And in speciall 
to pas to ane lord Stanlie quha was captaine of ane 

15 thowsand bowis of ordinance quha was ane gret pairt 
of king richartis wangard and thair to sie gif he micht 
be ony meanis be drawin fra king richard in ony way for 
haries support and to cum to him quha promissand to 
him gif he obtenit the crowne of Ingland at that tyme 

20 frome king richart that he sould thaireftir mak him the 
grettest lord in Ingland for his support and help. This 
message past quyetlie to the lord stanlie quhair he was 
lyand with his marrow and companioun Schir Edward 
brakinberrie leiftennand of the towr of londoun and 

25 captaine of the gret ordinarris 1 quhilk had the kingis 
wangard in thair governance. Bot quhen they hard this 
secreit message of prince harie and his counsall they 
were weill contentit heirof and exceptit the samyn thank- 
fullie thinkand weill that thay sould haue thair will 

30 and desyres of king richart at that tyme or than thay 
suld fulfill prince haries desyres and returne fra the 
king and cum to him as thay did efterward as ze sail 
heir. Thairfoir I think it nocht guid nor wisdome for 
ane king that lies ony trubillis or ciuill weir in his cuntrie 

35 to mak men of bass degrie and law estait to gif thame 
1 I has " ordinance." 


ony gret authoritie or power or governement ovir feildis 
or battellis or zit in keipin of strenthis or castellis quhair- 
by thay may haue preheminence ovir thair nichtbouris. 
The quhilk will caus gret lordis and barronis quha 
ar thair nichtbouris to be discontentit thairwith that 5 
i, foi. 41 a. sic men of law reputatioun to be promoweit abone 
thame of the nobillitie. Fordar one the vthir pairt it 
will caus thame that ar promoveit in this maner and 
hes so gret authoritie in thair handis for to disawe 
thair maisteris and princis quha gifts thame the samyn 10 
quhan tyme occuris that the enemyeis persewis thame 
and promesis sic fair hechtis vnto thame and gives 
thame sic rewardis of gold and siluir and speciallie 
thir men quha hes nocht beine discendit of auld an- 
tient housis nor zit succeidand to na grett heretaige 15 
bot come vp as ane captaine of weir and thareftir 
fallis in familiaritie with thair prince that ar promoveit 
to sic thingis as I haue schawin to zow of befoir. The 
nature of thame is evir reddie to tak siluir of baith the 
handis and quha that will gif thame maist thay will be 20 
thairis and tak contrapairtie aganis thame quha ar thair 
promovearis or vpputaris to that he estait or authoritie 
quhilk was weill kynd 1 on thae men and vthiris sensyne in 
the realme of Scotland quhilk ze will heir heireftir. Bot 
we will returne to haries messingeris quha brocht him 25 
guid ansueris fra thir captanes of the king of inglandis 
wangard schawand to thame thair promeisis quhilk he 
was verrie reioysit thairof and his cunsall and gart in- 
continent pas to his schippis quhilk was lyand in the 
reid at that tyme eftir his landin and gart bring out 30 
of thame all the arteilzerrie pouldar and bullattis with 
all maner of vaponis with men and victuallis and all 
thingis that was proffitabill he gart bring out of thame 
and syn sett thame in fyre and brunt thame that thay 
sould nocht be ane saif gard nor occatioun to his men 35 
1 " Kenned " or known. 


to flie quhan he asseilzeit in battell with king richart 
quha was cummand aganis him verie awfullie with dis- 
playit baner to the number of ane hundreith thowsand 
men. And in this meintyme lord stanlie and Schir 
5 Edwart brakinberrie quha had the kingis wangard in 
governement come to king richart and desyreit of him 
to haue sum of thair freindis restoirrit to thair landis 
quha was forfaltit befoir be him becaus thay war king 
Edwardis principall servandis with vthir gret desyres 

10 thay desyreit at king richart at this tyme the quhilk 
he was nocht content withall becaus the tyme was so 
schort and his enemyeis at hand quhilk was to reave 
frome him the croun as he had done befoir. Thair- 
foir he gawe thame ansuer in this maner saying 'It 

15 'is tyme to seik zour reward quhan ze haue serwed * it. 
1 I haue no lasour at this tyme to be occupyeit in sic 
1 matteris.' Of this ansuer thir captanes war nocht 
contentit and passit from king richart in vraith and anger 
as appeirit weill eftirward for thay send vord to prince 

20 harie incontinent and baid him cum ford ward and feir 
nocht for thay suld set the crowne of Ingland vpone his 
heid Of thir messageis prince harie was weill contentit 
and so was all his cunsall and nobillis that was with him 
and incontinent gart sound his trumpattis and put his 

25 men in ordour quhilk was in number than be the supplie 
of inglismen xxx thowsand of guid lyk men and he 
directit ten thowsand of thir to be in his wangard and 
thae to be reullit be twa scoittis captanes his compan- 
ionis quhome he was brocht vp with all in cumpanie 

30 in france To wit Allexander bruce knycht of Erleshall 2 
and captaine hendersoun ane borne man of hadingtoune 3 
quha was captaine to the futemen of the Scoittis and 
Schir Allexander bruce captane to the horsmen quha 

1 Deserved. See Glossary. 2 See Introduction and Notes. 

3 Major, History, vi., chapter xx., says, "John son of Robert of 
Haddington." See Notes. 


past fordward in the wangard of prince haries battell. Bot 
quhan king richart of Ingland saw prince harie cummand 
foirdward so awfullie and stoutlie he callit vpone his 
counsall to sie quhat was best to be done at that tyme 
for his defence bot his lordis concludit that thair was no 5 
remeid bot to gif battell and fecht or ellis to gif ovir the 
crowne of Ingland at that tyme the quhilk he was verie 
laith to do bot gart call Incontinent to him for lordis 
and send thame for the crowne of Ingland quhilk was 
nar hand by at that tyme and gart bring it to his pail- 10 
zeoun in the presence of his lordis and ane scoittis am- 
bassadour callit the bischope of Dunkell 1 [who] happnit 
to be thair for the tyme in dressin of his maister the king 
i, foi. 41 3. of scotlandis bissienes and in presens of thame all said 

in this maner as eftir followis 'gif I sould fecht this day 15 
1 for the crowne of Ingland it salbe vpone my heid and 
1 than lat thame win it and haue it and gif I die in battell 
1 I sail die crownit king of ingland ' and to that effect 
gart tak out the crowne befoir this bischope and in 
presence of his lordis gart set the samyn on his heid 20 
with sic cerimonies as he gart vse at that tyme And said 
1 quhen evir he zeid in battell it sould be on his heid.' 
With this This ambassadour of Scotland to wit the 
bischope of Dunkell 2 was depassit and gat his ansuer 
of the king and tuk his guid nicht at him and depairtit. 25 
This bischope had ane hieland man with him quha was 
his meist secreit serwand callit Makgregour 3 quha happnit 
to be with the bischope in the pailzeoun with the king 
Makgregour quhair he was at commoning at that tyme to spye and 


staw avay perceave quhair ane inghsman set the croun vp in keip- 30 

ingland. m g quhilk he wald faine haue beine in handis withall. 

In the meintyme thair come ane fray in the kingis oist 

be discord of twa lordis quhilk the king wschit out and 

all his companie to stenche thir twa lordis of thair com- 

1 See Notes, and A. P., p. 170, 26th May 1485. 

2 The Bishop of Dunkeld at this date was George Brown. See 
Notes. 3 See Notes. 


bat and tuilzie. This hielandman tareit and seand the 
pailzeoun and nane intill it and beheld and knew quhair 
the crowne was sett and sieand na man to spye him tuik 
the samyn and wand it in his playd and passit heistelie 
5 eftir his maister the bischope quha was than loupand on 
hors to ryd his way becaus he saw the armyeis or feildis 
so nar vthir reddie to come and gif battell he thocht it was 
guid to him to be away rather nor in plaice. Bot incon- 
tinent the king come in and his lordis and zeid to the 

10 counsall bot he that keipit the crown mist the samyn in- 
continent and gart searche and seik bot it cuild nocht be 
gottin be na way, Thairfore they send proclamationis 
throw the oist to gar stop all men that was passand ony 
way fra the oist to bring thame away quhill the crown 

15 war searchit and gottin againe. Amang the rest thay 
brocht the scoittis bischope againe and his hieland man 
with him quha was Inquyrit eftir his gaine cuming gif 
he knew ony thing of the kingis crowne or quha had 
teine it away quha purgit him selff richt effectuouslie 

20 that he knew it nocht nor tuk it nocht nor nane of 
his as he beleiwit. Zit this bischope rememberit him 
that he had ane lous man with him in his companie 
callit Makgregour quhilk he suspectit gif ony thing 
war in missing it wald be found of tymes throw his 

25 handis. Thairfoire he callit him befor him and ex- 
aminat him gif he knew of that croun or nocht or gif 
he had teine it bot incontinent the bischop knew be 
his cuntinance that he had the samyn. Thairfoir incon- 
tinent [he] delyuerit him to the king and the lordis quha 

30 accusit him schairplie how he durst be so peirt for 
to mell with the honourabill croun of ingland to steill 
it or to tak it away. Quha ansuerit the king and the 
lordis againe in this maner as eftir follows — * Schir 
' and it be zour graces pleasour to gif me leiwe I will 

35 ' schew zou the veretie quhairfoir and quhy that I tuik Mcgregoris 

t ill,,,. . ansuer quhy 

zour croun and thocht to haue had the samyn with me. he staw the 
1 Schir ze sail vnderstand that my mother pronusticatt 


' quhan I was zoung and wad ding my brother and wald 
1 craib hir scho wald ding me and said that I wald be 
' hangit as the leave of my foirbeiris was befoir me 
c thairfoir I thocht one hir sayingis and tuik her to be 
' ane trew woman zit I thocht that it sould be for na 5 
1 litill matter that I sould die that deid. It sould nocht 
1 be for scheip nor nolt nor hors nor meiris as my foir- 

* beiris did to steill and be hangit for. Bot I think it 

* ane gret honour to my kin and freindis for the riche 

1 croun of Ingland that so mony honourable men hes 10 

* laitlie dieit for, sum hangit sum heidit and sum mur- 
' drest and sum fecht to deid for luiffe of this riche croun 
1 quhilk ze ofiferrit zour selff within this hour to die for 
1 or zour enemye harie gat it of zour heid. Be my faderis 

' saull Schir gif me credence gif I had it in Scotland in 15 
1 blair in athole thair sould nevir ane of zou haue seine 

I.foL 42 a. ' it fecht als as fast as ze will for it.' At thir wordis of 
this hieland man that cuild nocht speik guid inglis bot 

Mcgregour evirie word was ane mow that he spak quhilk causit the 

remittit for 

steiingofthe inglis lordis to lauche thairat and meid thame so mirrie 20 

croun. " 

and reioysit at his speikin that thay obtenit him graice 
frome the kingis handis and ane remissioun of that fault 
and depassit him and his maister and convoyit thame 
out of the camp with saiff conduck to pas to Scotland. 
Bot on the morrow heireftir prince harie and his armie 25 
come fordward aganis king richart. Richart seand that 
beith the armyeis was in sicht maid frekly to battell and 
causit the vangard to pas befoir and his gret arteilzerie. 
Than one the vthir pairt harie marchit fast fordward 
richt desyreous to haue victorie of that tyrane king 3° 
richart quha had put downe his bluid and had vsurpatt 
the croun oniustlie for that caus he knew his quarrell to 
be guide and just aganis that tyrane prayand to god that 
he micht haue that graie 1 and victorie of him quha was 
his enemye at that tyme. With this prince hareis van- 35 
gard marchit fordward first to king richartis battell bot 
1 "Graie " = gree. See Glossary. 


king richartis vangard that sould haue incontratt thame 

gave thame plaice and lut thame gang by thame syne 

turned thame round about and thair faices to king 

richart as thay had beine his enemies. King richart 

5 seand this zokkit with hareis wangard quha faucht 

tham stoutlie ane lang quhyle with oncertaine victorie 

bot at last mony of king richartis battell fled frome King Rich- 
art slain be 

him and past to prince hane dreiddand that the vie- prince harie. 
torie sould fall to him at lenth. Sum vtheris of king 
10 richartis armye stude and lukit on quhile thay saw 
quha had the victorie Be this king richart faucht so 
crewellie that he was slaine for he wald nocht be 
tein and thair was slaine on his pairtie with him the Houking 

harie the vij 

Duik of Norphoik with money vthir lordis and gentil- cometoing- 
is men and in lyk maner was tein on lyve his sone the franceand 

J ' J landit his 

erle of surrie and had to the tour of londoun and put armie at the 

r port of M u- 

in presoun quhair he remanit ane lang tyme or evir he J™?^*?? 

was releiwit. Be this king harie passit ouer this battell ^land*" 

and wan the victorie thairof and that be the scoittis and richitat 

20 frenchmenis support 1 Schone eftir this waillzeant act was faichtw?th 

done king harie passit to londoun and resawit the croun theVeSd and 

of ingland with gret gloir honour and trywmph as ze will past to lon- 

... ...... .... doun and re- 

heir heireftir bot he was twa zeir thaireftir in gret trubill sauitthe 

croun of ing- 

or he gat his realme dantenit and brocht to pace and land in the 

moneth of 

2K rest. Bot we will leave this matter and returne to our August in 

° the zeir of 

awin historie of Scotland how king James the thrid past p d Im ¥»j° 

° J r lxxxv zeins 

athort all Scottland at his plesour with peace and rest.] 2 &c - &c - 
King James the thrid being in goode peace and rest Foi. 6 4 b. 

1 See Notes as to battle of Bosworth Field, 22nd August 1485, 
whose name Pitscottie does not seem to have known. 

2 Here the addition from MS. I ends, and MS. A again begins. How thair 
This is the shortened narrative of A in place of the longer one in ^f^eTin 

I given in the text : ' And in this mean tyme thair was great wearis Ingland be- 
' in Ingland betuix Ed wart the Duik of Zork quhilk wsurpit the Duik of 
' kingdome of Harie the Sext, and in the meane tyme had the said Zork and 
' Harie the Sext in presone, and the Duik of Clarens and his wyffe mg 
' witht wther certane of kin and freindis past to Normandie at that 
1 tyme to remaine thair witht the Duik his goode brother quhill he 
' saw forther. Bot we leif the affairis of Ingland at this tyme and 
' we will returne to our historie againe.' 



Quhen the 
king went to 
Stirling and 
remainit and 
how he 
foundit ane 
withtin it. 

Quhen the 
benifice of 
weekit and 
the king 
thocht to 
haue it to 
the chapel. 

Fol. 65 a. 

How the 

Homes and 




against the 


as we haue schawin affoir, he went to Stirling and remainit 
thair the maist pairt of that zeir, for he tuik sic plesour 
to duall thair that he left all wther castellis and touns in 
Scottland because he thocht it maist pleasentest duelling 
thair because * he foundit ane colledge witht in the said 5 
castell callit the chapell ryall and also he bigit the great 
hall of Stirling. 2 Also he maid into the chapell Ryall all 
kynde of office men to wit, the bischope of Gallovay the 
deine, and the archedeine and thesawrar and subdeine 
and chanter and subchanter witht all kynd of wther 10 
offieceis pertaining to ane colledge, and also dublit 
thame to that effect that they sould ewer be redy, the 
ane half to pase witht him quhair ever he pleissit that 
they might sing and play to him and hald him merrie 
and the wther half sould remaine at hame in the said 15 
chapell for to sing and pray for him and his successouris, 
and for this cause he maid great foundatiounis of the said 
chapell Royall. And in the meane tyme the benifice of 
Colldinghame waikit and the king thocht to have geuin 
the same to the chapill Royall of Stirling, bot the Homes 20 
heiring of this was no wyse content, and in spetiall ane 
Home in Fallis castell, quho had money steilings 3 of 
Colldinghame into his handis for the tyme, beleifand for 
to gett the same in few 4 efterwart. Because the Homes 
ever intendit to haue ane pryour in that roume of thair 25 
awin surname quhairfoir they thocht the king greatlie 
to be thair eneme because he intendit to mell witht ony 
thing that they had eie to, and spetiallie the pryorie of 
Colldinghame. And fifor this caus the said Homes and 
Hepburnes witht certane wther lordis and barrouns of 30 
the contrie and spetiall the lordis that was put in the 
castell be the king befoir for the consperacie of Lauder 
brege essembellit all togither to ane conventioun and 

1 I has "and for that caus." 

3 " Steilings " = holdings or farms. 

ings. See Notes. 

2 See Notes. 
Perhaps ' ' steidings " = stead- 
Few " — i.e., feu. See Notes. 


consall aganis the king, and bandit thame selffis togither 
that they thocht they sould be pairtie to the king quhen 
ewer he laid ony thing to thair chairge. The king 
hierand of thir newes causit to sent ane harrott to thir 
5 forsaid lordis and chairge them and their cawtioneris to 
enter to wnderly the law withtin the space of xl dayis for 
sic thing as he had to lay to thair chairge ; bot the harrott 
was ewill intreitit in the executioun of his sowmondis, 
was manifestly deforceit and his lettres revin, at the 
10 quhilk the king tuik great displesour and knew weill 
that thair was nothing bot rebellieoun. 


Hou the king passit to Striveling and delyviret his sone to the 
captaine hereof in keiping. Hou the king pat his pois in 
the Castell of Edinburghe in keiping and hou he past to 


For the quhilk cause the king passit to Stirling and How the 
garnist the castell witht wyne and wictuall and maid Stirling and 

deliuerit his 

ane callit schaw Laird of Sauhie 1 captane of the said sone to the 


15 castell and delyuerit him Tames his eldest sone in thairofin 

J ^ keiping. 

keiping, and commandit him straitlie as he lowit his 
honour and his lyfe that he lat na man in the said 
castell nether great nor small till his returning agane, 
nor zeit lat his said sone out of the said castell to play 
20 at no game nor to meit witht no man bot to keip him 
straitlie withtin the said castell to his returning as we 
have said befoir. This being done the king come to How the 
the castell of Edinburgh and furnischit the same in lyk pose in the 

° J castell of 

maner and pat his wholl pose 2 of gold and sillwer in Edinburgh. 

1 Sauchie. 

2 I has "all his heill pois." " Pois" or " pose " = deposit — i.e., 
his treasure. 


the said castell and requyrit the said captane to watch 
and keip the said castle wyslie and schew to him he 
was to ryde to the norland amangis his lordis and thair 
to seik consall and support of his lordis aganis this 
Foi. 6s b. new rebellieoun. The morne efterhend he past to 5 
Leyth and thair schipit in ane scheip of Captane 
Wodis quhilk was bound to Flanderis for the tyme. 
Sum of thir consperatouris quho hard tell of the kingis 
dyat followit fast the king to Leytht and trowit to haue 
gottin him thair bot they mist him and gat pairt of his 10 
cofferis witht money and clething. Bot they beleiffit 
suirlie [because the king inbarkatt] 1 in ane scheip of 
Captane Wodis quhilk was bound to Flanderis that he 
had bene passand thair him self and caussit them to 
tak the lese feir, and be the mair hardy in spoillzeing 15 
of his servandis. Bot the king caussit the said Captane 
Wode to land him in Fyfe and ryde throcht the same 
to the norland lordis that fawored him and wald tak 
his pairt. Bot zeit or he past he left worde behind 
him to the schereffs of Fyfe, Stretherne, Angus, to mak 20 
proclematioun ower throw the said schyris that all maner 
of man betuix sextie and sextene zeiris temporall and 
sperituall as weill burcht 2 as land that they sould be 
redy at ane certane day at his cuming, to pase witht 
him quhair he pleissit to dantoun this new rebellieoun of 25 
consperatouris and rebellis aganis the king. They heir- 
and of this the kingis provissioun aganis them cast all 
the wayis and craftie meanes they could to mak thame 
selffis abill aganis the king and all that wald tak his 
pairt, thinkand weill that they sould ether fight witht 30 
the king and give him battell or ellis cause him to the 
flight out of Scottland. And zeit becaus thair tyttill 
was nocht goode, they durst not apply nor attempt the 

1 The words in brackets are from I, as the reading in A, " be the 
king was maryit," is corrupt. 

2 "Burcht" — i.e., burgh. See Glossary. 


same cause, because they knew the king to be weill 
lowit witht all the commons and burrowis, and in 
spetiall witht all the aigeit and ancient lordis and bar- Foi. 66*. 
rouns of the cuntrie quho was so wyse that thai knew 
the danger quhat was to rebell aganis ane crownit king. 


Hou the homes and the hepburnis send for the Captane of Snivel- 
ing : hou the Captaine delyverit the prince to thame : hou 
they made proclamatiounis. Hou lord David Lyndsay pre- 
sentit ane horse to the king. The number of the kingis men. 

Thir motiouns and wther thingis was ane greit hinder 
to thair consperatouris to put hand in thair prince, bot 
zeit ane certane of the eldest to wit, the earle of Angus, 
the lord Annerdaill, 1 the lord Bothwell, Lord Home 
10 witht vther diuerse concludit be thair consall not to mell 
witht the king withtout they had the prince his sone in 
thair handis. And to this porpois they concludit all 
haill and thairto fand ane craftie moyen that is to say, How the 

.... c Homes and 

they send ane messinger quyithe to the captane of Hepbums 

. , , , send for the 

15 Stirling desyrand him effectuslie that he wald come and captane to 
speik witht them for his awin weill and singular pro- 
ffeit quho was werie laith to come to them. Bot zeit at 
the last they maid him so fair promissis and gaif him sic 
giftis of gould and silkier to thair purpois and grantit all 

20 the petitiouns they desyrit of him at that tyme to wit 
that he sould deliuer the prince in thair handis incon- 
tenent, and keip the castell still in the princes name 
and thairis and that he sould not resaue the king in 
tyme coming nor nane of his in the said castell. For How the 

, . , •/- 1 • r 11 captane de- 

25 this cause they gaif him great sowmes of money and he Hueretthe 

prince to 

inmedeatlie deliuerit the prince to them, quho went them, 
witht thame to Lythgow and thair maid proclematiounis 
1 I has "Evindaill." 


How they to all maner of man that wald come and defend the 

maid pro- 

dimatioun. prince because they alledgit that the king had suspitioun 
at his sone and at them lyke as he had to his brether 
beffoir, and was command witht ane great airme to tak 

Foi. 66 b. him and put him in presone. Thairfor they desyrit all 5 
men that loweit the commonweill to come to defend the 
prince and also they sett waguns 1 and men of war to 
pase witht men 2 witht the kingis awin money that they 
gat at Leytht and past all fordwart witht the prince 
against the kingis incoming; quho knew nothing of this 10 
tressone wrocht at this tyme be the captane of Stirling 
nor zeit of the deliuerance of his sone, bot pairtlie come 
fordward with all the northt of Scottland, that is to say, 
Rose, Sutherland, Caitnes, Mar and Murray, Buchan 
and Meirnes, Angus, Gowrie, Fyfe, Stretheirne, Stirling- 15 
schyre Atholl and Argyle witht sum of the lordis of 
Wastland that fawored him, for thair was nane in all thir 
forsaid schyris bot they tuik pairt witht him batht 
gentillmen and commons allanerlie except the Lord 
Gray in Angus and the lorde Drowmond in Strethearne, 20 
that was witht the wther pairtie aganis the king. Nocht- 
withtstanding the king pairtlie come to Saint Johnnstoun 
and thair warnit all the lordis and gentillmen of Fyfe to 
meit him with all the haill commons thairof batht on 
horse and futte quho come obedentlie in to the king, 25 
witht them in companie Lord Dawid Lyndsay of the 
Byiris as captane and lutennent to them at the kingis 
command for he had bene lang in France and weill 
experimentit in weiris and exerceissit in the samin. 
Quhairfor the king thocht him maist abill at that tyme 30 
to gif him charge because he knew him batht hardie and 
trew to his grace sindrie tymes befoir quhen he had ado. 
Thairfor the lord Dawid mett him at Saint Johnnstoun 
witht thrie thowsand futmen and thrie thowsand horse- 

1 I has " fieit wageouris " = feed men who served for wages. 

2 I has "thame." 


men in number, ready to wair thair lyffis all witht him 
in his defence, the said lord Dawid rydand all inairmett 
wpoun ane great gray curser and lychtit doun and maid How lord 


his obedience to the king ; thairefter presentit the said Lyndsay 

presentit the 

5 curser to the king, schawand his grace that gif he had horse to the 

° king. 

ado in his extremitie ether to flie or follow that horse 
wald war all the horse of Scottland at his plesour, gif he 
wald seit weill. The king then thankit him greatlie. Also Foi. 67 a. 
Alexander lord Ruthven 1 brocht to him ane weill faworit 

10 companie of men, to wit, ane thowsand gentill men 
weill horssit, jake and speir, ane thowsand bowis ane 
thousand half-lang 2 suordis and haberjouns quhilk con- 
tennitt in the haill number iij m , by the toun of S. Johnn- 
stoun quhilk passit in companie witht the schereff; and 

15 all the rest of the norland men and wastland men mett 

the king at Stirling, sa the king was of haill number The number 

1 , . . ,. . ... , ofthekingis 

quhen he entent to Stirling xxx m abill men, by the men. 


Hou the king past to the Castell of Stirveling and desyreit to speik 
with his sone. Hou the king wald nocht treat pace. The 
order of the kingis armyes. Hou the word come that thair 
contra pairtie was in sicht. Hou the king raid to sie the 
maner. Hou the king remembereit the speikin of the 

Quhan the kings haill airmie was gadderit as ye may 
to reid before declarit, he past to the castell incontenent 
and desyrit to be in, but the captane denyit and refussit 
to ressaue him. The king seing that desyrit his sone How the 

king past to 

for to speik with him. The captane refussit in lyk Stirling and 

desyrit to 

maner and said he wald nocht speik witht him at this speik witht 

his sone. 

tyme ; zeit the king requirit gentillie quhair he was and 
he schew him that he was witht the lordis quho had 

1 I adds " schereff of Stratheme." 2 I has " halflen." 


taine him frome him aganis his will. Then the king 
ansuerit, ' Fy, tratour, thow hes desaueit me and gif I 
' leif I sail revenge it on the and thow salbe revairdit as 
' thow hes servit.' The king heirefter past to the toun 
and ludgit all night and caussit ane strait watch of his 5 
airme to stand about the toune that night quhill on the 
morne the day brak. The king raise and his consall and 
lordis that was witht him and passit fordwart to the 
Torwode in arrayit battell and planted doun quhill ma 
come to him. Bot the kingis enemeis on the wther 10 
syde come pairtlie fordwart to the watter of charrane 1 
abone the brige to the number of xij m horse men and 
vj m futemen and planted thair that night, quhill on the 
How the morne thair come wyse men on baitht the sydis to treat 

king wold . 

not treat peace ; bot the king seand he was so great of powar 15 


abone his enemeis that he wald on nowayis bot fordwart 
Foi. 67 £. to be revengit on his enemeis quho had rissin and 
rebellit aganis him. Then the king arrayit his battell 
and maid fordwart to the feildis and put all his men 
The order of in ordour as efter followis, that is to say, ten M men 20 
airme. of the hieland witht bowis in the wangaird, the Earle of 

Huntlie and the Earle of Atholl ledaris of the said ost ; 
syne in the reirgaird wther ten M men of the wastland 
and Stirling schyre witht the Earle of Menteith lord 
Erskin and lord Ghrame leaderis of them ; the king 25 
himself in the great battell witht all the burrowis and 
commons of Scottland. On the on wing on his richt 
hand passed lord earle of Crafurd and lord Dawid 
Lyndsay of the Byiris, witht them in companie Fyfe 
and Angus, in number tua thowsand horsmen and sex 30 
thowsand footmen and on his left hand wing passed 
Alexander lord Ruthven witht all Strethearne and the 
Setmond, 2 to the number of fyue thowsand men. 

1 " Charrane" — i.e., Carron. 

2 I has "Starmond" — i.e., Stormont, the county between Blair- 
gowrie and Dunkeld. 


This the king being in order passit fordwart in arrayit How word 
battell, the word come to him that his enemeis was in thair con - 

. trair pairtie 

sight. Then the king cryit for horse and lape on the was in sight. 
horse that lord Dawid had gevin him, to ryde to ane 
5 know to sie the maner of thair comming. The king How the 

king raid to 

beheld them in thrie battellis witht the number of sie *e 


vj M men in everie battell, the Homes and Hepburnes 
haueand the wangaird, with them in companie Merse 
and Tewedaill witht east Lowthieane; and nixt thame 

10 in battell Lidisdaill and Annerdaill, and money of Gal- 
loway, and syne came the haill lordis that conspyirit 
aganis the king and brocht witht them in companie the Foi. 68 a. 
prince to be thair bucklar and saifgard and haistit fast 
fordward witht great curage because they knew the 

15 kingis facultie that he was newer hardie nor zeit constant 
in battell. 


Hou the king tuik purpois to flie. The field of bannokburne : hou 
the king fled : hou the king fell from his hors and almost deid : 
hou the king cryit for ane preist : hou the king was slane. The 
zeire of his death. The wriesoun. 

So the king beheld, and seing his enemeis command How the 

. , . . . , . . . . kingremem- 

witht his awin baner displayand aganis him he remem- beritthe 

speiking of 

berit the wordis of the witche that said to him befoir the witch. 
20 that he sould be distroyit and put doune be the neirest 
of his kin, quhilk he saw appeirandlie for to come to 
pase at that tyme; and be the wordis of the forsaid 
witch elustrine 1 and intisment of the dewill he tuik 
sic ane waine suspitioun in his mynd that he desyrit How the 

,..-..,. king tuik 

25 and haistahe tuik purpois to flie. In this meane tyme purpois to 

the lordis seing the king tyne curage desyrit him to 
pase by the ost quhill they had fouchin the battell. 


1 I has " elisioun " = illusion. 


Bot be this the Homes and the Hepburns came so fast 
wpoun the kingis waingaird bot on the wther syde they 
Thefeiidof schott them so fast witht arrowis that they hourt money 
of thair horssis and put them abak. Bot at the last the 
theiffis of Annerdaill come in schotting and crying and 5 
feirit the king sa that he had no praticke in weir, that he 
tuike purpois and raid his way and thocht to win the 
toune of Stirling bot he spurit his horse at the flyht speid 
command throw the toune of Bannoburne. Ane woman 
seand ane mane runnand fast wpoun ane horse, scho 10 
standand in ane slake 1 bringand watter scho ran fast 
away and left the king behind hir. The kingis horse 
seand this lap and fred the slake of fre will, bot the 
How the king was ewill sittin and fell of the horse befor the 
his horse and myle dore of Bannaburne and was sa brucklit in his 15 

was allmost . ... 

deid. harnis witht the fall that he fell in deidlie swne and 

Foi. 68 d. the miliar and his wyff harllit him into the myle and 
nocht knawand quhat he was bot cast him wpe in 
ane nuke and coverit him with ane claith. Quhill at 
the last the kingis ost knawand he was gone and fled, 20 
debaittit them selffis manfullie and knawand that they 
war bordararis and theiffis that delt with thame, thair- 
for they had the more curage to defend them selffis. 
At last they returned and fled in goode order quhill 
they gat the Torwode and thair debaittit lang tyme 25 
quhill nicht come they desseuerat batht the armeis. 
Bot at the last money of the said airme was passit 
to Stirling and thair enemeis followand them ; money 
was taine and hurt on baitht the saydis bot few slaine. 
Bot at last quhen all the ost was passand by, and the 30 
enemeis returning againe the king owercame 2 lyand 

1 I has ' ' in ane flaik zett fechand wattir scho ran fast away and 
lute to the flaik zett behind hir. The kingis hors," &c. This is prob- 
ably the right reading, " flaik zett " = gate made of flakes or palings. 
Dalzell reads "left the pig" (pitcher) instead "of the king" be- 
hind her. " Slakin " means a narrow pass or gap. See Notes. 

3 I has "overcome." 


in the myle and cryit, gif thair was any preist thair How the 

king cryit 

to mak his confessieoun. The miliar and his wyne forane 


heirand thir wordis requirit of him quhat man he was 
and quhat was his name. He hapnit out wnhappelie 
5 and said 'I was zour king this day at morne.' 1 Then 
the myllaris wyfe clapit hir handis and ran fourtht 
and cryit for ane preist to the king. In this meane 
tyme ane preist was command by, — sum sayis he was 
the lord Grayis servand — and he ansuerit and said 

10 ' Heir ame I, ane preist, quhair is the king.' Then 
the myllaris wyffe tuik the preist be the hand and 
led him in to the myle quhair the king lay. Allis sun 
as the said preist saw the king he knew him incontenent 
and kneillit doune wpoun his knie and speirit at the 

15 kingis grace gif he might leif gif he had good leiching, f i.6q«. 
quho ansuerit him and said he trowit he might, bot 
desirit ane preist to make his devyse and gif him his 
sacrament. The preist ansuerit, that sail I do haistelie 
and pullit out ane quhinger and gif him foure or fyue How the 

king was 

20 straikis ewm to the hart, and syne gat him on his bak siaine. 
and had him away but no man wist quhat he did witht 
him nor quhair he eirdit him ffor no wit was gottin of 
him nor of his deid nor zeit quho slew him, ane moneth 
efterhend. Nochtwithtstanding the battell was deseuerat 

25 in maner as I schew zow befoir, the kingis battell fled 
to Stirling and the wther past that night to thair tentis 
and on the morne to Lythgow. I can not heir of no 
man of reputatioun that was siaine at that tyme, bot 
thair was mony lordis, earleis and barrouns that was 

30 taine and ransomit. This wnhappie battell was strikin 

in the monetht of Juin 2 the zeir of god I m iiij c lxxx Thezeirof 

his death. 

and aught zeins. This may be sen and knawm to 
all kingis that comes efter to gif thame ane document The 


or ane lessone that they fall not from god wssing thair 

1 I has " the day morne." 

2 I has "the xj day of Junij in the." 



weckit lywes to thair awin sensuall plesour, and syne 
be inchantment of sorcerie or witchcraft to seik knaw- 
ledge or support of the devill as this febill king did, 
ffor it will cause them to fall in suspitioun witht thair 
leidges and thair kinsmen quhilk at last [it] sail caus 5 
them to wse sic tiranie and iustice in thair realme be 
ellusioun 1 of the devill that they salbe brocht at the 
last to sic haittrent with thair barrouns that they salbe 
murderist as this misfortunat king was. For gif he 
had wssit the consall of god and his lordis and bar- 10 
rouns he had nocht comd in sic desperatioun nor in 
suspitioun, the quhilkis he tuik of them wickit per- 
souns quhilk brocht him at the hinderhend to mis- 
cheif. Thairfoir we pray all godlie kingis to tak 
exampill be him and feir god and wse wyse consall 15 
and minister iustice equallie 2 baith to great and small 
Foi. 69 b. witht ane mesure, and leif covettousnes quhilk is the 
rutte of all wyce and wickednes as we may sie in 
the proceidingis of this kingis lyfe. Bot now we will 
lat him rest in god and speik of his sone James the 20 

1 I has " mischeiff." 

3 Dalzell stops here, and has omitted what follows, or possibly 
the MS. he used did not give it. 







My Hairt is peirsit with panis for to pance 

Or wreit that wicked 3 variatioun 
Off James the thrid quhan that he had gournance 

The dolour dreid and desolatioun 
5 The chainge of court and consperatioun 

hou that Cochran with his cumpanie 
That tyme in court clame so presumpteouslie. 

It had beine guide thaie birnis 4 had neuer 5 beine borne 
Be quhom that nobill prince was so abusit 
io Thay grew as wyddis dois 6 abone the corne 
That prudent lordis cunsallis war refussit 

And held him quyett as he had beine inclossit 
Allaice that prince be thair abusioun 

Was finalie brocht to confussioun. 

1 I after "James the fourt," p. 210, has the following verses, 
taken with slight variations, the chief of which are noted below, 
from Sir David Lyndesay's ' Testament and Complaynt of the 
Papingo,' cf. Laing's Ed., i. p. 77, 1. 444 et seg. See Notes. 

2 The words that follow seem corrupt. 

3 "Courtis" instead of "wicked." 4 Beirnes. 

5 " Neuer " omitted, and " unborn " instead of " borne." 

6 Did the weid. 


Thay clam so hie and gat sic audience 

And with thair prince grew sa familiar 
His german brether mycht get no presence 

The duik of albanie nor the erle of mar 
Bot lyk baneist men war hauldin at the bar 5 

Till in the king thair grew sic mortall feid 
He Aimed * the duik and pat the erle to deid. 

This cochran with his cative cumpanie 

forcit 2 thame to flie bot zit thay vantit feddaris ; 

Abone the hie cedderis of libounie 10 

Thay clame so hiche till thay lap ovir the leddaris 

On lather brig syne keppit war in tetheris 
Stranglit to death thay gat no vther graice 

Thair king captive quhilk was ane cairfull caice. 

To put in forme that fact unfortunate 15 

That mortall chance perturbit my ingyne 

My wit beine waik my fingeris fatigat 
To dyte or wreit the rancour or 3 ruwyne 

The ciuill weir the battell intestine 

Nou that the sone with baner bred displayit 20 

Aganis the fader in battell come arreyit. 

Wald god that prince had beine that day confortit 
With the sapience of the prudent Salomon 

And with the strenth of Strang sampsone 

With the bauld oist of the gret agamemnone 2 - 

Quhat sould I wysche remedie was thair none 
At morrow 4 a king with ceptur 5 suord and croun 

At evin ane deid deformed carioun. 

1 "Flemit" — i.e., banished. See Glossary. 2 Forsit. 

3 And. 4 Morne. 5 Sceptour. 










Hou word come and schew the lordis that Captane wodis schippis 
was travissin up and doune the firth : And hou the lordis send 
to sie gif the king was in his schippis. And hou he denyit 
that he was thair. Hou the lordis send for Captain wood 
and hou he wold not obey without pleagis. And how the 
pleagis were grantit to him. Captane woodis ansuere to the 
lordis. Hou Captain wood zeid to his schippis agane. 

James the thrid wnworthelie slaine in this maner as Foi. 70 a. 
is affoir reherssit, James the fourt and all the rest of 
the consperatouris that came against the king passit 
to Lythgow and thair remanit till they gat word that 
5 the king was slaine or nocht. In this meane tyme thair 
come ane man to them in Lythgow schawand to them 
that thair was tuo schipis of Captane Wodis x trevessing 
wpe and doune the firth, the quhilk schipis the ane 
of them was callit the flour the wther the zallow caruall 
10 schipis, and send thair flot bottis to the land and ressawit 
money hurt men out of the feild into thair schipis ; of 

1 " Schipis of Captane Wodis." See Notes. 


quhome they beleifit the king sould haue ben ane of 
them. Of the quhilk tydingis the prince and the lordis 
that was vvitht him tuik coniectour of the samin, thinkand 
that captane Wode was principall servand to the king 
at that tyme and haueand wages of him and furnist him 5 
and his schipis oftymes to pase quhair he pleissit, thair- 
foir they beleifit that he sould haue waittit on the king 
in the feild and haue brocht him to the schipis. They 1 
certiefieit of this mater, [they] raissit thair airme and came 
all to Leyth and thair remaned tuo dayis, and in the 10 
meane tyme send messingeris desyring to knaw gif the 
How the king war in the schipis or nocht quho denyit and said 

prince and 

the lordis he was not thair and bad them searche and seik his 

send to Cap- 
tan Wodis schipis at thair awin plesour gif they wald not gif him 

schipis to sie r r ° J ° 

wL^hah" 5 cre dance. Wpoun this ansuer the messingeris depairtit 15 
wnto the prince and lordis schawand captane Wodis 
ansuer, of the quhilk the prince and lordis could not 
be contentit bot send messengeris againe to Captane 
Wode desyrand him to come to the consall, that they 

Foi. 70 £. might inquyre of him how the matter stude. Bot hie 20 
on the wther pairt knew 2 that they murdreist his maister 
in maner forsaid as I haue schawin, tuik sic suspetioun 
of them that he wald not come in thair handis withtout 
pledgis that he sould saiflie be deliuerit but harme and 
skaith againe into his scheip. This ansuer againe the 25 
messinger brocht into the prince and lordis quho in- 
continent gart tuo lordis pase in pledge for the said 
captane Wode quhill be sould be deliuerit againe 
skaithles into his schipis, to wit, the lord Seytoun and 
the lord Flemming and thair to remaine into the said 30 
schipis quhill thair captane war deliuerit. This being 
done, and the lordis ressawit into the schipis, the said 
captane went 3 [aboorde and come to land] and pre- 
sentit himself befor the prince and the lordis in the 

1 I inserts " to be." 2 We should now say "knowing." 

3 I has " wentt aland," and omits words in brackets. 

JAMES IV. 215 

toun of Leyth for they war thair for the tyme. Bot allis 
soun as the prence saw the said captane present him 
witht certane gentill men in companie, beleiffit suirlie 
that it had bene his father and inquirit of him, ' Schir ar 
5 ' ze my father/ quho ansuerit him againe witht teairis 
falling frome his ene, ' I ame nocht zour father bot I was 
' zour fatheris trew servand and sail be to the autorietie * 
' till I die and eneme to them quho was the cause of his 
' doune putting.' The haill lordis requirit of captane 
10 Wode gif he knew of the king or quhair he was. He 
ansuerit that he knew nothing of him or quhair he was. 
Then they speirit quhat thai war that come out of the 
feild and past to the schipis in the flotbottis. He an- Captan 

. tit • Wodis an- 
Slierit ' that it was I and my brother quho was redy witht suer to the 
. . lordis - 
15 ' the king to have wairit our lyffis in his defence.' Then 

they 2 said, ' is he not in zour schipis ' quho ansuerit, 'he Foi. 71a. 

* is not, bot wald to god that he war thair saifflie, I sould 

' defend him and keip him skaithles, contrair frome all 

1 the tressonabill tratouris that hes cruellie murdrest him, 

20 ' ffor I think to sie the day to sie thame hangit and 
1 drawin for thair demerittis.' Than the lordis seing 
nothing of Captane Wode bot dispytfull ansueris and 
proud speikingis was not content thairwitht, zeit they 
durst not put handis in him to do him skaitht because 

25 of the lordis that was pledgis for him, for gif they had 
done him ony skaitht his brother wald incontienent haue 
hangit the pledgis quhilk as it was chaipit 3 narowlie be 
ressone of the lang tairing 4 of the said captane. Thair- 
foir the lordis haistit away the captane to his schipis and 

30 inquirit no mo tydingis. 

1 I.e., servant to the authority. 

2 So I. A has " he," which is wrong. 

3 "Chaipit" — i.e., escaped. 

4 I has " tarying." 




Hou the pleagis had almaist bene hangit. Hou the skipperis and 
marineris of leith refusit to assailyse Captaine wood. The 
king crounit. Hou the Castill of Edinburgh was randerit and 
als the Castill of Stirvilling. 

How the 
pledgis all- 
most had 
bene hangit. 

How the 
skiperis and 
reffusit to 
assailze cap- 
tane Wode. 

Fol. 71 b. 

Than sae shone as the Prince and Lordis was deliuerit 
and came a land againe that was pledgis, quha was richt 
flied, 1 and schew the prince and the consall gif they 
had haldin Captane Wode ony langer they had ben 
botht hangit. At this batht the prince and the lordis 5 
was werie commovit and desyrit certane scheipis of 
Leyth to pase fourtht to the firth incontenent to tak 
the said Captain Wode and bring him to this effect 
as is forsaid and callit all the skiparis and marienaris 
of Leyth beffoir the consall to sie quhilk of them wald 10 
tak on hand to pase wpoun the said captane and they 
sould be furnist witht men artaillzerie and wictuallis 
wpoun the prince and the lordis expenssis. Bot the 
saidis skiparis and marienaris refussit all bot ane 2 Cap- 
tane Bartane ansuerit befor the counsall and said that 15 
thair was not ten schipis in Scottland wald gif Captane 
Wodis tua schipis the combat for he was so weill 
practissit in weir and sic artaillzerie and men that it 
was hard deilling witht him be sie or be land. This 
beand spokin the prince and his consall considderit 20 
the samin and thairefter continiwit that matter quhill 
efterwart and immediatlie passit to Edinburgh and thair 
remanit ane quhill and send out lettres to all pairtis 
baitht in burgh and land, desyrand the haill lordis and 
nobilietie and commissionaris of burrowis to convene 25 
at ane certane day at Edinburgh to sie the king crownit 

1 I has "fleyt" — i.e., frightened. 

2 I.e., " all refused, and one Captain Bartane." 

JAMES IV. 217 

and gif thair consent thairto. Bot not withstanding, the 
day being comde few compeirit except a few commis- 
sionaris of burrowis and the fallis consperatouris quha 
was consallouris to the king for the tyme and thair 
5 they crownit the king, and sune send ane harrott to The king is 


the castell of Edinburgh and desynt the samin to be 
randerit to the king and his captans quhilk was done How the 
obedientlie at the kingis command. Bot the captane randerthe 

castell of 

thairof maid sic moyane witht the lordis of the consall Edinburgh. 

10 and they that war courteouris 1 for the tyme that he 
was contenit still in his office. Sum sayis that he cer- 
tieffieit sum of the lordis quhair the kingis pose was 
and caussit them to obtein the samin quhilk was the 
cause of his continwance in the said office. This being 

15 done the king passit to Stirling and requyrit the castell Thecasteii 

1 • • , , .„ 1 of Stirling 

to be randerit in the same maner quhilk was done randerit. 
incontienent and the king and his court ressawit thairin 
and ane new captane maid thairof to wit Schir Johnne 
Lyndsay 2 knycht. The king remanit ane quhill in 
20 the castell of Stirling and daylie passit to the chapell 


The king moweit to repentance. Ane parliament set at Edin- 
burghe : the number of thame quha was summond. Hou lord 
david lyndsay was first specifeit in the summondis : lord david 
lyndsay ansuere to the lordis. The Chancellar to the king. 
Hou maister patrick lyndsay desyrit to speik for his brother. 

The king beand in the Chapell Royal and heirand 
the mese and ewin song, the quhilk everie day the saidis 
chaplans prayit for the kingis grace deploiring and 

1 I has " courtitianis." 

2 I has " Lundye." Sir John Lundye does not appear as Captain 
of Stirling Castle. Sir John Lindsay does, but not till 1496 in the 
Exchequer Rolls. See Notes. 


Foi. 72 a. lamenting the deid of his father quhilk brought the king 
The king in Sterling to repentance that he hapnit to be consallit 

movit to . . 

repentance, to come aganis his father in battell quhairthrow he was 
murderst and slaine. To that effect he was movett to pase 
to the deine of the said chapell Royall and to haue his 5 
consall how he might be satisfieit in his awin conscience 
of the airt and pairt of the crwell act quhilk was done to 
his father. The Dein 1 being ane godlie man gaif the 
king ane goode confort [and] seand him of repentance 
was werie glad thairof, bot zeit this godlie man durst 10 
not wtter his mynd to the king sa far as his conscience 
serwit him, because the king was zoung and 2 [dett- 
full and haid no constancie] to keip consall or secreit 
thocht albeit it be ffor thair awin proffitt. And allis sa 3 
this godlie man dread the lordis and thame that was 15 
consperatouris of the kingis deid his father, thinkand 
that they murderaris wald be discontentit and wtterlie 
displeissit at him gif he had gevin the king his consall sa 
far as his conscience dyttit him ; thairfor he continewit 
the samin quhill he saw the king farder in aige and 20 
wther consallouris about him. Bot in the meane tyme 
he gaif him fair wordis and pat him in goode hope of 
forgiuenes thairfor be godis marcie in Jesus Christ. Sa 
the king continewid in the said castell ane sessone bot 
he was ewer sade and dollorous in his mynd for the deid 25 
of his father that he was constranit be his conscience to 
wse ane signe of repentance, and for this same cause 
gart mak ane belt 4 of irone and wore it dailie about 
him and eikit it everie zeir during his lyftyme certane 
wnce wyght as he thocht goode. 30 

The lordis sieand this, quho was consperatouris think- 
and into thair myndis that the king was dollourus and 

1 The Dean. 

2 I has " zoutheid is nocht constant," and omits words in brackets. 
" Dettfull " is probably a contraction for " deceitful." 

3 "Allis sa" — i.e., also. 

4 Freebairn has "girth" instead of "belt." See Notes. 

JAMES IV. 219 

ewer mussing in his mynd thinkand that he wald sum Foi. 72 b. 
tyme be displeissit witht thair proceidingis, thairfoir they 
consultit amangis them sellues that they wold consall the 
king to thair effect quhill he was zoung. And also they 
5 feirit the lordis on the wther pairt that was with the 
king 1 at the tyme of his slaughter to haue defendit him, 
thinkand that they wald gett the king at thair oppinioun 
that thay might be revengit of thair maisteris deid be 
thair consperacie. And for the same cause till avoyde 
10 all sic suspitioun quhairby thai might be clengit of the 

fact, caussit the king incontenent to sett ane parlieament Ane pariiea- 

ment at 

at Edinburgh withtin the space of xl dayis and sumond Edinburgh. 
and wairnit all the haill lordis of Scottland and great 
barrouns thairof, commissionaris of borrowis to compeir 

15 at Edinburgh the day and place foirsaid and thair to 
heir and sie iustice ministrat lyke as it was in tyme of 
befoir and of thair forbearis. Bot thair was ane spetiall 
sowmondis derectit on them quho was pertakeris witht 
the kingis father aganis him self and also of the barronies, 

20 quhilkis haill number was of the lordis xxviij and viij xx The number 
of barrones. 2 Thir forsaid number was soumond per- quho war 


ticullarlie everie ane be him self to compeir at Edin- 
burgh wpoun the space of xl dayis to ansuer thair and 
compeir for the cruell and tressonabill cuming witht the 
25 king his father at Banaburne 3 aganis him self thinkand 
thair to cause his father to devour the sone, witht wther 
poyntis of ditta quhilk I neid nocht to rehearse for 
spending of tyme. Fforder the first lord that ewer was 
speciffieit in the sowmondis was lord Dawid Lyndsay of How lord 

. . Dawid was 

30 the Byins because he was maist familiear witht King first speci- 


James the thrid at that tyme and was frankest in his 
oppinioun and wssit him self manfullie in his defence 

1 I adds "his father." 

2 B has "aught score of great barrones"; I has "barronis," which 
is right, and means lesser barons as contrasted with lords. A reads 
wrongly "borrowis." 

3 I has " Bannokburne. " 



aganis his enemeis, thairfor the consperatouris had 
greatest invy at him. And quhen the tyme come all the 
Foi. 73 a. haill lordis of Scottland compeirit baith on the ane syde 
and the wther in presentis of the king and consall in the 
tollbuth of Edinburgh. The king sittand in iudgement 5 
himself the sowmondis was rede and lord Dawid Lynd- 
say callit first as we haue said and his ditta rede in this 
maner as efter followis, that is to say, 'lord Dawid 
1 Lyndsay of the Byiris, compeir and ansuer for the 
1 comming cruellie aganis the king at Bannaburne 1 witht 10 

* his father giueand him consall to haue devoirit his sone 

* the kingis grace heir present and to the effect gaif him 
' ane goode suord and ane goode horse to fortiefie him 
' aganis his sone. Zour ansuer heirto.' 

This lord Dawid Lyndsay being ane man of small 15 
ingyne and rude langage, thocht he was stout and hardie 
in the fieldis and weill exerceissit in weiris zeit he had 
small practick in the lawis and could not ansuer formelie 
to thair ditta and could gett no man of law to speik for 
him. Because the king sat in judgement himself thair 20 
durst no man speik for feir of the king and his lordis, 
and spetiallie of thame that was accussit of treassone 
befoir the king at that tyme. Zeit lord Dawid Lyndsay at 
that tyme heirand him callit so oft in ditta foirsaid rede, 
ansuerit on this maner, 'Ze ar all lurdanis I say, ze, 2 and 25 
1 fallis tratouris to zour prince and that I dar preif witht 
' my body on ony ane of zow quhilk haldis zovv best, 
' fre the kingis grace done. Ffor ze fallis lurdanis and 
' tratouris hes caussit the king be zour false seditioun 
' and consperacie to come aganis his father in plaine 30 

* battell quhair that nobill prince was cruellie murdrest 
1 amangis zour handis be zour adwyse that ze brocht the 
1 king in presentis ffor zour behufe to make him zour 

Foi. 736. ' bucklar and zour wickit interpryse. Thairfor fallis 

The ansuer 
of lord 
Lyndsay to 
the lordis. 

1 I has "Bannokburne." 

2 This second "ze" is perhaps = yea. See Glossary. 

JAMES IV. 221 

' lurdanis and x the king punische zow not haistallie for 
1 that murther ze will murdris him self quhen ze sie 
' tyme as ze did his father. Thairfor schir bewar witht 
1 them and giue them no credance for they quha was fallis 
5 ' to zour father can never be trew to zour self. Schir I 
1 assuire zour self, 2 war zour father leifand zeit I wald 
1 tak his pairt and stand no aw for thir fallis lurdanis ; 
1 and in lykwyse gif ze had ane sone that wald be con- 
1 sallit to come in battell aganis zow, 3 [be] the evill con- 

io ' sail of fallis lurdans lyk thir I wald tak zour pairt aganis 
* them and fight aganis them in zour iust quarall ever 
1 witht thrie aganis sex of them of thir fallis trukeris 
' quhilk cause zour grace to beleif ewill on my handis. 
1 I sail [be trewar at lenth to zour grace nor they 

15 * salbe].' 4 

The chancellar and the rest of the lordis that sat 
witht the king in iudgement at that tyme heirand the 
grose and rude speiche and scheirp accusatioun of lord 
Dawid Lyndsay in presentis of the king and all the 

20 lordis and haill nobilietie of Scottland, the said chan- 

celar thocht he hatt thame ower neir, 5 thairfoir the chan- The chance- 

..... lars ansuer 

celar to excuse the matter ansuent an spak to the king to the king, 
on this maner : — 'Schir gif it pleis zour grace, lord 
' Dawid Lyndsay is bot ane mane of the auld world and 

25 ' can not ansuer formelie to zour grace, nor zeit in zour 
1 presentis cane speik reverentlie. Zour grace mon be 
1 goode into 6 him and I trust he will come in zour 
1 graceis will.' And he spak into lord Dawid, sayand, 
' my lord I counsall zow to come in the kingis will, 7 Foi. 74 a. 

30 ' that it might be ane preparatiue to all the laif that 

1 " And" = if. 2 I has "graice." 3 I inserts "be." 

4 So I. B has " tyme sail try me at lenthe to be truer, nor any of 
thame." A is corrupt, and makes no sense, reading " turne at lenth 
to zour grace nor." 

5 I has "ovir neir the quick." 6 " Into " = unto. 
7 I has " and I trest he wilbe guid to yow. Thir wordis war 

spokin be the chancellar purpoislie to caus lord dauid lyndsay cum 
in the kingis will that he mycht," &c. 


1 was wnder the sowmondis of forfalltour to follow and 
' to come in the kingis will and thocht to haue cuttit 
' them of ane be ane that way.' Bot ane Mr Patrick 
Lindsay brother germane to lord David Lyndsay 
of the Byiris heirand 1 his brother to come in the kingis 5 
will was not content thairwitht to that effect strampit 
sadlie on his brotheris foott to gar him wnderstand that 
he was not content witht the desyre that the chancelar 
proponit to him. Bot the strampe of Mr Patrickis was 
so sade wpoun his brotheris footte quho had ane sair toe, 10 
for the paine was werie dolorous wnto him ; thairfoir 
luikit to his brother and said, 'Thow art ower pairt, 
1 lindane and sad to strampt on my fute, war thow out 
1 of the kingis presentis I sould tak the on the mouth.' 
Mr Patrick heirand thir warm wordis of his brother plat 15 
How Mr on his kneis befoir the king and the Iustice and maid 

Patrick ..... 

Lendsay his petitioun to them on this maner as efter followis, 

spak for his ... 

brother. that is to say, ' Schir and it pleis zour grace and honour- 
1 abill consall and Iustice I desyre at zour grace and 
1 zour Iustice for his saik that is Iudge of all, that zour 20 
' grace wald gif me leif to speik this day for my brother 
1 ffor I sie thair is nane in Scottland this day that is ane 
1 mane of law that dar speik for him foir feir of zour 
1 grace ; and thocht hie and I hes not bene at ane 
' thir money zeiris, zeit my hairt may nocht suffer me to 25 
' sie my natiue house, that I ame of, to perische and 

* the memorie thairof abolischit. Bot fervent lufe and 
1 naturall ressone constranis me to speik for the samin 
' and to defend it sa far as naturall knawledge will serue 
1 me, sa I haue or may haue and obteine zour grace 30 
' liecence and zour Iustice, quhilk I desyre werie 

* ferventlie.' 

1 I has " the chancellar desyrand his," &c. 

JAMES IV. 223 


Hou maister patrick lyndsay gat license to speik for his brother. Hou 
the sumondis was continuit. The kingis ansuere to maister patrick 
lyndsay : in quhat zeir and month this parliament was set. 

Wpoun this the kingis grace and his iudges grantit his Foi. 74 &. 
petitioun and bad him speik for his brother the best he 
could. Thene Mr Patrick raise of his kneis and was 
werie blytht quhene he had obtinitt the said licence with 
5 the kingis favour and Iustice, [and] begane to speik werie 
reverentlie in this maner as efter followis, sayand to the 
haill lordis of parlieament and to the rest of theme that 
was accusseris of his brother at that tyme, witht all the 
laif of the lordis that was in the sowmondis of 1 [forfalting 

10 at that tyme] quhilk was enterit in to the bose wondow 
and thair to thoill ane syse conforme to thair ditta, 
sayand : — ' My lordis I beseiche zow all that is heir 
' present ffor his saik that man giue sentance and iudg- 
' ment on zow on the last day that ze will remember that 

15 ' now instantlie is zour tyme and we haue had ane tyme 
' in tymes bygaine as we efter may haue ; siclyk desyrand 
1 zou to knaw zour estait that all is changeabill wnder the 
' sone, bot godis iustice and iudgement standis ewer 
' firm and stabill. And now thairfoir do as ze wald be 

20 ' done to in the ministratioun of iustice to zour nicht- 
' bouris and brether quho is accussit this day now of 
1 thair lyues and herietage, quhois iudgment standis in 
' zour handis.' Be this Mr Patrick had endit his speiche 
the chancelar bad him say sum thing for the defence of 

25 his brother and to ansuer to the poyntis of the said 
sowmondis maid wpoun his brother and the rest of the 
said lordis and barrouns. Mr Patrick ansuerit in this 

1 I has " quha," omitting the words in brackets. 


maner as efter followis sayand, ' And it pleise the kingis 
' maiestie and zour honouris that is heir, I say aganis 
1 the kingis grace that he aught not to sitt in iudgement 
1 aganis his barrouns becaus he hes maid aith of fidelietie 
' quhene he ressawit the croun of Scottland, that he sould 5 
Foi. 75 a. « never gif iudgement nor come in iudgement against his 
1 lordis and barrouns in no occatioun quhair he is pairtie 
' him self. In this occatioun, becaus he is bath iudge 
' and pairtie in the said cryme and was present at the 
' committing of the samin thairfoir he aught not be the 10 
' law of god nor man to be iudge nor sit in iudgement 
1 at this tyme. Thairfoir we desyre him in the name of 
* god to ryse and depairt out of iudgement quhill the 
' matter be forder disputtit conforme to iustice.' Wpoun 
this the chancelar and the lordis advyssit and concludit 15 
wpoun his petitioun that it was ressonabill. Thairfor 
they counsellit the king to ryse and gang ben to the 
invart tollbouth quhilk was werie wnplessand to him ffor 
the tyme, beand ane zoung prence sittand wpoun the 
sait royall, to be raissit 1 witht his subiects [he] thocht 20 
the matter had bene asklent. 2 Bot the lordis thinkand 
schame to break iustice removit him on this maner, and 
then callit wpoun the said lorde Dawid and Mr Patrick 
his procuratour to ansuer fordward to the sowmondis. 
The said Mr Patrick witht all humilieatioun ansuerit 25 
rewerentlie sayand to them, * my lordis, I beseik zow for 
' his saik that suffeirit patiently 3 for zow and all wther 
1 sinfull persouns, and man be Iudge to zow and to all 
' wtheris in the day of iudgement, that ze will consider 
' steidfastlie in zour myndis and remember that we haue 30 
1 bene in the place that ze ar now in, and sowme wthers 
' or we may be in your place againe to haue the king 
1 and court at our plesour as ze haue now. Thairfoir luik 

1 • ' Raissit " = made to rise. 

2 "Asklent" — i.e., asquint or aslant = one-sided. See Glossary. 

3 I has "passioun." 

JAMES IV. 225 

( that zour proceidingis be honest godlie and iust in all 
1 the leiding of zour proces.' The chancelar sayis, ' Ze sail 
* haue no cause to plent ; bot we pray zow to ansuer 
1 scherplie to zour sowmondis and mak ws no hinder Foi. 75 *• 
5 ' and ye sail haue justice.' Mr Patrick ansuerit and 
said, ' I trow the sowmondis be desert and ewill of the 
1 self, because it was sowmond to compeir to this court 
' and parlieament wpoun the number and space of xl 
1 dayis withtout continuatioun of dayis. 1 No mentioun 

10 ' is maid in zour letter quhair nor quhat place, bot 
1 generallie befoir the king and consall at Edinburgh, 
' and now, my lordis I beleif it be ane and xl dayis ; 
' thairfoir the day is expyrit of it self we aught not to 
1 ansuer till we be new sowmond and lauchfullie callit 

15 ' thairto.' 

The lordis luikit the sowmondis and the indorsatiouns 
thairwpoun and quhene they had tryit the matter they 
fand it sa as Mr Patrick alledgit. Thairfoir be the 
pratick and order of Scottland the sowmondis was 

20 cassin and the parlieament fenceit zeit they caussit How the 


the saidis lordis that was wpoun the pannell that sould war con- 


thoill iudgement to find cawtioun everie man for him 
self wnder the paines of sowmes of money to enter at 
sic ane day as was appoyntit to them. Zeit thir lordis 

25 was werie blytht thinkand that all ewill was guid of frist 2 
and was contentit that they had eskaipit so at that tyme, 
bot in spetiall lord Dawid Lyndsay quho was so reioyssit 
at his brother Mr Patrick of his labouris that he brust 
fourtht sayand to him in this maner, ' Werielie brother 

30 ' ze haue fyne poyit 3 wordis I wald nocht haue trowit 
' that ze had sic wordis ; be Sanct Marie, ze sail haue 

1 See Notes. 

2 Freebairn and Dalzell both read "frist " — *.*., delay, which is 
probably right, though the MSS. look more like " first." See Notes 
for meaning of this passage. 

3 I has "poyatt" — i.e., " pyet " = magpie or chattering words, 
or " pied " = coloured words. See Notes. 




The kingis 
ansuer to 
Mr Patrick 

In quhat 
moneth and 
quhat zeir 
this parliea- 
ment was 

Fol. 76 a. 

1 the manis 1 of Kirkforther for it.' The king heirand thir 
wordis was displeissit at the said Mr Patrick and said to 
him he sould gar him sit quhair he sould nocht sie his 
feit thair for ane zeir ; and inmedeatlie thair efter gart 
haue him to Rose 2 of Buite and pat him in presone 
quhair he remanitt ane zeir or he was lowssit. This 
parlieament was haldin at Edinburgh the tent day of 
May the zeir of god I m iiij c lxxxix zeiris. 


Hou ane certain scheppis of Ingland come in Scottland. Hou 
schir androw wood knicht of largow faucht with the samyn 
schippis. Ane proclamatioun meid in ingland. Hou Captane 
Stewin bull wacht schir androw woodes hame cuming out of 
flanderis. Stewen bull vincuist. 

How ane 
certaine of 
schipis come 
in Scott- 
landis firth. 

In the same zeir ane certane Inglische schipis come 
in our firth and spullzeit our marchandis greitlie with 
all wther passingeris or freindis that come in our 
watteris. Of this the king and the consall thocht 
great ewill and desyrit effectuslie to be revengit thairof 
wpoun the said Inglischemen bot they could gett no 
man nor maisteris of scheipis marinaris nor skipperis 
that wald tak in hand to pase fourtht wpoun the said 
enemeis quhill at last they sould send for Androw 
Wode, knycht of Largo, and desyrit him to pase 
fourtht wpoun thir said Inglischemen and to that 
effect he sould be weill furnischit with men wictuallis 
and artaillzerie, and forder he sould haue the kingis 
fawour grittumlie and to be revairdit lairglie for his 
trawell and labouris. Of this desyre Schir Androw 
Wode was weill contentit and passit fourth to the firth 

1 "Maines" — i.e., mains = the home or domain farm and the 
house belonging to it, commonly so called in Scotland. 

2 I has " the rose," &c. — i.e.. the Ross of Bute. 


JAMES IV. 227 

witht tua schipis weill mantenitt and artaillzeit to pase HowSchh- 
wpoun the said Inglischemen quhome he forgadderit wode, 

knyght of 

with all inmedeathe befor the castell of Dumbar quhair Largo faucht 

witht the 

they faucht lang togither with wncertane wictorie. Schir same schipis. 
5 Androw Wode being bot tua scheipis as forsaid, the 
Zallow caruall and the Floure, the king of Inglandis 
schipis was fyue in number witht great artaillzerie, 
zeit notwithstanding the Scottis scheipis prevaillit at 
the length and that be wosdome and manheid of 

10 thair captane quhilk tuik all the fyue Inglis scheipis 
and brocht them to Leyth as pressoneris and delyuerit 
thair captans to the kingis grace and consall. For 
the quhilk wictorieous and manlie act captane Schir 
Androw Wode was weill revairdit witht the kingis 

15 grace and consall and haldin in great estimatioun 
thairefter witht the nobilietie of Scottland. Bot sune 
efter the king of Ingland hard tell of thir nowellis Foi. 76 *. 
and how his schipis was so foughin and taine be 
Schir Androw Wode as forsaid [and] was greatlie dis- 

20 contentit thairwith and maid procliematioun throw all Anepro- 


Ingland quho wald pase to the sie and fight witht maid in 
Schir Androw Wode and gif he hapnit to tak him 
pressonar and bring him to him he sould haue for 
his reward M pound starling to spend be zeir. Thair 

25 was money that refussed because they knew Schir 
Androw Wode to be sic ane captane wpoun the sie 
and allis so schancie 1 in battell that oftymes obtienit 
the wictorie : thairfoir 2 they had the les will to as- 
saillzie him. Nochtwithtstanding ane captane of weir 

30 and ane gentillmane nameit Stewin Bull tuik in hand 
to the king of Inglandis maiestie to pase to the sie 
and fight with Schir Androw Wode and to bring him 
pressonar to the king of Ingland ether deid or quick. 
Wpoun this the king of Ingland was richt reioyssit 

1 This means so skilful that there was no chance against him. 

2 I. A has " thairof " wrongly. 


and gart provyde the captane Stewin Bull thrie greit 
scheipis weill man steid, weill wittallit and artaillzeit. 
Suine efter this the said captane passit to the sie 
and saillit till he come to the Scottis firth, that is 
to say at the bak of May, and thair lay and waittit 5 
Howcaptan Schir Androw Wodis hame coming, quho was then in 

Stewin Bull _,.._. . . 

wahit Schir Jblandens for the tyme trusting then nothing bot peace. 

Androw ... 

Wodis hame Zeit notwithtstanding this captane Stewin Bull waittand 


his tyme at the bak of May as I haue schawin zow, tuike 
money of our bottis quho was trawelland in the firth for 10 
fisches to win thair leving, nochtwithtstanding the said 
Stewin Bull ranssonat the skiparis, and held money of 
the marienaris presonaris to that effect that they sould 
gif him knawledge of Schir Androw Wode quhene he 
come in the firth ; quhill at the last wpoun ane summar 15 
morning a lyttill efter the day breaking ane of the Ing- 
lishe scheipis persaueit tua schipis command wnder saill 
by Sancttabbis 1 heid. Then this Inglische captane 
Foi. 77 a. caussit sum of the Scottis pressonaris to pas to the tope 

of the schipis that they might sie and spy gif it was 20 
Schir Androw Wode or nocht, bot the Scottismen had 
no will to schew the werietie bot feinzeit and said they 
knew them not. Bot at last the captane promissit them 
thair ransone frie gif they wald tell him gif it was Schir 
Androw Wode or not, quho certiefied him that it was 25 
hie in deid. Then the captane was blytht and gart 
peirse the wyne, and drank about to all his skipperis 
and captans that was wnder him, prayand them to tak 
goode curage, ffor the enemeis was at hand. For the 
quhilk causse he gart order his schipis in the feir of 30 
weir and sett his quarter maisteris and captanis everie 
man in his awin rowme, syne caussit his gounaris to 
charge his arteillzerie and put all in order and left 

1 So I. A has "Sent Cobbas," B " St Cobes." A mistake 
probably for Sanct Abbas. Ebba was the name of the saint. St 
Abb's is the form now used. 

JAMES IV. 229 

nothing wndone perteinand to ane goode captane. On 
the wther syde Schir Androw Wode came pairtlie 1 ford- 
ward, knawand no impediment of enemeis to be in his 
gait, quhill at last he persaueit thir thrie schipis makand 
5 wnder saill command fast towartis thame in feir of weir. 
Then Androw Wode seand this exortit his men to battell 
beseikand them ' to tak curage aganis thair enemeis of 
1 Ingland quho had suorne and maid thair wowis that 
1 they sould haue ws pressonaris to the king of Ingland, 

10 ' bot, will god, they sail faill of thair purpois. Thairfoir 
1 sett zour sellffis in order everie man to his awin rowme, 
4 lat the gounnaris chairge thair artaillze and the croce 
' bowis and make thame redy, with thair lyme pottis and 
1 fyre ballis in our toppis and tua handit suordis in zour Foi. 77 b. 

15 ' for-rowmes; and lat ewerie man be deliegent and stout 
1 for his awin pairt and for the honour of his realme,' and 
thairto he caussit to fill the wyne and ewerie man drank 
to wther. 

Be this the sone begane to ryse and schynnit bright 

20 wpoun the saillis. So the Inglischmen appeirit werie 
awfull in the sight of the Scottis be ressone thair schipis 
was werie great and strong and weill furnist with great 
artaillze; zeit nochtwithtstanding the Scottis feirit no- 
thing bot cust thame to wundwart of the inglismen 

25 quha seand that schott ane gret cannone or twa at 
the scoittis thinkand that thay sould haue struckkin 
sailles at thair boast. Bot the scoittismen no thing 
affeared thairwith come swiftly avindwart 2 wpoun Cap- 
tane Stewin Bull and clipit togither fre hand and faught 

30 frome the sone ryssing quhill the sone zeid to in 
ane lang sommer day, quhill that all the men and 
wemen that dualt neir the cost came and behald the 
fightting quhilk was werie terrabill to sie. Zeit nocht- 
withstanding the night sinderit thame that they war 

1 Pertly or quickly. 

2 "Awindward" — i.e., on the windward side. 



How Schir 
Andro Wode 
Stewin Bull. 

faine to depairt fre wther quhill on the morne that the 
day begane to break fair and thair trumptis blew on 
everie syde, and maid quiklie to battell quha clapit 
to and faught so cruellie that nether the skipperis nor 
marienaris tuik heid of thair schipis bot fightand still 
quhill the ebe tyde. And findand that the wond 1 bure 
thame to Inchchap foment the mouth of Tay, the 
Scottis men sieand this tuik sic curage and hardiement 
that they doublit thair straikis wpoun the Inglischmen, 
and thair tuik Stewin Bull and his thrie schipis and 
had them wpe to Tay to the toune of Dundie and 
thair remanit quhill thair hurt men was curit and the 
deid burieit. [This battell was struckkin on the sea 
betuix Schir Andro Wood and Stewin Bull of ingland 
the zeir of god I m four hundreith fourscoir ten zeiris 
one the tent day of August.] 2 




IIou Stewin bull was had presonare to the king of Scotland be 
Schir Androw wood. Hou the king of Scotland send hame 
Stewin bull to his maister the king of Ingland as ane propyne. 
Pace in Scotland. Hou the king of Scotland vald ryde out 
throch the realme alone. Hou the king usit mekill justing. 
Hou the king brocht the realm to gret manheid and honouris. 

Fol. 78 a. 

How the 
king of 

Incontinent thair efter [he] 3 tuik thair captane and [had] 
him to the kingis grace and deliuerit him thair as pres- 
onar. And his grace againe ressawit him werie glaidlie 
and thankit Schir Androw Wode greatlie and rewardit 
him richlie ffor his manheid and labouris ; syne heirefter 
tuike the Inglische captane and all his men and gaue 
him giftis of gould and sillwer together witht thair schipis 

1 I has "southin wind." 

2 The words in brackets are from I, 

3 Andrew Wood, 



and send them hame to the king of Ingland as ane sendhame 

Stewin Bull 

propyne, doand him to wnderstand that he had allis to the king 

w of Ingland 

manfull men baitht be sie and be land in Scottland as h ™ maister 

as ane 

he had in Ingland. Thairfoir he desyirit him to send propyne. 
5 nane of his captanis againe in tyme comming [to per- 
turb his men withtin his watteris, and gif he wald, they 
sould not be so weill treitit nor escape so weill in 
tyme comming] 1 Notwithtstanding, the king of Ing- 
land heirand of thir newis was discontentit thairwith, 
10 bot zeit he thankit the king of Scottland for the deliu- 
erance of his men and the intertenement of them. In 
this meane tyme was goode peace and rest in Scott- Peace in 

J . . Scottland. 

land and great lufe betuix the king and his barrouns 
ffor the king was so liberall that he left nothing wngevin 

15 to his lordis and barrouns that pertenit to him, quhair 
he might lesumlie giue. For he thinkand in his awin 
mynd that the wice of cowitousnes rang into his father, 
it sould not rigne in to him nor zeit na couerttis nor 
pykthankis sould be trust in his companie, nor he wssit 

20 not bot the consall of his lordis, quhair he obtennitt 
the lufe and favour of all his nobilietie withtin his realme 
that he had sic perfyte fawour and hope withtin his How the 

king wald 

realme that he wald ryde out throw the haill realme ryd throw 

the realme 

him allone, wnknawin that he was king of ony man, hisaiione. 

25 and wald oftymeis ludge in poore mens houssis as he 
had bene ane travelland man throw the contrie; and 
in the meane tyme wald requyre of them that he was 
ludgit quhair was the king or how the king wssit him Foi. 78 b. 
self towartis his barrouns or quhat they spak of him 

30 throw the contrie sa they wald ansuer him as they 
thocht goode, so the king be this way knew quhat 
was spokin of him throw the contrie. This prince 
was wondrous hardie and deliegent in the executioun 
of iustice [and loweit nothing so weill as abill men 

35 and guid hors and vsed gret justing] 2 and treatit his 
1 I omits all in brackets. 2 The words in brackets are from I. 


barrouns wondrous weill that was abill thairfoir, and 

sindrie tymes wald gar mak proclematiouns out throw 

his realme to all and sindrie his lordis, earleis and 

How the barrouns quhilk was abill for iusting or tornament 

king wssit 

mikiii to come to Edinburgh to him and thair to exerceis 5 

iusting. ° 

them selffis for his plesour as they war best accustomit, 
sum to rin witht speir, sum to fight witht the battell 
axe and harnis, sum to feight witht the tuo handit 
suord, sum to schut the hand bow, corsebow and coll- 
vering. And everie man as he faught best gat his 10 
wapouns deliuerit to him be the king in this maner; 
he that ran the speir best, he gat ane speir witht gould 
deliuerit in to him witht gilt harnis thair to keip in 
memorieall of his pratick and ingyne thair to, and also 
the harrottis blasonitt him to be the best justar and 15 
rynnar of the speir in the realme amang his bretherine ; 
and the battell axe deliuerit to him that faught best 
thairwitht, and in lykewyse the suord, hand bow and 
corse bow deliuerit be the heraldis the samin maner 
How the to them that wssit them best. Be this way and meane 20 
his realme to the king brocht his realme to great manheid and hon- 

greit man- . . 

heidand ouns, that the tyme L of his iusting and tornamentis 


sprang throw all Europe quhilk caussit money forand 
knychtis to come out of strange contrieis to Scottland 
to seik iusting because they hard the nobill fame and 25 
knychtlie game of the prince of Scottland and of his 
lordis and barrouns and gentillmen. Mony strangeris 
came bot few reffussit bot they war fouchin witht and 
wairit in singular battell be the Scottis men. 2 

1 I has "fame." See Notes. 

2 I adds, "in the zeir of god I m four hundreith lxxxxij zeiris." 

JAMES IV. 233 


Of ane munsture. 1 Hou the king gart tak gret cuire upon the 
samyn munsture : quhat heiddis the munsture had. Hou thair 
come ane duche 2 knicht in Scotland and desyred Justin and 
hou Schir patrick hamiltoun justit with him and wincuist him 
and hou the king causit to sinder thame. 

In this meane tyme thair was ane great marwell sene 
in Scottland. Ane bairn e was borne, raknit to be ane Of ane 


man chyld bot frome the waist wpe was tuo fair per- 
souns witht all memberis and protratouris 3 perteinand 
5 to tua bodyis, to wit, tua heidis weill eyit, weill eirit Quhat heidis 

1 -i, 1 i- 1 ■ 1 • 1 , i this monstar 

and weill handit be tua bodyis ; the on bak was to had. 
the wtheris, bot frome the waist done they war bot on FoL 79 a ' 
personage and could not weill knaw be the Ingyne of 
man quhilk of the tua bodyis the legis and previe mem- 
10 beris proceidit. Notwithtstanding, the kingis maiestie How the 

king gart 

gart tak great cure and deliegence wpoun the wpbnng- tak great 

cure wpoun 

ing of thir tuo bodyis in ane personage, gart nurische thesaym 
them and leir them to pley and singe wpoun the instru- 
ments of musick quho war become in schort tyme werie 

15 ingeneous and cunning in the art of musick quhairby 
they could pleay and singe tuo pairtis, the on the 
tribill the wther the tennour quhilk was werie dulse and 
melodious to heir be the common pepill quho treatit 
thame wondrous weill. Allso they could speik sindrie 

20 and dyuerse langagis, that is to say Latine, Frinche, 
Italieans Spanis Dutch Dens and Inglische and Earische. 
Thir tuo bodyis lang conteinuant to the aige of xxviij 
zeiris and than the ane depairtit lang befoir the wther 
quhilk was dollorous and heavie to the langest levar. 

25 ffor quhilk 4 men requyrit of him and bad him be mirrie, 

1 Monster. 2 Dutch — i.e., German. 

3 I and B have "portraits." 4 I has "quhen." 



Fol. 79 b. 

How thair 
come ane 
knycht in 
Scottland _ 
and desyrit 

How Schir 
and the 
Dutch man 
faught and 

he ansuerit and said, ' How cane I be merrie that hes 
' my trew marrow as ane deid carieoun wpoun my bak, 
1 quhilk was wont to singe and pleay with me to commone 
1 and talk in lyke maner. Quhene I was sade he wald 
1 gif me comfort and I wald do lykewise wnto him ; bot 5 
1 now I haue nothing bot dollour of the beiring of so 
1 heavie ane burthine, deid and cald, wndesolluit on my 
1 bak, quhilk takis all eardlie plesour frome me in this 
1 present lyfe. Thairfoir I pray to allmightie god to 
c delyuer me out of this present lyfe that we may be 10 
' laide and dissollwit in the earth quhair fre we come.' 
Sune thair efter come ane Dutche knyght in Scottland 
callit Schir Johne Clokbuis 1 and desyrit fighting and 
iusting in Scottland witht the lordis and barrouns thairof, 
bot nane was sa apt and redy to fight witht him as was 15 
Schir Patrick Hammilltoun, beand then ane zoung man 
Strang of body and abill to all thing, bot zeit for lack 
of exercioun 2 he was not so weill practissit as neid 
war, thocht he lackit no hardiement strength nor curage 
in his proceidingis. Bot at the last quhene the Dutch 20 
man and hie was assembelit togither batht wpoun great 
horse, withtin the listis of Edinburgh 3 wnder the castell 
wall, efter the sound of the trumpit ruschit rudlie togither 
and brak thair speiris on ilk syde wpoun wther ; quhilk 
efterwart gat new speiris and recounterit freischelie againe. 25 
Bot Schir Patrickis horse wtterit 4 witht him and wald on 
nowayis reconter his marrow, that it was force to the 
said Schir Patrick Hammelltoun to lyght on footte and 
gif this Dutchman battell ; and thairfor quhene he was 
lichtit doune, cryit for ane tuo handit suord and bad 30 
this Dutchman lyght frome his horse and end out the 
matter, schawand to him ane horse is bot ane waik 

1 I has "Cowplenis," Dalzell "Cockbewis." His name appears 
to have been Coupance. See Notes. 

2 I has "exercisioun." 

3 " Listis of Edinburgh." See Notes. 

4 "Wtterit"— i.e., reared. See Glossary. 

JAMES IV. 235 

warand quhene men hes maist ado. Than quhene batht 
the knyghtis war lyghtit on fute they junitt pairtlie 
togither witht right awfull contienance ; ewerie on strak 
maliciouslie at wther and faught lang togither witht 
5 wncertane wictorie, quhill at last Schir Patrick Ham- 
milltoun ruschit manfullie wpoun the Dutchman and 
strak him wpoun his kneis. In the meane tyme the 
Dutchman being at the eird the king cast out his hatt How the 
out of the castell wondow and caussit the iudges and out his hatt 

at the castell 

o men of armes to sinder and red thame. Bot the har- wondow and 

caussit tham 

rottis and the trumpitis blew and cryit the wictor was to sinder. 
Schir Patrick Hammilltounis. This Schir Patrick Ham- Schir Pat- 
milltoun was brother german to the Earle of Arrane 
and sister and brether bairnes to the kingis maiestie 
5 and was ane nobill and waliezeant man all his dayis. 

In the meane tyme this nobill king James the fourt Foi.8o«. 
was weill leirnit in the art of mediecein and also ane 
cuning sorugenar that nane in his realme that wssit 
that craft bot wald tak his counsall in all proceidingis. 1 


Hou king harie the sevint gart taxt the realme of ingland to send 
ane armie in Scotland. Hou the armie of ingland land in 
Scotland, and quha was liuftennant and gouvernour to thame. 
Hou thay ware defiet and chesit out of Scotland. Hou the 
drummondis brunt the Monivaird. Hou dauid drummond 
was heiddit. Hou the king pat ane dume woman in inch- 
keith and patt twa yung bairnis with hir. 

20 2 [At this tyme the king of ingland heirand of the gret 1, foi. 49* 
fame and chewallrie of Scotland was na way is contentit 

1 See Notes as to the King's Surgery. I adds, "In the zeir of 
god I ra iiij c lxxxxv zeiris." Here it ends a chapter, and begins the 
next chapter. 

2 The passage in brackets is from I. 


heirof considderin that he thocht to haue ado with him 
and to be rewengit on the scharp weiris that he had 
maid on him and on his cuntrie in tymes bygaine. 
Thairfoir he callit his counsall and was awysed with 
thame quhat he suld do herein quha concludit that he 5 
suld rais ane taxatioun out throuch all the realme of 
ingland to the nomber of ane hundreith thowsand 
pound stiruiling to that effect that thair suld be ane 
gret armie furnessit thairwith to pas in Scotland accord- 
ing to the kingis pleasour to be rewengit vpone the 10 
king of Scotland and his realme. Bot becaus thay knew 
the king of Scotland to be hardie and stout and weill 
loweit with his nobillis thay had the les will to mache 1 
or haue deill with him zit nochtwithstanding he raisit 
ane gret armye and send in Scotland to the nomber 15 
of fyiftie thowsand men and gave thame in governiment 
to the erle of surrie and lord newall 2 and chairgit thame 
to pas in Scotland and mak scharp weiris thair vpone 
out throch all the bordouris thairof and ceis nocht 
quhill thay war out throuche merce and tewindaill 3 20 
and meikill of lowthiane and to spair nothing bot dis- 
troy all with fyre and sword sa far as thay passit or 
mycht pas the space of xl dayis and evir als lang as 
thair wictuallis micht serwe thame. Bot in this mean- 
tyme the king of Scotland hard word and was aduer- 25 
teised of thair cuming and prowydit ane strong armye 
to meit thame. Bot in the meantyme thair come sic 
violence of storme of weit that raisit the watteris so 
gret that the armie of ingland micht pas na fordar nor 
tweid becaus the wattiris rais so gret that the armie 30 
micht nocht pas ovir bot heireftir the inglis armie past 
west to tewindaill and thair begoud to distroy the 
cuntrie bot the scoittis war schowne in raddines to 
meit thame and becaus thay knew the king of Scotland 
thair enimye to be sa nar hand thame with so gret 3^ 
1 "Mache " = match. 2 Neville. 3 Teviotdale. 

JAMES IV. 237 

ane armie thay durst nocht pas na fordar foirdward 
in Scotland bot reteird hamward againe in ingland. Bot 
quhan the king of Scotland knew that thay war reteird 
he gart ane gret armie follow thame and gaif thame 
5 the chess and maid gret slawchtar and heirschipp in 
ingland and schone returned to Scotland againe but 
ony battell of inglismen thairfoir the inglismen wysched 
that thay had biddin at hame at that tyme for ony 
honour thay wan in Scotland.] 
10 In this meane tyme the Drummondis brunt the kirk of How the 

... ,.. • r , , . .... Droumondis 

Mmiarde l quhair m was sex scoir of Murrayis witht thair brunt the 

^ ' kirk of 

wyffis and childerin ; bot few escapit thair fre bot they Muniarde. 

war ether brunt or slaine be Dawid Drummond, 2 the 

quhilk the king punist heir efter condinglie, and heidit How Dawid 

. Drumond 

15 Dawid Drummond witht his compleces at Stirling. And was heidit. 
also the king gart tak ane dum woman and pat hir in How the 

Till 1 • ri ■ 1 • • • kin & P at ane 

Inchekeytht and gaif hir tua zoung bairnes in companie dum woman 

in Inche- 

witht hir and gart furnische them of all necessar thingis keyth. 
pertening to thair nurischment that is to say, meit, 

20 drink, fyre and candell, claithis, witht all wther kynd 
of necessaris quhilk [is] requyrit to man or woman 
desyrand the effect heirof to come to knaw quhat lang- 
age 3 thir bairnes wald speik quhene they come to lauch- 
full aige. Sum sayis they spak goode hebrew bot as to 

25 my self I knaw not bot be the authoris reherse. 4 

1 I has "Monivaird," near Crieff. "Miniard" is the vernacular 

2 See Exchequer Rolls, x. p. 1, and Notes. 3 I has "leid." 
4 I adds, " Thir actis foirsaid was done in the zeir of god I m iiij c 

lxxxxiij zeiris." 



Hou the king of Scotland and his counsall concludit to send to 
ingland ambassadouris for marieage of the king of inglandis 
eldest dochter. And hou the marieage was concludit efter- 
wards. Hou the king was mariet. Quhat promises of pace 
was maid betwen the twa kingis. And efterwards how quein 
margerit cum in Scotland and was ressauit be hir husband the 
king of Scotland and his lordis. 

foi. 50 a. 1 [Schort quhyll heireftir the counsall of Scotland con- 
wenit at Edinburgh quhair thay awysit of all matteris 
concernyng the common weill and amangis the rest 
toward ingland quhilk thay thocht thay had done thame 
gret skaith and heirschip in tymes bygaine. Thay 5 
thinkand and considderine that king harie wald nocht 
sit thairwith bot he wald be rewengit and that to the 
gret dampnage and skaith quha war gyddaris of the 
realme of Scotland for the tyme, thairfoir thay dewysed 
and desyred the king to send ane ambassadour to ing- 10 
land to the king and desyre manage of his eldest 
dochtar to the king of Scotland the quhilk thai knew 
wald satisfie the king of inglandis wraith. Vpone this 
counsall and conclusioun the king was weill contentit. 
Thairfor directit and send away to ingland 2 j. 5 

as ambassadouris with commissioun to intreat mariage 
and contractt the samyn conforme to thair commissioun. 
Thir ambassadouris foirsaid passit out of Scotland to 
ingland in the zeir of god I m v c twa zeiris quha was 
weill resauit and intertenit with king harie the sevint 20 
quha rang in ingland for the tyme in his maist triumphe 
gloir and victorie and was richt reioysed of the cuming 
of the scoittis ambassadouris and finalie aggreit with 
thame in all poinctis tuiching thair commissioun that 

1 The passage in brackets is from I. 

2 The names of the ambassadors are left blank in the MS. See 

JAMES IV. 239 

is to say contractit the king of Scotland and Margret 
his eldest dochter and promeisit with hir ane hundreith 
thowsand pound in tochar guide with vthir riche and 
costlie augmentatiounis and propynes to be gevin vnto 
5 the king of Scotland to augment his lowe and kyndnes 
vnto him ffor thay maid ane band of perpetuall amitie 
and pace betwine the twa realmes induring the twa 
kingis lyftymes that ather of vther was sworne in the 
haly vangell J that nocht ane of thame sould ryse aganis 

10 vther for the lowe thay buire to ony vther natioun bot 
gif Scotland war inwaidit with ony strangeris that ingland 
sould ryse vpone the king of inglandis expensis and 
debeit Scotland to thair utter 2 power aganis all vther 
natiounis quhatsumevir and in lyk maner gif it happnit 

15 ingland to be invaidit with spainzie france flanderis or 
ony vthir that in that caice the king of Scotland sould 
be as ane equall or evin lyk man and keip his awin 
realme and tak na fordar cummar. With this baith the 
kingis war sworne heirto and contracttis maid thairvpone 

20 as I haue schawin to zow befoir. This beand done the 
ambassadouris war depassit and returnit hame to scot- 
land and schaw the king and counsall how thay had 
sped and endit thair contracttis conforme to thair com- 
missioun as I schew zow befoir quhairof the king of 

25 Scotland and his counsall war weill content and reioysed 
at thair expeditioun and lawbouris. This beand done 
in the moneth of august nixt heireftir quhilk was in the 
zeir of god I m v c iij zeiris the king send certane ambas- 
sadouris in ingland to wit 3 and thair mareit Jotkicf ° f 

30 the king of inglandis eldest dochter vnto the king of jj!S e eidest r " 
Scotland and resauit hir and brocht hir hame in scot- the king of 
land the tent day of September in the zeir of god I ra i^ls^zetris. 

1 I.e., evangel or gospel. 2 " Utter " = uttermost. 

3 The names are again left out. See Notes. 

4 This is a blunder. The text has the true date of the marriage, 


v c iij zeiris foirsaid at quhais cuming the king and his 
counsall with the heill nobillitie and commonis of the 
realme war verie blyth and reioysed and resauit hir 
with gret reverence and honouris in all the borrowis 
tounis of Scotland quhan that scho maid hir entres 5 
evirie ane according to thair estait maid hir sic bank- 
attin feirceis and playes that nevir siclykk was seine in 
the realme of Scotland for the entres of na queine that 
was resawit afoirtyme in Scotland and speciallie Edin- 
burghe stiruilling Sanctandrois Dundie Sanct Johnestoun 10 
aberdeine glaskow linlythgow. Thir war the principall 
tounis quhairin scho maid hir entres and seing evirie 
ane of thame mak hir sic honestie and reverence accord- 
ing to thair abillitie and fordar for hir pleasour and 
thair maisteris the king of Scotland quhairat the queinis 15 
graice was verie reioysed and so war all the inglis lordis 
and ladyis that war with hir for thay trowit nevir to haue 
seine sic honour and honestie in Scotland with mirrines 
and bancatting and gret cheir and speciallie in stir- 
uilling quhair scho remanit the maist pairt of the zeir 20 
and all the inglis lordis and laydies with hir rTor the 
inglis lordis and ladyis that come with hir depairtit 
nocht for zeir and day quhill thay had seine and visitit 
the maist pairt of Scotland and war weill intertenit 
with the king and his lordis evir passin thair tyme in 25 
hunttin and halkin iustin singing dansin and playing 
and all vthir knichtlie game. Quhan zeir and day was 
cum sum of thir inglis lordis and ladyis depairtit hame- 
1, foi. 50 b. vart quha war richlie rewardit and propynde to the 

king baith with gold and siluir cleidding and fair horsis 30 
cheinzeis ringis and all vther jowallis and sum of thir 
ladies and [lordis] remanit with the queine indure- 
ing hir tyme. Bot we will leave of this matter and 
speik of barnat Stewart quha was maid governour of 
naples at this tyme quhilk was frome our redemptioun 35 
I m v c iiij zeiris.] 

JAMES IV. 241 


Hou barnat Stewart was maid gouvernour of naples. The king 
of france send ane lord to be equall with the gouvernour of 
naples. Hou munsure deobaine 1 governour of naplis cum to 
Scotland and hou he was intreattit thair. Hou the king sett 
ane gret Justin and turnament quhilk indurit the space of 
fourtie dayis. 

In this meane tyme Barnard Stewart german brother 
to the Earle of Lennox and Monser Daubini 2 in France, 
haweand the Scottis companie wnder his dominioun, 
at the king of France command passit to the realm e HowBar- 

. nard Stewart 

5 of Napillis, and thair was maid regent and gowernour was maid 

# governour 

of the samin quho rullit it so witht wisdome and gentill- of Napillis. 
nes, that he wan the heartis of the pepill of the said 
realme and pepill thairof; they obeyit him and loueit 
him so weill that he was callit 3 be the Frinchemen 
10 the pittie roy 4 of Napillis. At this the king and con- 
sail of France was not content thairto, thinkand that 
[as] he was ane Scottisman, he thocht that he wald wsurpt How the 
the croune of Napillis wnto him self; and for this cause France send 

ane lord to 

devyssit ane great lord in France to pase and be equall be equaii 

J ° IT ~L witht the 

ic witht the said Monser Deobanie in all autorietie and governour of 

J Napillis. 

powar in governance of the said realme of Napillis. Bot 

fre tyme the said Monser Deobanie know the king of Foi. 80 3. 

ffrance suspitioun in this matter he wald no langer byde How Mon- 

in the realme of Napillis bot hastelie depairtit and come governour of 

1 -r 1 1 o. 1 i 1 • 1 -ii • Napillis com 

20 throw Ingland to Scottland quhair he was weill ressawit in Scott- 

witht the king and consall thairof; and the kingis grace 
treittit him werie weill and gentellie, and sett him ewer 

1 Bernard Stuart of Albany, or D'Aubigny, afterwards the famous 
Marshal. He was uncle of Pitscottie's patron, the Bishop of Caith- 
ness. See Notes. 

2 I has "D'Aubigne." 3 I has "clappit and callit." 
4 B has "petteroy" — i.e., petit roi. See Notes. 




at the tabill witht him self and maid him iudge in^all 
his iusting and tornamentis, callit him father of weir 
because he was practissit in the samin. 
foi. so b. l [Bot this frenche lord quha was left in naples gover- 

nour eftir munseur Deobanies pairting the peopill rais 5 
and rebellit aganis him and chessit him out of the 
cuntrie. And this the king of france gat for his sus- 
pitioun that he buire toward monsieur deobanie he tint 
the heill realm e of naples for defait of guid gowernement. 
But we will returne to monsieur Deobanie. Schone 10 
eftir he come in Scotland he causit the kingis graice 
to set ane gret justing and turnament at Edinburgh in 
halyrudhous of the dait I m v c fyve zeiris and the said 
justing and turnament to stand the spaice of xl dayis 
but the 2 warneing and proclamatioun heirof was ane 15 
hundreith dayes befoir to the effectt that france ingland 
and denmark micht haue knawledge of the samyn and 
quha that pleisit to cum thairto as thay thocht guid. 
And also the heill lordis and barronis of Scotland 
war commandit to mak thame reddie againe the said 20 
day apoincted for to enarme thame selffis in thair best 
arrey and in the same armur and waponis that thay 
thocht thame selffis best to fecht into. The heill bar- 
ronis war weill contentit heirwith and prowydit thame 
sellffis at the kingis plesour againe the said day as thay 25 
war commandit according to thair estait and alswa thair 
come money gentilmen out of ingland france and den- 
mark. Amang the rest thair come ane knycht and ane 
lady callit the quyht rois, thairfoir 3 the king gart set the 
haill justing and callit the samyn the turnament of the 30 
black knicht and the black lady 4 and maid Monsieur 

1 The passage in brackets is from I. 

2 "The" is in MS. I written "he" by mistake. 

3 "Thaireftir" seems the right reading. 

4 Dunbar's " Black Lady," Dunbar's Poems, Scottish Text 
Society Ed., ii. p. 201. It is clearly implied that the king was the 
"Black Knight." See Notes. 

JAMES IV. 243 

Deobanie iudge in the said turnament and justing and 
set him in his awin plaice and seit royall becaus the 
king iustit him selff dissaguysed onknawin and he was 
callit the blak knicht quha gave battell to all thame 
5 that wald fecht for thair ladyis saik and speciallie of 
the knichtis and gentilmen of france ingland and den- 
mark. The blak knicht sayit * thame all bot thair was 
nane that mycht war him at na tyme bot he wan the 
lady frome thame all for he was verie puissant and 

10 strenthie on horsback and faucht and iustit with all 
kynd of weaponis that vsis thairvnto that is to say 
with speir sword and mass 2 bot thair was nocht ane 
that incountart him that micht byd his straikis he was 
so Strang and puissant in his armes thairfoir the iudge 

15 and harrauldis gave him the degrie of that turnament 

that he vsed all kynd of turnament maist manlie and I, foi. 51 «• 
knichtlyk of ony that was thair at that tyme. The erle 
of arrane lord hamiltoun gat the degrie that day givin 
to him be the iudgeis and harrauldis of the best archer 

20 athir in horsback or on fut that was in Scotland at that 
tyme. The Erie of glencarne in lyk maner the best 
riner of the speir. The lord gray the best fechtar with 
the battellaix. Schir patrick hammiltoun with the twa 
handit sword. One this wayis evirie barroun was com- 

25 mandit 3 be the iudge and the harrauldis as thay vsit 
thame sellff vith thair weaponis as was givin to thame 
eftirward be the king for thair reward and adwancment 
of thair honour the quhilk weaponis war of fyne gold 
or of siluir or than doubill ovir gilt and that the said 

30 lordis sould keip thame in memorie for the kingis 
honour and thair glorie in tymes cuming that thair 
posteritie micht sie eftir quhat nummer 4 thai haue 
beine and how thay vsit thame sellffis to the kingis 
graice thair maisteris pleasour and to the adwancment 

1 " Sayit " = essayed. 2 I.e., mace. 

3 Commendit? 4 Manner? 


of thair awin honour : this turnament and iusting beand 
indureit the space of xl dayis as I schew to zow befoir 
that evirie man had tyme and lasour to sey him sellff 
gif he pleisit. This beand done the king causit to mak 
ane gret triumphe and bancat in halyrudhous quhilk 5 
lestit the space of thrie dayis begoud at nyne houris 
in the morneing and lestit quhill nyne houris at evin. 
In the said bancat was all kynd of delicat and delicious 
meittis and drinkis that cuild be gottin in Scotland 
ingland and france and for to reheirs thame it war ane 10 
lang space bot betuix everie seruice thair was ane 
phairs 1 or ane play sum be speikin sum be craft of 
Igramancie quhilk causit men to sie thingis aper quhilk 
was nocht. And so at the hennest 2 bancat pheirs x and 
play vpone the thrid day thair come ane clwdd out of 15 
the rwffe of the hall as appeirit to men and opnit and 
cleikkit vp the blak lady in presence of thame all that 
scho was no moir seine bot this was done be the art of 
Igramancie for the kingis pleasour [by] ane callit Bischope 
Androw forman quha was ane Igramanciar 3 and seruit 20 
the king at sic tymes for his pastyme and pleasour. 
This beand done the king rewardit all his nobillis and 
gentillmen and maid threttie knichtis at this tyme.] 


Hou king harie the Sewint depairted : and hou his son harie the 
aucht send to the king of france for his pentioun. Hou 
bischope Androw forman rid 4 to Rome. 

In the zeir of God I m fywe hundreith nyne zeiris the 
souerane prince of ingland harie the sewint depairtit 25 
out of this present lyff vpone the settirday befoir Sanct 

1 I.e., farce. See Notes. 2 "Hennest" — i.e., hindmost or last. 
8 "Igramanciar" — i.e., necromancer, but here conjuror. See 
Glossary. 4 I.e., rode. 

JAMES IV. 245 

george day in the nicht, quhilk was the xxj day of 
appryle at richmond quhair at the nobillitie and com- 
monis of the realme was werie sorrowfull zit not- 
withstanding thay cuild nocht gainsay the will and 
5 pleasour of god for all the riches and rentis of the 
world wald nocht haue hauldin his lyff ane hair nor 
ane moment langer nor is the will and pleasour of god. 
Thairfoir goddis pleasour is that this foirsaid prince is 
depairtit we crawe at almichtie god of heawin that he 

10 may haue mercie vpone his saull and bring him to the 
evirlasting gloir of heawin. This foirsaid prince harie 
the sevint rang in the realme of Ingland xxiij zeiris 
and aucht monethis wanting one day and all the dayis 
that he rang in ingland thair was gret pace and tran- 

15 quillitie in his realme and all throche his wisdome and 
vertew. We will declair no moir at this present of him 
bot god haue him in his preserwatioun and keipin and 
we will speik of his sone henrie the aucht for quhan 
his father was depairtit as I haue schawin to zow he 

20 thinkand that he was alyit with Scotland to wit that 
the king thairof mareit his sister as ze haue hard thair- 
foir he thocht he had tyme to pas in france. 

1 [In the zeir of god I m v c and foure zeiris and in the The marieag 

of king 

moneth of August, lames the fourt tuik to his wyte James the 


25 Margarit the first [borne] douchter of the king of Ingland, 
and was marieit with hir and solemnettlie be the adwyse 

tof the nobilietie of Ingland and Scottland witht great 
soumes of money gevin to him of toucher, also witht 
greit promissis and conditiouns of peace and rest be- 
30 tuix the tuo contrieis, and thair to the tuo kingis gaif ^.pw-^ 
botht thair bandis and aithis of fedelietie that they ^cotS/ 
sould obserue and keip the samin induring the tyme of ingilid" 2 

1 The passage in brackets is omitted in MS. I, which has a fuller 
account of the marriage in ch. ix. ante. The passage here retained 
from MS. A has got out of place, but is given in both Freebairn's 
and Dalzell's editions. 1504 in it is a mistake for 1503. 


of thair lyfe but fraud or gyle of ether of the said 
pairties, bot ewer allace, thir conditiouns war brokin 
a schort quhill heireftir as ze sail heir.] For the king 
of Ingland being allayit witht Scottland in this maner, 
thinkand that he had his tyme to pase in France to 5 
seik his pensioun, thairfor assemblit his haill lordis to 
ane consall to sie quhat was thair mynd thairin. To 
quhilk money of them concludit to the samin and gaif 
him consall to persew his awin right of the king of 
France, considerand that he was allayit witht the king 10 
of Scottland, and 1 bandit so in peace witht him, that 
he neidit to dreid no bak heir 2 of Scottland as he 
was wont to do. Thairfoir they tuik the les cure of 
France thinkand that the king sould obteine his pen- 
sieoun but ony mane of trubill or impediement; zeit 15 
the consall of Ingland thocht it goode to the king to 
send ambassadouris to France to desyre the king of 
France plessantlie and of ane honest maner to deliuer 
Foi. 81 a. and rander to him his pensieoun forsaid, with certifie- 

catioun gif he wald nocht that he wald come in proper 20 
persone him self to seik the samin quhilk wald nocht 
How the be to his contentment. Thir ambassadouris passit away 
land send to to France at the king of Inglandis and consallis com- 

the king of ... 

France for mand, schew the king of France thair commissioun and 

his pensioun. 

desyre quho was not content thairwith beleiffand suire 25 
that the king of Ingland durst not attempt ony weiris 
against him, zeit he was commovit at the ambassadouris 
and gaif thame ane defyante ansuer quhilk was lyttill 
to effect. 

In this meane tyme thair was ane bischope in Scott- 30 

land callit Androw Forman, was bischope of Murray, 

Howbisch- quhilk at that tyme was to pase to Rome for his bussie- 

Forman zeid nes, quhilk raid his way throw Ingland quhair he was 

weill treittit and ressawit be king Harie the aught and 

1 I has "and his father and he bandit swa." 

2 B has "backchakis," I "bakfeare." See Glossary. 

JAMES IV. 247 

that for the king of Scottlandis saik ; syne passit ford- 
wart to Rome quhair he was ressawit be the pope and 
treattit thair as ane stranger. 


Discord betuix king lues of france x and paip Juli. Hou Bischope 
Androw forman drew peace betuix thame. Hou the paipe 
delyureit his mull 2 to the said bischope. And hou he maid 
him leggit of Scotland. 

In the same tyme king Lues of France and paipe The discord 
5 July, the second 3 of that name, fell at discoird with the Lues of 

-. -_, -iri -1 • • •• France and 

king of France and [the paipe J raissit ane great airmie paipe juiii. 
witht ane hunder thowsand fightand men to come aganis 
the king of France and gaif him plaine battell gif he wald 
nocht consent to his desyris. The king of France send 

10 and sieand the paipis rigourousnes aganis him, witht the 
number of iiij xx M feghtand men came manfullie to the 
feildis witht ane trieumphand airme aganis him. Thir 
tuo airmeis mairchit togither withtin the space of ane 
Scottis myle redy ewerie ane of thame to come togither 

15 at the sound of trumpit. Bot this nobill bischope For- 
man beand in companie witht the paipe for the tyme Quhene 

desyrit at his handis that he might speik witht the king Androw For- 
man drew 
of France to draw good vyte 4 and bring concoird ffor peace betuix 

the weill of baitht the saidis pairtieis. Quhilk petitioun 

20 was grantit to him be the paipe quho was right reioyssit Foi. 81 5. 

of his desyre, for this nobill bischope passit in message 

to the king of France quhair he was lyand with his 

airme in proper persone, and thair ressawit this hollie 

bischope witht reverence and intreitit him werie thank- 

25 fullie for the king of Scottlandis saik and was werie 

1 Lewis XII. 2 Mule. 3 A has " sevint" wrongly. 

4 I has " wayis," A "vyte" — i.e., wit or knowledge. 



How the 
paip deliu- 
erit his mull 
to bischope 
Androw For- 
man and 
maid him 
Legat of 
Fol. 82 a. 
How the 
maid the 
paip and his 
ane denner. 

blytht of his comming trusting that he favorid him sa 
for the king of Scottlandis saik that he wald not suffer 
the paipe to gif him battell gif he myght stope it, and 
to that effect he gaif him fair wordis and grantit so 
money of his desyris. This bischope come haistalie 5 
to the paipe againe witht good naratioun of the king 
of France, schawand to the paipe that the king of 
France was redy to defend the libertie of the kirk, 
spetiallie his hollienes, to serue him or pas witht him 
quhair he wald bide him. Thir good wordis and wther 10 
sua mitigat the paips hart that he was content to all 
that bischope Androw Forman desyrit, that is to say, 
to skaill his airme and to speik witht the king of France 
and commond kyndlie and tenderlie witht him as he 
pleissit. Witht this ansuer Bischope Androw Forman 15 
passit haistalie to the king of France and schew him 
the paipis goode will and mynd toward him, quho was 
weill contentit thairof and promissid to bischope Androw 
Forman to skaill his airme in lyke maner as the paip 
did his, and to meit at the place appoyntit and to speik 20 
witht him as the bischope had devyssit. And on the 
morne heirefter baitht the saidis airmeis skaillit and 
the paipe and the king of France mett and imbraceit 
wther tenderlie and aggreit wpoun all materis debettabill 
betuix them, be the labouris and consall of this hollie 25 
bischope who was werie richlie revardit thairfor and 
obtinitt great favour of great men and of baitht the 
pairtieis. That is to say the paip lichtit doune of his 
mull 1 and deliuerit hir to bischope Androw Forman 
witht great giftis of gold, and had him to Rome witht 30 
him and maid him Legat of Scottland ; quho maid the 
paip ane great bankit in ane of his awin pallices in the 
tyme of his legacie, 2 and he treitt the paipe and all his 
cardinallis thairwnto. 

1 Mule. 

2 I.e., legation. 

JAMES IV. 249 


Hou the bischope maid the paipe and his cardinallis ane denner and 
quhat mirrieness was thairat. Hou the bischope red out of 
Rome to france. The bischopis reward fra the king of 
france. Hou he desyrit the bischope to speik with the king of 
Scotland; Hou margret queine of Scotland x [brought hame a 
son and the king] buldit ane schipp ; the lenth breid and 
thiknes of the said schip. And quhat expensis scho was. And 
hou scho was seyit. 2 

Quhene the denner come to the paip and his car- 
dinallis was pleissit and sett according to thair estait. 
Then the wse was and costome at the beginning of 
meate that he that aught the house and maid the 
5 bankit sould say the grace and blise the meate; and 
so they requirit the hollie bischope to say the grace 
quho was not ane goode scollar and had not goode 
lattine, but begane rudlie in Scottis fassieoun in this 
maner sayand ' Benedicite,' beleueand that they sould 

10 haue ansuerand ' Dominus.' Bot they ansuerit ' Daus ' 3 
in the Italieane fassieoun, quhilk pat this nobill bisch- 
ope by this his intandement that he wist not how 
to proceid fordwart, bot hapnit out in goode Scottis 
in this maner, the quhilk they wnderstud not, sayand, 

15 ' The Dewill gif [tak] zow all fallis cairllis, 4 in nomine 
1 patris et filii spiritus sancti.' 'Amen,' quod they. 
Then the bischope and his men lewche and sa did 
all the cardinallis. And the paip inquirit quhairat they 
lewche, and the bischope schew the paipe the maner, 

20 that he was not ane good dark, and his cardinallis 

1 This is not conform to the text, which states, as all other authori- 
ties do, that King James built the great Michael. It seems a mis- 
take of the transcriber, who omits the words supplied in brackets. 

2 " Seyit " = launched. 3 " Deus," so pronounced? 
4 Dalzell has " cardinals," which is probably wrong. 



How he zeid 
out of Rome 
to France. 

The bisch- 
opis rewaird 
fre the king 
of France. 

How he 
desyrit the 
Bischope to 
speik witht 
the king of 

had put him by his intandement, thairfor he gaif thame 
all to the Devill in goode Scottis, and they say 1 that 
lewche at that, the paipe leuche amang the rest. 2 

Quhene the bischope was maid Legat of Scottland 
and done all his bussienes as we haue schawin he tuik 5 
his leif at the paipe and his cardinallis, and passit throw 
Italie to France quhair he was wondrous willcum baith 
to king and quene and consall and was richlie rewardit 
for his labouris of peace making betuix him and the 
Paipe of Rome, and gawe him thair for his rewaird the 10 
bischoperick of Burges of Barray 3 quhilk was to him 
zeirlie in profeit iiij c tune of wyne ten M frankis in gould 
witht wther small commoditieis quhilk cane not be 
rehearssit. The king of France schew also to this 
bischope how the king of Ingland had also send his 15 
ambassadouris desyrand his pensieoun to be payit or 
ellis he wald come and invade his realme and gif him 
battell ; quhairfor he desyrit the bischope effectouslie to 
speik the king of Scottland to support him conforme to 
the tennour of his auld band and also prayand the 20 
bischope to be his goode freind in consalling of the 
king ffor his affairis. That is to say quhene the king 
of Ingland come in France, that the king of Scottland 
wald raise his airme and come in Ingland lykas the auld 
band maid mentioun. To this effect the king of 25 
France send ambassadouris in Scottland witht the 
bischope to desyre the samin as is affoir rehearssit ; bot 
the king gaif thame ane defferant ansuer because of the 
lufe and tendernes that was betuix him and the king 
of Ingland his brother in law. Thir ambassadouris past 30 
againe in France nothing content with thair ansuer. 
This draif ower. 

Margarit our quene of Scottland brocht hame ane 

1 I has "said all amen." 

2 According to MS. I on margin, this was in 151 1. 

3 Bourges in Berry. 

JAMES IV. 251 

zoung sone in the monetht of [FebruarJ in the zeir of HowMar- 

garit quene 

god I m v c and xij zeiris. pf Scottiand 

buire ane 

In the same zeir the king of Scottiand bigit ane great sone - 

Fol. 83 a. 

scheip callit the great Michell quhilk was the greattest How the 
5 scheip and maist of strength that ewer saillit in Ingland scoftfand 
or France. Ffor this scheip was of so greit statur and great scheip. 
tuik so mekill timber that scho waistit all the wodis in 
Fyfe except Falkland wode, by l all the tymmer that was 
gottin out of Noraway. Scho was so Strang and wyde 
10 of length and breid that all the wryghtis of Scottiand ze 
and money wther strangeris was at hir devyse be the 
kingis commandement quho wroght werie bessielie on 
hir, bot it was zeir and day or scho was compleit. 

To wit, scho was xij scoir of futtis of length and xxxv The length, 

breid and 

15 futte withtin the wallis 2 ; scho was ten fute thik in the thiknesof 

said schipe 

waill, cuttit jeastis of aik witht hir wallis and burdis on andofquhat 

expense scho 

ewerie syde sa stark and thik that na canon could gang was o f - 
throw hir. This great schipe cummerit Scottiand to get 
hir to the sie ; ffrome tyme scho was aflott and all hir 

20 mastis and saillis compleit, witht towis and ankeris 
effeirand thairto scho was comptit to the king to be xxx 
thowsand pund of expenssis by 1 hir artaillze quhilk was 
werie great and costlie to the king by all the laif of hir 
order. To wit, scho buire mony cannons sex 3 on everie 

25 syde witht thrie great basselis, 4 tua behind in hir dock 
and ane befoir, witht iij c schott of small artaillzie, that is 
to say mayan 5 and batterit facouns and quarter fallcouns, 
slingis, pestelent serpitantis 6 and doubill doggis 7 witht 
hagbut and cullvering, corsebowis and handbowis. Scho 

30 had iij c marienaris to saill hir, sex scoir of gounnaris 

1 " By " = besides. 

2 I has " xxxvj fut with in hir wylis " — i.e., walls. 

3 I has "xij." 

4 "Basilisk" is the more common name for this cannon. 

5 A medium-sized cannon. 

6 " Serpentine " is the more correct name. 

7 Perhaps "daggis," horse-carbines or hand-guns. See Glossary. 



Fol. 83 b. 

How the 
king sayit 

to wse hir artaillze ffor this scho had ane thowsand men 
of weir by 1 hir captans skipiris and quarter maisteris. 
Quhene this scheip past to the sie and was lyand in the 
rade, the king gart schot ane cannon at hir to say hir gif 
scho was wicht, bot I hard say it deirit 2 hir nocht and 
did her lyttill skaith. 


Quhair ye sail find the schap of the kingis schipe and hir pictour. 
Hou bischope Androw fovman consallit the king of Scottland 
to pyk ane quarrell at the king of ingland. The king of ing- 
lands ansuer to the Scottis ambassadouris. 

Quhair ze 
sail ffind hir 
schape and 

And gif ony man beleiffis that this descriptioun of the 
scheip be not of weritie as we haue writtin lat him pase 
to the zeit of Tilliebairne 3 and thair affoir the samin he 
will sie the length and breid of hir planttit witht hathorne 10 
againe be the wryghtis that helpit to mak hir. As for 
wther properties of hir Schir Androw Wode is my author, 
quho was quarter maister of hir, and Robene of Bartane 4 
quho was Maister skiper of hir. 

This scheip lay still in the raid as forsaid and the 15 
king everie day taking plesour to pase to hir and dyne 
and supe in hir witht his lordis lattand thame sie the 
order of his schipe ; quhill at the last the king of Scott- 
land was suirlie adwertist that the king of Ingland was 
makand redy witht all the haist he could witht ane greit 20 
airme and navie of scheipis to pase to France to seik his 
pensieoun. Quhairof the king of Scottland was not con- 
tent, trusting suirlie gif the king of Ingland landit in 
France to gett 5 battell that he wald be chargit for 

1 « By " = besides. 

2 " Dirrit " = shook. See Glossary. 
4 I.e., Robert Barton. See Notes. 

3 Tullibardine. 
5 I has "gif." 

JAMES IV. 253 

support conforme to his auld band quhilk he was laith 
to breik; and on the wther syde he was far lather to 
breik his new allyance maid betuix him and the king 
of Ingland his goode brother. Zeit notwithtstanding Howbischop 

, , - . _ . . . , , ... , . AndrowFor- 

5 be the craftie of the bischopis quhilk never desyrit man consaiiit 

the king of 

peace nor rest of Ingland bot favount France sa that Scottiandto 

pike ane 

they counsellit the king to pick ane quarrell at the king q " a ^ H at f 
of Ingland quhilk they beleiffing sould cause him to ^s^nd. 

Fol. 84 a. 

start at the king of Scottland, quhairby the king of 
10 Scottland might haue occatioun to support France at 
his plesour. And in this maner they wrocht and caussit 
the king to send bischope Androw Forman to the king 
of Ingland in ambassadrie desyrand of him certane The king of 


silluer wark and goldin wark witht nngis cheinzeis and desyrefrome 

b b the king of 

15 pretious stouns and wther bullzeament of gould per- ingland. 
tening to the prince his eldest brother, quhilk was left 
to his wyfe Margarit quen of Scottland be legacie of hir 
eldest brother. To thir desyris and petitiouns of his 
ambassadour forsaid, the king of Ingland ansuerit in 

20 this maner as efter followis : — 'My lord ambassadour The king of 


' desyris my brother the king of Scottland to haue of me desyre and 


1 silluer wark and goldin wark, ringis and cheinzeis or 
1 pretious stouns or ony wther abullzeament pertening to 
1 ane prince, quhilk was left in legacie be my eldest 

25 ' brother to my eldest sister Margarit, quene of Scottland. 
1 I grant thairto scho salbe weill ansuerit thairof, nocht 
1 allanerlie the samin bot the dubill thairof of all thingis. 
' Thairfor mak zour memorieall of all zour desyris, num- 
' ber and valour thairof and ze sail not haue allone the 

30 ' singill bot the doubill thairof. As I ame ane trew prince 
* ze salbe ansuerit in all thingis quhatsumewer ze will giue 
1 in writt, on this conditioun that my brother the king of 
c Scottland will keip his oth and band witht me that he 
1 hes maid laittlie witht consent of his parlieament and 

35 ' lordis thairof; and I in lykewyse with consent of my 
' lordis hes maid the othe of fledilietie into him as he hes 


1 done wnto me be hallie vangell tuichit and our great 
' seallis and hand writ interchangit thair wpon that never 
' ane of ws sould invaid ane wther ffor na wther mans 
' plesour, bot sail leif in peace and rest with cheratie and 
' concord as christiane men and goode nichtbouris aught 5 

* to do. Thairfoir I desyre my brother the king of Scott- 

* land ffor the lufe of allmighte god quhilk is the authour 
Foi. 84 b. l and ground of all peace and rest that he wald sit in his 

1 awin schyre 1 and lat me and the Frinchemen pairt 
1 amang ws, that I may seik my awin iust richt of my 10 
' pensieoun quhilk is haldin frome me wrangouslie be the 
1 pryde and awarice of France ; thairfoir I desyre him to 
1 sitt still and be iudge to ws baitht and gif he dois me 
' no goode, do me no ewill. And also schew him that it 
' sail nether be sillwer norgould, landrent nor richeis that 15 
' sail stand betuix him and me in differance and that gif 
1 he beleuis nocht this, send ane ansuer haistalie againe 
1 or I depairt out oflngland to France and I sail deliuer 
' his desyris wnto them togither witht ony wther landis or 
1 rentis that he desyris. And gif he will promise faitht- 20 
1 fullie to keip his band forsaid to me I sail incontienent 
' witht all the consent of my nobillis mak him Duike of 
1 York and governour of Ingland to my hame coming. 
' ffor the airis of Ingland man ether come of me or him 

* and I haue nane as zeit that is lauchfull of my body, 25 
' bot I heir say Margarit my eldest sister hes ane prettie 

1 boy, appeirandlie to be ane man of estimatioun. I pray 
' god to blise him and keip him from his enemeis and gif 
' me grace that I may sie him in honour and estimatioun 
1 quhene he comes to aige, that I may intertein him 30 
4 according to my honour and dewtie.' 

1 I has "chyr' : — i.e., chair. See Glossary. 

JAMES IV. 255 


Bischop Androw formans revard frome the king of ingland. The 
king of Scotland's consall to him sellf. Quhat the king of 
Scotland send to france. Hou the king of Scotlandis captanis 
of weir breik his command. Hou bischop forman send ane 
bill to the king of Scotland. Hou the queine of france send 
ane luve letter to the king of Scotland and also ane taikin. 

This ansuer endit be the king of Ingland deliuerit to 
the ambassadour the bischope forsaid quho quhene he 
was depairting away gat his revaird werrie greatlie of gold Bischop 
and silluer and fair haiknayis to ryde wpoun ; and also mans°revaird 
5 he gat the priorie of Cowdibett 1 quhilk was in rent be king of 
zeir iiij m angell nobillis be the convent thairof. This 
bischope tuik his leif and passit in Scottland haistallie 
and schew the king of Inglandis ansuer to the king of 
Scottland in maner foresaid as we haue rehearssit. Of 

10 this ansuer the king was weill contentit and satisfieit 
thinkand on nawayis he could refuse sa fair offeris as his 
brother the king of Ingland had promissed to him and 
consultit witht himself and his consall that he wald in na The idngis 
vayis invaide Ingland at that tyme for no favour that himself. 

15 he had to France, and to that effect send away this Foi. 85 a. 
bischope into France promissand to them ony support 
or help quhilk he could mak them suire, 2 saife onlie he 
wald nocht pas in Ingland at that tyme to invaide his 
brother because he was suorne thairto in the contrair. 

20 Bot he promissit that he sould send them ane airmie be 
sie to support them as they pleissit ; and incontenent 
the king gart wictuall and fumischt his great scheip witht 
all kynd of ordoure, and cheissit four hardie men to be 
quarter maisteris in hir, and maid the lorde Hammilltoun 

25 earle of Arran captane and great admerall and maid the 
lorde Flemeing wice admerall to saill in the Margarit 

1 1 has "Codibek." The true name of Forman's English bene- 
fice was " Cottingham." See Notes. 2 I has "saiff." 



How the 
king of 
brak his 

bi^chop For- 
man send 
ane bill to 
the king of 
Fol. 85 b. 

How the 
quen send 
ane lufe 
letter to the 
king of 

and the lorde Rose hakit 1 in the James quhilk was the 
kingis great scheipis quho war weill furnischit witht lordis 
earleis and barrouns at that tyme to the number of ten 
thousand men quho was weill arrayit for battell, and 
the earle of Arrane haueand charge to pase witht him 5 
quhairewer he pleissit and in spetiall to France, quhair 
the arme was lyand for the tyme in France debaittand 
against the Inglische men thinkand that thair support 
sould cause the king of Ingland to returne. Bot all this 
was for nocht, ffor the earle of Arane lord Hammilltoun 10 
and admerall for the said navie of Scottland, keipit no 
derectioun of the king his maister bott passit to the wast 
sie wpoun the cost of Ireland and thair landit and brunt 
Carag - forgus 2 witht wther willagis, and than come 
foranent the toune of Air and thair landit and repossit 15 
and playit them the space of xl dayis. In this meane 
tyme Bischope Forman baid in France witht the king 
and court 3 thairof quho had promissit sic ane support 
in to the king of France be his maisteris derectioun and 
luikit daylie for the samin and because he could sie 20 
nothing to succeid of his promise he wrait hame ane 
schirpe bill to the king makand mentioun to him that 
his honour was tint for ewer, gif he send nocht haistalie 
support to the king of France conforme to his promise 
quhilk he had maid in his name. Also the quen of 25. 
France wrait ane lufe letter to the king of Scotland, callit 
him hir lufe schawand him that sche had sufferit mekill 
rebuike for his saik in France for the defending of his 
honour, scho beleiffit suirlie that he wald recompence hir 
againe witht sum of his knyghtlie support in hir necessatie, 30 
that is to say that he wald raise hir airme and come 
three fute on inglis ground for hir sake; to that effect 
scho send him ane ringe of hir finger witht xiiij thowsand 
frinche crounes to mak his expensis. 

1 Ross of Hawkhead. See Notes. 
3 I has " quene " and omits " thairof.' 


JAMES IV. 257 


Hou the king of Scotland gart wot of his men of weir dissobeyit the 
kingis herauldis. Hou the king maid proclammatiounis. Ane 
meraikill seine in the kirk of linlythgow quhan the king was 
settand at devotioun. 

Be thir lettaris to the kingis maiestie 1 he knew weill How the 

1 r 1 -\ -ii • 1 • 1 king gat witt 

that [the] navie had not passit the right way, and schorthe ofhisnavieis 
heirefter he gat wit thai war landit at the toune of Air 
quhilk displeissit the king werie greatlie ffor he beleiffit 
5 suirlie that they had ben in France at the farthest tryst. 
Bot because they had nocht keipit his derectioun he 
send 2 Schir Androw Wode witht wther gentill men 
witht harrottis of airmes and dischargit the Earle of 
Arrane of his admerall and wowit to god that he sould 
10 neuer bruik herietage in Scottland efter that day. Bot 
this lord beand solempe 3 and zoung heirand the terrabill 
message of the king thocht he wald nocht obey and 
gif ower the admerallschipe as the king had commandit 
bot passit it to the sie and pullit wpe saillis and passit How the 

captanis of 

i c; quhair hie pleissit and thinkand that he wald come to weh-dis- 

J ^ . r , sobeyit the 

France in dew tyme. Bot the storme of windis and kin s- 
raige of sieis batterit the schippis in sic maner that hie 
could nocht come to his purpois in dew tyme. The 
king heirand of his wnprosperous iournay, seand that 
20 France wald get no support of him for the tyme, maid 

ane procliematioun haistalie throw all the realme of The king 

. 1 if -n • maid proclie- 

Scottland batht eist, wast, south, north, allis weill m his matiounis. 
illis as in the ferme land that all maner of men betuix 
sextie and sextene zeiris, that they sould be redy within 
25 xx dayis to pase witht him witht xl dayis wictuall and so 

1 I has "be thir letteris foresaid come " = by the time the fore- 
said letters had come. 

2 I inserts " Archbauldy Erie of Angus, and," &c. 

3 I has " insolent." 



meit at the borrow mure of Edinburgh and thair to pase 
fordwart quhair hie pleissit. His procliematiounis was 
haistalie obeyit contrair the counsall of Scottlandis will, 

Foi. 86 a. bot everie man luffit his prince so weill that they wald 

on nowayis dissobey him bot everie man gart mak his 5 
provitioun haistallie conforme to the charge of the pro- 
cliematioun. At this tyme the king come to Lythtgow, 
quhair he hapnit for the tyme to be at consall, werie sad 
and dollarous, makand his divotioun to god to send him 
good chance and fortoun in his woage. In this mean 10 

Ane mirakin tyme thair come ane man clade in ane blew goune 1 in 
at the kirk doore witht ane roll of lynning claith ane 
pair of bottouns 2 on his feit to the great of his lege 
witht all wther hose and claithis conforme thair to, bot 
he had nothing on his heid bot syde reid zallow hair 15 
behind and on his halffitis quhilk wan doune to his 
schoulderis bot his forheid was beld 3 and bair. He 
semmit ane man of lij zeiris witht ane great pyk staff in 
his hand and come fast fordward amang the lordis cry- 
and and speirand for the king, sayand he desyrit to 20 
speik witht him ; quhill at the last he come quhair the 
king was sittand in the dask at his prayeris. Bot quhene 
he saw the king he maid him lyttill reverence or sallu- 
tatioun bot leinitt doune groufflingis on the dask befoir 
him and said to him in this maner as eftir followis, — 25 
1 Schir king, my mother hes send me to the desiring the 
' nocht to pase at this tyme quhair thow art purpossit, 
1 ffor gif thow dois thow wilt nocht fair weill in thy 
' journay nor nane that passis witht the; forther scho 
1 bad the nocht mell witht no wemen nor wse witht 30 
1 thair counsall, nor lat them nocht tuitch thy body nor 
1 thow thairs, for and thow do it thow wilbe confoundit 
' and brocht to schame.' Be this man had spokin thir 
wordis in to the kingis grace, the ewin song was neir 

1 I has " beltit about him with ane row of lynning," &c. 

2 I has "bottikins." 3 " Beld"—/.*.. bald. 

JAMES IV. 259 

done, and the king panssit on thir wordis studeing to 
gif him ane ansuer bot in the meane tyme befor the 
kingis face, and in presentis of all his lordis that was 
about him for the tyme this man wanischit away and 
5 could in no wayis be sen nor comprehendit, bot wan- 
ischit away as he had bene ane blink of the sone or ane 
quhipe of the whirle wind and could no more be seine. 
I hard say Schir Dawid Lyndsay Lyoun harrott 1 and Foi. 
Johnne Inglische the mairchall quho war at that 

10 tyme zoung men and spetiall serwandis to the kingis 
grace war standand presentlie besyde the king quho 
thocht to have layit handis on this man that they might 
haue speirit forder tydingis at him bot all for nocht; 
they could not tueiche him ffor he wanischit away betuix 

15 them and was no more sen. 


Hou the king tuk arteilzerie out of Edinburgh. Ane proclamatioune 
hird : hou the king wald nocht wse the counsall of his wyfe. 
The nomer of the kingis men. 

All thir wairningis and wncouth merwellis 2 nor no 

goode consall might stope the king at this present ffrome 

his waine purpois and wickit interpryse bot [he] haistit 

him fast to Edinburgh and thair to mak his provisioun 

20 and furnisching in haveing fourtht of his airme aganis 

the day appoyntit that they sould meit on the borrow Howthe 
mure of Edinburgh ; that is to say sewin cannonis that oKSnize 
he tuik fourtht of the castell of Edinburgh, quhilk was casteiiof 

... . . Edinburgh. 

callit the sewin sistens, cassin be Robert Borthik the 

1 Buchanan tells the story in almost the same terms, and says Sir 
David Lyndsay, who was present, was his informant. — Hist., xiii. 
31. See Notes. 

2 Dalzell has "novellis" and "counsall." 


maister gounar witht wther small artaillze, bullat, powder 
and all maner of order as the maister gounar could 
devyse. 1 

In this meane tyme they war takin 2 fourtht the 
artaillze, and the king being in the Abbay for the 5 
Anepro- tyme, thair was a cry hard at the marcat crose of 


hard in Edinburgh at the houre of midnight proclamand as 

on the night, it had bene ane sowmondis, quhilk was nameit and 
callit be the proclamer thairof the sowmondis of Plot- 
cok, 3 quhilk desyrit all men to compeir baitht earle, 10 
lord, barone and gentillmen and all honest burgessis 
withtin the toune, ewerie man specifieit be his awin 
name to compeir withtin the space of xl dayis befoir 
his maister quhair it sail happin him to apoynt and 
be for the tyme wnder the paine of dissobedience. Bot 15 
quhither thir sowmondis war proclameit be waine per- 
souns night walkeris or dronkin men for thair pastyme, 
or gif it was bot ane spreit as I haue schawin to zow 
befoir, I cane not tell trewlie : Bot it was schawin to me 
that ane nobill man of the toun callit Maister Richart 20 
Lawsone 4 beand ewill dispossit gangand in his gallerie 
stair foment the corse, heirand this woce proclamand 
Foi. 87 a. this sowmondis thocht marwell quhat it sould be, cryit 
on his serwant to bring him his purse, and quhene he 
had brocht him it he tuik out ane croune and cast it 25 
ower the stair sayand thir wordis as efter followis : — 
1 I appeill fre that sowmondis iudgement and sentance 
' thairof and takis me all haill in the marcie of god and 
* Christ Jesus his sone.' Werelie the author of this that 
caussit me to wryte the maner of the sowmondis was 30 
ane gentillmane landit, quho was at the tyme of 

1 See Notes. 2 I has " reiking." 

3 I has " Potcock," Dalzell has " Platcock," — Pluto or the 

4 This was Richard Lawson, Provost of Edinburgh, and Justice- 
Clerk. See Notes. 

JAMES IV. 26l 

twenty zeiris of aige 1 and was in the toune the tyme 
of the sowmondis, and thairefter quhene the feild 
was strikin he swore to me thair was no maner of 
man that eskaipit that was callit in that sowmondis 
5 bot that on man allone quhilk maid his protestatioun 
and appeillit fre the saidis sowmondis bot all the laif 
war perischit in the feild witht the kingis grace. 2 Thir 
nowellis passit through the toune on the morne to 3 
everie man as effeirit and spetiallie they come to the 
10 kingis eairis quho gaif them bott lyttill credence nor 
wald gif to no man nor signe nor taikin quhilk was 
contrair to his porpois, but reffussit allwayis godlie 
consall quhilk was to his honour and commone weill 
of the contrie and wald nocht wse no consall of his How the 

king wold 

15 prudent wyfe Margant quene of Scottland for no use na con- 
sail of his 
prayeris nor suppliecatioun scho could mak, schawand wyffe. 

[him] that scho had bot ane sone in to 4 him quhilk was 

ane waik warand to the realme of Scottland and ower 

soune to him to pase to battell levand so small suc- 

20 cessioun behind him; thairfor scho thocht it best that 
he sould tarie quhill god send thame more fruit of his 
body ffor assuirand him gif he passit to Ingland at that 
tyme he wald gett battell. Zeit this wyse consall and 
admonitioun [was] of no wyse acceptit nor takin in goode 

25 pairt be him [and] because scho was the king of Inglandis 
sister was the less regairdit ; zeit this nobill woman did 
hir dewtie and labouris sa far as scho might for the weill 
of hir husband and the commone weill of the contrie Foi. s 7 b. 
and also for the lufe that scho buire to her brother the 

30 king of Ingland desyrand no discord to be betuix the 
tuo realmes in hir tyme. Bot nevertheles nothing wald 

1 This appears to show that Pitscottie had conversed with a man 
who had been in Edinburgh in the year 15 13 and was born in 1493 ; 
but see Notes. 

2 See Notes. 

3 I has "to," A has " that," but the reading of I is preferable. 

4 "In to," we now say "to." 


be hard bot ' fordwart.' * The king went in to the place 
quhair the mustaris war ressawit, that is to say, in the 
borrow mure besyde Edinburgh, quhair they essembelit, 
the king and all his lordis barrouns and burgessis all 
frie halderis and fenceabill men, and all maner of men 
betuix sextie and sextene alswell spretuall 2 as temporall 
batht brugh and land allis weill the out yillis as ferme 
The number land quhilk haistalie come, the number of I c M fightand 

of the kingis 

men. men together witht the carage men and arteillzerie quhilk 

was to the number of xxx schott of greit artaillze and 
xxx feild peaceis witht all thair ordinaris of poullder 
and bullat ; and passit syne fordwart to the Ersk tower 
and camp it thair. 


Hou the king passit to the feild of floudane. Hou the king cuist 
doun werk and norem 3 and fuird 4 and atill. 5 Hou the king 
mellit with the lady furd. Hou the men of weiris wictuallis 
wer spendit. Hou the lady of fuird askit licence at the king 
to wisie hir freindis. Hou the lady fuird schowit the Erie of 
Surrie all the king of Scotlandis secreittis. 

Quhen the king campit on nicht in Ersilton c and on 
the morne went to Wark and Norhame and cast them 15 
How the doune and thairefter past to Furde and cast thame 
doune Wark doune and greit slaughter maid of the kingis men 7 that 

and Nor- 
hame. stude about the house in the fallingis of the tymber. 

Sum sayis the lady of Furde 8 was ane bewtiefull woman 

and that the king mellit witht hir and allso his sone the 20 

1 Dalzell has a different reading, but A seems preferable and 
agrees with I. See Notes. 

2 I.e., spiritual. This is curious, for the clergy, except bishops 
and abbots who were feudal lords, seem by this time to have 
ceased to fight. See Notes. 

3 Wark and Norham. 4 Ford Castle. 5 Etal Castle. 
6 I has " Ersiltoun." 7 I adds "pioneris and vther." 

b "Lady of Furde." This was Lady Heron. See Notes. 

JAMES IV. 263 

bischope of Sanct androis witht hir douchter, quhilk was How the 

king mellit 

against godis commandementis and against the order of witht the 
all goode captanis of weir to begin at huredome and Furde. 
harlotrie befoir ony goode succes of battell or wictorie 
5 fallin into them. I beleif the stinkand adullterie and 
fornicatioun had ane greit pairt of 1 thair ewill succes. 2 

Nocht witht standing the king conteinued still thair 
the space of xx dayis but battell and no pretinnis 3 of the Foi. 88 a. 
sam, quhilk 4 at last all the wictuallis and wiuerse of the 
10 commons was waistit away and money of the fer norland How the 


men and Illis men was waistit in the samin maner that wictuaii was 


it was forcest 5 to thame to pase hame and everie lord 
and gentillman send ane or tua hame of thair spetiall 
servantis to bring them wictuallis. In this wyse thair 

15 baid nocht witht the king abone ten thowsand men by 6 
borderaris and countrie men zeit the kingis grace suspect 
nor tuik no feir because he beleiffit no battell of the 
Inglischemen at that tyme. Bot this wickit lady of 
Furde sieand the king so oft dispairit for lak of wictu- 

20 allis and knawand all the secreittis that was amangis the 
kingis men and airme batht of the king him self and his 
secreit consall, and this experience scho had be hir 
frequent hurdome witht the king and also hir douchter 
witht his sone, quhilk movet hir to ask lecence at the How the 

lady Furde 

25 king to pase invart in the contrie to speik witht certane asiutieifat 

^ # r the king to 

of hir freindis, declairand that scho sould bring him all w ; e j^. c hir 
nowellis out of the south contrie quhat they war doand 
or quhat was their porpois or to do, desyring his grace 
to remaine all till hir cuming. And hie againe as ane 
30 feminnat 7 prince subdewit and intyssit be the allurment 
and fallis desait of this wickit woman gaif hir ower 
hastielie credence in this behalf and beleiffit trewlie all 


1 I inserts "the wytt of" — i.e., blame of. 2 See Notes. 

3 "Pretinnis" — i.e., pretences. 4 I has "quhill"— i.e., until. 

5 I has "force"— i.e., necessity. 6 I.e., besides. 

7 Effeminate. 



Fol. 88 b. 

How the 
lady Furde 
schew the 
earle of 
Surry the 
king of 

had bene trew that scho had promissit to that effect, 
gart conwoy hir ane certane way frome the oist as scho 
desyrit. Bot this lady thinkand nothing that scho had 
promist to the king that on nowayis scho wald keip it 
for lufe scho buire to hir natiue contrie, bot haistalie 
passit witht ane dessaitfull mynd to the Earle of Surry 
quhair he was lyand at Zork at that tyme and schew to 
him the haill secreittis of the king of Scottland and his 
airme and quhat poynt he was at and how his men was 
depairtit frome him for lak of wictuallis and thair was 
nocht bidin witht him bot ten thowsand men of all his 
airme. Thairof scho thocht it expedient to the said 
Earle of Surray to come fordwart witht them that he 
might be at that tyme, scho promissand to him that he 
sould haue wictorie ; be hir craft and ingyne scho sould 
disdaine that king sa far as scho could to put him in the 
Inglischemenis handis. Thir nowellis being shawin to 
the Earle of Surray be this wickit woman [he] was werie 
reioyssit thairof and thankit hir greatlie of hir labouris 
and trawellis that scho tuike for hir natiue contrie, pro- 
missand to hir withtin thrie dayis he sould meit the 
king of Scotland and gif him battell. 





Hou the erle of Surries sone cume with support to his father from 
the king of ingland. Hou the king of ingland wreitt ane com- 
missioun to the erle of Surrie. Hou the erle of Surrie marchit 
fordward toward the Scottis men. Of the king of Scottlandis 
insolencie. Hou the king raid to wissie the inglis men. 

In this meane tyme quhene they l war commonand, 
letteris come to the Earle of Surray that his sone the lord 
Halbert 2 was landit at Dower sex thowsand men of weir 25 

1 I has " the Erie of Surreye and the lady Fuird." 

2 I has " howert " — i.e.. Howard. 

JAMES IV. 265 

witht him of the best of all king Hairieis airme send to How the 

earle of Sur- 

him be the said Harie quho was lyand in France at this r *ys soune 

x come witht 

tyme seiking his pensieoun, and gat word the king of s u P° rt t0 his 
Scottis was command in Ingland invaidand his realme 
5 for lufe of France, quhilk was contrar to the lufe of god 
and weill fair to baitht the said realmes of Ingland and 
Scottland considderand the promise, bandis, allyancis 
maid batht betuix the saidis realmes as we haue schawin 
befoir to zow. Nocht witht standing the king of Ing- 
10 landis 1 [was] brother to the king of Scottis and thairfoir Foi. 89 a. 
he wrait him commissiouns in to the Earle of Surray -How the 

Icinsr of" In?* 

that he suld be lutennant for the tyme and raise the land wrait 

ane commis- 

haill body of the realme of Ingland baitht gentillmen siountothe 

earle of 

and commons and cause thame pase fordwart aganis Surray. 

i$ the king of Scottland for to defend thair realme gifand 
him ane exprese command that he sould nocht invaid 
the king of Scottland be no maner of way bot in his 
awin defence nor sould not persew the king of Scottland 
nor nane of his in Scottis ground bot [defend] 2 them 

20 selffis withtin the realme of Ingland. The Earle of 
Surray heirand the lettaris of commissioun presentit be 
his sone was werie reioyssit and also of the hame 
comming of his sone Lord Halbert and tuike sic 
curage that he assemblit all his airme of Ingland and 

25 maid thair mustaris incontenent, quhilk come to the 
number of fyftie thowsand men, gentillmen and com- 
mons. The captans heirof was the Earle of Surrayis, 
princiepall lwtennant to the kingis maiestie and wnder 
him his sone lord Halbert principall governour of the 

30 rest 3 and the 4 Dacaris marschell, the lord of Wast 
mureland and the Percieis of Northt thumberland was 

1 I has "Ingland lamentit heavelie the vnkyndnes of his guid 
brother the king of," &c. 

2 I inserts "defend." 

3 I has " oist." 

4 I inserts " lord." " Dacre " is the English spelling of the name. 
He was called Lord Dacre of the North. See Notes. 



How the 
earle of Sur- 
ray march it 
towardis the 
Scottis men. 

Fo!. 89 b. 

The king of 

Then the 
king raid t' 
wesie the 

scheiftaine of the waingaird. And this J in all possibill 
haist they marchit fordwart towart the Scottis quhair 
they lay for the tyme to wit at Flowdun hills takand 
no cure of no enemeis to invaid thame at that tyme 
and spetiall of the Inglischemen at that tyme; nor 5 
the king nor nane of his consall knew of the Earle 
of Surrayis comming nor zeit beleiffit to haue battell 
of him nor nane wther of Ingland at that tyme, con- 
siddiring the king was nocht present in the realme. 

This 1 the king of Scottland beand so insolent, havand 10 
no forsight nor myans in the contrie lay still, takand no 
thocht as ane man wnconsable quhilk wald do nothing 
for his lordis and captains for saifgaird of his ost and 
commonweill of his nobillis nor zeit for obtening of wic- 
torie and defending of his awin honour bot lyand still 15 
bydand the ladie of Furdis coming; bot all for nocht 
scho did nothing, but deceiwed him and come nocht 
agane quhill the Inglische airme com witht hir, so the 
king of Scottland knew never the coming of the airme 
of Ingland quhill they war withtin the space of thrie 20 
mylis arrayit in sevin great battellis. Quhene thir 
nowellis war schawin to the king of Scottland he wald 
skantlie credit thame bot lape on horse and raid to the 
hillis to wessie thame. Bot quhene he saw thame com- 
mand so fast fordwart he caussit to sound his trumpitis 25 
and put his men in array and ordanit to charge his 
artaillze and mak all redy. 

1 "This 

for "thus" here and in many other places. See 

JAMES IV. 267 


Hou the lordis pasit to the Counsall. Hou the king come disagyssit 
and hard the Counsall. The lord lindesayis Counsall. Quha 
were nominat to tak the battel on hand. 

In this mean tyme the lordis passit to the counsall, How the 

1 • 1 -ii rr ii- -r lordis passit 

thinkand they wald nocht suffer the king to gif battell to the 


at that tyme to ane mane of law degre. 

Bot quhene the lordis past to the consall as said is the How the 
king dissagyssed him self and come prevelie and hard dissagyssit 

and hard the 

evene lordis wott and quhat was thair conclusioun consall. 
towartis his proceidingis, to wit, the lordis devyssit and 
chargit Lord Patrick Lyndsay of the Byris to be chance- 
lar and first wottar in the consall because he was best 
leirnit and of greatest aige and had greatest experience 
amangis thame all at that tyme. They requyrit of him 
gif he thocht it good that the king sould gif battell to 
Ingland at that tyme or nocht. The lord Lyndsay being 
ryplie advyssit in this matter, seing the proceidingis and 
conversatioun and behavieour of the king, ansuerit to 
the lordis in this maner as efter followis, sayand; 'My The lord 

,. . . . Lendsayis 

' lordis ze desyre my oppmioun and mgment gif the consall. 


90 a. 

' king sould gif battell to Ingland at this tyme or nocht. 
' My lordis I will gif zow fourtht ane similetude, desyrand 
1 zow to knaw my mynd be the samin heirefter. I com- Ane werie 


' pair zour lordschips to ane honest mearchand quho exampiii. 
' wald in his woage go to the dyce witht ane commone 
1 haschatur 1 and thair to ieopardie in the play on ane 
' cast 2 aganis a glied 3 half penney quhilk gif this march- 
' and winnis it it wilbe comptit lyttill or nocht, bot gif 

1 I has "hasator" — i.e., hazarder or gambler. 

2 I has "ane roisnobill." 

3 "Glied" or "gleid." The original meaning is "squinting," 
but here used in the sense of " a bad halfpenny." See Glossary. 


■ he tynes he tynes his honour witht that nobill peace of 
' gould quhilk is of mair wallour. Sa my lordis, ze may 
1 wnder stand be this ze salbe callit the marchandis and 
' zour king ane rose nobill and Ingland a common has- 
1 chatour that hes nothing to ieopard bot ane gleid 
1 halfpenney in compariesone of our nobill king and 
' ane auld cruikit cairll Hand in ane charieot, 1 and thocht 

* they tyne him they tint bot lyttill. Bot gif we ieopard 
' our nobill king at this tyme witht ane 2 simpill wight 
' and happin to tyne him we wilbe haldin ewill march- io 
1 andis and far war consallouris to his maiestie. For 
1 giue we tyne him we tyne the haill realme of Scottland 
{ and the haill nobilietie thairof, ffor nane of my lordis is 
1 biddin at this tyme bot gentill men ; the commons is 
1 all depairtit frome ws for lak of wictuallis, sua it is not 15 

* decent nor semlie to that we sould ieopard our nobill 
' king and his nobilietie witht ane auld cruikit cairll 
' and ane certane sowtaris and taillzouris witht him in 
' companie. Bot better it war to cause the king to 
' remove, and certane of the lordis witht him, quhom 
' he thinkis maist expedient, to tak the matter in hand 
1 and ieopard thame selffis for the kingis plesour and 
' thair awin honour and the commone weill of the 
' contrie at this tyme, and gif zour lordschipis will con- 
1 elude in this maner, I think it best for my awin pairt.' 25 

Be this the lord Lyndsay had wottit in this maner the 

haill lordis was contentit of this conclusioun and thairto 

Qhowas nominat certane lordis to tak the battell in hand, that 

tak the is to say, the earle of Huntlie in the northt, the earle of 

hand. Argyle, the earle of Crafurd, the earle Marchall, and in 30 

the wast pairt of Scottland, the earle of Glencairne, the 

Foi. 90 & lord Ghrame the lord Maxwell, and in the southt the 

earle off Angus, the earle Bothwell, the lord Home, 

1 I has "quhairfoir my lordis gif Ingland jeopardis ane cruked 
carll in ane chariott and," &c. 

2 I has " so sempill ane match." 

JAMES IV. 269 

thir to be rewlaris of the kingis ost, and to fight in 
battell against Ingland ; and the king to pase witht ane 
certane of his nobilietie a lyttill frome the airme quhair 
he might sie the wallieant actis of baitht the sydis and 
being in saif-gaird him self. 


The kingis ansuer to the lordis. The ordour of the kingis armye. 
The desyre of the maister gunner. The kingis answer to the 
gunner. The feild of flowdoun. The first battell of ingland 
defeit. Secund defeit. Hou the erle of huntlie desyrit the 
lord home to reskew the king. Hou the king was leid out of 
the feild. 

This being devyssit and spokin and finallie concludit 
witht all the haill lordis, the king being neir hand by, 
dissagyssit as I schew zow befoir, desyrand to heir thair 
consall and conclusioun and to be wnknawin of them, 
10 burst fourtht and ansuerit wnhappellie in this maner, as 
efter followis, sayand to tham in ane furieous rage, — 
' My lordis, I sail fight this day witht Ingland and ze The kingis 

,iin 1 • it i 1 11 r, • ansuer to the 

1 had all suorne the contrair, thocht ze wald all flie lordis. 
' frome me and schame your selffis, ze sail nocht schame 

15 ' me as ze devyse, and 1 to lord Patrick Lyndsay that hes 
' gevin the first wott, I wow to god, I sail never sie 
* Scottland souner nor I sail hang him on his awin 
1 zett.' This the lordis war astonischit at the kingis 
ansuer, [and] seand him in ane furie, was faine to 

20 satisfie his plesour and serue his appietyte in all thingis 
as he commandit. 

Be this the watchis come and schew the king that the 
Inglisch airme was in sight marchand fast ford wart 
withtin the space of ane Scottis myle. Then the king 

1 I inserts "as." 



The ordour 
of the kingis 

The desyre 
of the mais- 
ter gounar. 

Fol. 91 a. 

The feild of 
The first 
battell of 

gart blaw the trumpitis and sett his men in order of 
battell, to wit, he gaif the wangaird to the Earle of 
Huntlie and to the lord Home quho was in number 
ten thowsand men and tuik the great battell in to him 
self witht all the nobilietie of Scottland, quhilk passit 
nocht abone xx thowsand men, and marchit fordwart a 
lyttill in the syght of the Inglischemen quhilk was than 
passand ower the brig of Till. Then the maister gounar 
come in presentis of the king and fell on his kneyis de- 
syrand at the king that he might schott his artaillze at 
the Inglische ost, quhair they war command ower the 
brige of Till; ffor he promissit and tuik in hand that 
he sould cut the brig at thair owercomming, that the 
king sould haue no displesour at the on half quhill the 
other sould be devourit ffor he staillit his artaillze for 
the brige and thai come thairon. The king ansuerit to 
Robert Borthuik 1 his gounar lyk ane man that was be 
reft of his wit sayand to him ' I sail hang the, quarter the, 
1 and draw the gif thow schott ane schot this day, for I 
' ame determinat I will haue them all befoir me on ane 
1 plaine ffeild and say 2 thame quhat they can do all befor 
' me.' The Inglische men war all come ower the brige 
and the wandgaird was neir mearchant togither. Then 
the trumpitis blew on everie syde and the wangairdis 
ioynitt togither, to wit, the Scottis wangaird, the Earle 
of Huntlie [and] the lord Home, witht the borderaris 
and contriemen to the number of ten thowsand, and on 
the wther syde, of Ingland the lord Percie and the lord 
Wastmureland witht the haill bordararis and contriemen 
tharof in lyk maner, quho junitt cruellie on everie syde 
and faught crwellie witht wncertaine wictorie. Bot at 
last the Earle of Hunttlieis hieland men witht thair 
bo wis and tua handit suordis wrocht sa manfullie that 
they defait the Inglischemen bot ony slaughter on thair 

1 I has "robin a borthik." 

2 " Say" — i.e., essay or try. See Glossary. 

JAMES IV. 271 

syde; then the Earle of Huntlie and lord Home blew 
thair trumpattis and convenitt thair men agane to thair 
standartis. Be this the tua great battellis of Ingland 
come fordward wpoun the kingis battell and ioinitt 
awfullie at the sownd of the trumpit and faught furie- Thesecund 


ouslie and lang quhill. Bot at last the king of Scottland defaitt. 
defaitt them both. 


Hou the erle of huntlie desyrit the lord home to reskew the king. 
Hou the king was led out of the field. Hou the lord home 
left the kingis arteilzerie in the field. Hou the inglis tareit 
away. Hou the Inglismen zeid throw the field seikand the 

Then 1 the great battell of Ingland led be the lord 
Halbert quho was wnder his father the Earle of Surray 

20 governour in that battell quho come furieouslie wpoun 
the king to the number of tuentie thowsand men ; bot 
the kingis battell inconterid him crwellie and faught 
manfullie on both the saydis witht wncertane wictorie, 
quhill that the stremeis of blude ran on ather syde so 

15 aboundantlie that all the feildis and wateris was maid 

reid witht the conflewence thairof. The Earle of Huntlie 

then and the lord of Home standand in ane rayit battell 

quho had win the wangaird affoir and few of thair men 

ether hurt or slaine, the Earle of Hunttlie desyrit at the How the 

20 lord Home that he wald help the king and reskew him Huntlie de- 
syrit me lord 
in his extremmetie, ffor he said he was ower sett witht Home to 

reskew the 

multitud of men. Nochtwithtstanding, the lord Home kin §- 

ansuerit the Earle of Huntlie in this maner, sayand, ' He 
1 dois weill that dois for him self; we haue faught our 
.25 ' wangaird ellis 2 and win the samin thairfoir lat the laif 
1 I has "Than sa schone as." 2 I has "alreddie." 

Fol. 91 b. 


1 do thair pairt as we.' The Earle of Huntlie ansuerit 
againe and said he could nocht suffer his natiue prince 
to be owercome witht his enemeis beffoir his ene, thair- 
for callit his men togither be sloghorne and sound of 
trumpit to haue passit to the king bot, or he come, 5 
all was defait on ether syde that few or nane was 
lewand nother on the kingis pairt nor on the wther. 
Swme sayis thair come foure men wpoun foure 1 horse 
rydand to the feild witht foure speiris and ane wyspe 
wpoun ewerie speir heid to be ane signe and witter to 10 
thame that ewerie ane of them sould knawe ane wther. 
How the They raide in the feild and horssed the king and brocht 
lead out of him fourtht of the feild on ane dune haiknay. Bot 

the feild. # . ' 

soume sayis they had him in the Merse betuix Dunce 
and Kelso. Quhat they did witht him thair I can not 15 
tell bot ane man ten zeir efter conwickit of slaughter 
offeirit to the Duik of Albanie, for his lyfe, to lat him sie 
the place quhair the prince was endit, 2 to the taikin he 
sould lat him sie his belt of irone lyand besyde him 
in the graue j bot nochtwithtstanding this man gat no 20 
awdience be thame that was about them the Duik of 
Albanie quho desyrit not at that tyme that sic thingis 
sould be knawin. 

Bot we will leif this and we will return to our porpois 
to the feild as disconfeit on this maner on baitht the 25 
sydis ffor nether Ingland nor Scottland knew who had 
the better in that battell bot that the Scottismen mist 
thair king ffor thair wer tua Inglischmen for ane Scottis 
man slaine ; and sa money of the Inglischemen that war 
on lyue reteirit to the Earle of Surray and lord Halbert 30 
his sone and reteirit ane lyttill frome the feild and 
stude on thair feit that night, quhill on the morne at 
nyne houris nocht knawand quho had win or tint the 
Foi. 92 a. feild. And in lyke wyse the lord Home stude all that 

night on his futte witht the number of ten M men quhill 35; 
1 I has "fair." 2 I has "eirdit." 

JAMES IV. 273 

on the morne that the sone raise, he, seand of novyse 
nether of Inglischemen nor Scottis, depairtit his way and How my 

lord Home 

left the kinds artaillze behind him quhilk he might haue left the 


reskewit and brocht witht him gif hie had pleissit : ffor I f n ^\. 

r ' behind him. 

5 hard say, wpoun the morne at ten houris, that I c Scottis- 
men might haue broght away the kingis artaillze saiflie 
withtout ony stope of Inglischemen. Bot the Inglische- 
men suine efter, heirand the lord Home was reteirand 
frome the feild come soune togither witht the number 
10 they 1 be and cairttit the artaillze and had it away to How the 


Bervick, quhair mikill of it remanis to this day: syne men had 

' n J > J away the 

went throw the feild seikand the nobill men quho was k[n s}* 

1 artaillze. 

slaine and in spetiall the kingis grace, quhome 2 they fand How the 

.... ..... _ Inglische- 

money lyke him clade in his cott armor. Bot no man men zeid 

throw the 

1 c could say suirlie that it was hie because the same day of feild seikand 

D J J the king. 

the feild he caussit ten to be clad in his leifray, clad 
witht his cott airmour. Amang the rest thair was tuo of 
his gaird the ane callit Alexander Makcullouck and the 
wther the Squyer of Clesche, 3 quhilk was men of mak- 

20 dome baitht allyke to the king. Thairfoir quhene they 
war deid gottin in the feild and the kingis cott airmor 
wpoun them the Inglischemen beleiffit that ane of thame 
was the king \ thairfoir they tuik ane of thame quhome 
they thocht maist peirandlie to haue bene the king and 

25 caist him in ane cairt and had him away to Ingland. 
Bot zeit we knaw suirlie they gat not the king because 
they had nocht the taikin of his irone belt to schaw to 
no Scottisman. This sorrowfull battell strikin and endit 
on this maner at Flowdoun hillis in the monetht of Sep- 

30 tember the nynt day, the zeir of god fre our redemptioun The zeir of 
I m v c and xiij zeiris and of his rigne the xxv zeir. 

1 I has " mycht be and," &c. 

2 Apparently a mistake for "quhene." 

3 Laing, Notes to Lyndsay's Works, i. p. 309, shows this was 
no relation to the hero of Lyndsay's poem, but probably a Colville. 
See Notes. 




Hou makcleine a man of the hiland 1 was cummand with ane 
armie to the king. And hou he gat but the battell was 
fochin and the king defeit and than the said makcleine 
pasit to ane strenth and hou he and the inglismen struck. 
Ane gret battell. The orisoun to the Reader. 

foi. 57 «- 2 [Bot on the morrow Mackleine ane gret man of the 
Yleis of Scotland was cummand to the king with ane 
companie of schoisin men to the nommer of sex 
hundreith bowis and halflen 3 and haberschownis 4 of 
mailzie bot quhan he hard tell that the battell was 5 
struckin and the king and his vincusit as I haue schawin 
to zow befoir he drew himselff to ane strenth quhill he 
had taine adwysment quhat was best to be done think- 
and that he was intill ane Strang cuntrie and amang his 
enimyes handis and was nocht weill [be] kend in the 10 
cuntrie nor wist nocht quha was his freind nor his foe 
for he dred Scoittsmen als mekill as Inglismen becaus 
he vndirstwd nocht thair leid nor thay his. Thairfore 
he tuik purpois incontinent and passit to ane strenth 
to saiff him selff quhill he was reposit of his travell 15 
for thay war vondrous tyrd and foirgeine and trachled 
gretlie in travell. Quhairfor he wald faine haue restit him 
and haistelie pasit to ane strenth callit barbarwood 5 and 
thair remanit meikill of the day and all that nycht quhill 
one the morrow in the breking of the day and than pur- 
poisit to haue cum his way in Scotland againe bot in 

1 Highlands. 

2 This chapter, with the exception of a few lines at the close, is 
from I, and is not in the other MSS. The censure on James IV. in 
A has also been much enlarged in I. 

3 "Halflin," "halflen" (half-length) bows. Cf. p. 205, 1. 12, 
" half-lang suordis." 

4 Habergeons, or coats of mail. See Glossary. 

5 Not identified. 

JAMES IV. 275 

this mean tyme thair come ane gret blak mist vpone the 
feildis that na man mycht sie the way befor him nor 
quhat gait to pas and he had na experience nor nane of 
his men of the way nor had na gyddis to gyd him. Thair- 
5 foir quhan he trowit to haue cum hame in Scotland he 
passit southward to the ingland and beleiwit suirlie that 
he had beine within Scoittis ground ane gret way quhan 
he was nocht half ane myll awestill 1 Berwik and or he 
was war of him sellff the lord howert come on him with 

10 thrie thowsand men ane thowsand horsemen and twa 
thowsand fute men and thair merchit fordward and zokkit 
baith the armyes togidder and faucht verie crwellie. Bot 
mackcleine siand no remeid bot as ane dispairit man 
faucht so crwellie with the inglismen that he defeit and 

15 slew mony of thair futemen and syne for saiftie of his 
lyfT lap to ane moss that was neir hand by to defend 
him sellff frome the horsmen bot nocht the les becaus 
he knew nocht the cuntrie nor wist nocht quhat way 
best for to win away he held him sellff and his men Anebatteii 

. betuix Malc- 

20 round togidder in ane knot and come vpone the horse- demand the 


men of ingland and schot thame sa with arrowis and 
dairtis that he slew and defeit mony of the said hors 
vnder thair maisteris and than the inglismen war forcit 
to licht on fute quhan thair horsis micht nocht seme. 

25 Than becaus thay war sa [schot] 2 with arrowis be mack- 
cleine and his men quhilk come so fast vpone the inglis- 
men and faucht so crwellie bot thay causit the inglismen 
to sattill frome thame and eftirward thay gave backis 
and fled to berwick sa money as war left on lyff bot the 

30 toune of bervick seand this vschit furth to reskew thair 
men bot the nicht come downe so fast it sinderit thame 
and mackcleine. I hard say thair var slain e of inglis- 
men at that carmish 3 twa thowsand men on hors and fut 
and M c cleine him self eschapit and thriesum with him 

1 "Awestill" — i.e., west of. 2 " Schot " omitted. 

3 Skirmish. 


and wane away with his lyff throw mirkness of the nicht 
bot of all his men thair was nane left onslaine bot him- 
sellffhis brother and twasum with thame. This was fochin 
the xj day of September in the zeir of god foirsaid. Thir 
vnhappie battallis fochin in this [manner] as I haue 5 
schawin to zow and king James the feird slaine than 1 
Foi. 92 b. with money of his nobillis nocht be the manheid nor wis- 
dome of Inglischemen bot be the kingis awin willfull mis- 
governance that wald wse no consall of his wyse nobillis 
and ageit lordis and speciallie of my lord of angus quha 10 
gave him ane vyse cunsall. Becaus he refusit the samyn 
he depairtit out of the feild and left with him his eldest 
sone the maister quha was slaine thair inmediatlie amang 
the rest of the nobillis. This foirsaid wald vse no coun- 
sall for defence of his honour and preserving of his airme 15 
bot wssit himself to his awin sensuall plesouris quhilk 
was the cause of his rwen. Thairfor all wther princes 
may tak exampill be him quhilk reffussit honest and 
godlie consall and spetiall of them quho was the prin- 
cipall defendaris of the realme. Thocht he was the heid 20 
they war the airmes and the spetiall defence of the haill 
body, ffor oftymes it is hard and sene that the airmes 
defendis the heid quhene it is persewit be weolence, and 
is the bucklar that man dois present for saifgaird of the 
heid, thocht the heid sumtyme makis lyttill defence to 25 
the airmes as so is sene of this wnfortunat king [quho] 
then brocht his barrouns to sic ane poynt throw his 
willfull misgovernance that they war all crwllie mur- 
dreist and slaine, in his default and nocht in thairis. 
Bot we will lat him rest witht god and speik of his 30 
sone James the Fyft and how the realme was gydit in 
his minoritie.] 

1 " Than " = then. 

JAMES IV. 277 





2 Alaice that 3 thow art gone Richt Redowtit roy 
Thow 4 potent prince gentill king James the feird 

I traist 5 to chryst thy 6 saull restis in ioy 
Ane gretter nobill rang nevir vpone the eird 
5 O Atropus 7 varie we may thy weird 
ffor thow was mirrour of humilitie 

leidstarne 8 and lamp of liberallite 

For during thy tyme 9 so iustice did prevaill 
That 10 the sawwage lies trimbled for terrour 
10 Isdeill Eisdeill 11 liddisdaill and annerdeill 

durst nocht rebell doutin thy 12 dintis dour 

And of thy 12 lordis thow 13 had sic perfyte favour 
So for to schaw that thow affeird 14 none 

Out throw thy 12 realme thow 15 wald ryd thine alone 

15 And of thy 12 court throuch Europe sprang thy fame 
Of luistie lordis and lowesum ladyis scheine 16 
Triumpheand turnamentis 17 Iustin and knichtlie game 
With all pastyme according for ane king 

1 I.e., "esteemeit." 

2 These lines are taken, with slight variations marked in the Notes, 
from Sir David Lyndsay, ' The Testament and Complaynt of the 
Papingo.' Cf. Laing's edition, i. p. 79, 1. 486 et seq. 

3 " Quhare bene that." 4 "That." 5 "Pray." 
6 " His saull for the convoye." 7 "O Atrapus." 

8 " Lode sterne." 9 " Durying his tyme. " 

10 "That" omitted. n " Eskdale Euisdale." 

12 "His." 13 " Thou " omitted. 14 "Affeirt." 

15 "He." 16 "Zing"— i.e., young. 17 "Tournayis." 

fol. 57 b. 


Thow 1 was 2 the gloir of princlie gowerning 

Bot throw the ardent lowe thow had to france 
Aganis Ingland did mowe thy 3 ordinance 

floudoun feild the ruwyne to revolwe 

Or that most dolent day for to deploir 5 

1 nill for dreid that dolour to 4 desolwe 

Or schaw how that prince in his triumpheand gloire 
Destroyit was quhat neidit 5 proces moir 

Nocht be the vertew of inglis ordinance 
Bot be his awin wilfull misgowernance 10 

Alaice that day had he beine counsalabill 

he had obtenit laud gloir and victorie 
quhois piteous proces beine so lamentabill 

I nill at lenth to put in memorie 
I nevir read in trageddie nor storie 15 

At on journay so money nobillis slaine 
for the defence and luife of thair souerane 

Thairfoir kingis 6 mark in zour remembrance 

Ane mirrour of thois mutabiliteis 
Considder weill quhan fortoun givis the chance 7 20 

In princes willis standis na victories 8 
Refusand of counsal come gret aduersiteis 9 

Sa mycht thay say that quhome he left behind him 
War nocht the god with graice he did defend thame 10 

1 "He." 2 "Wis." 3 "His." 

4 "Zow." 5 "Neideth." 6 " Now brether. " 

7 "So may ye knaw the courtes inconstance." 

8 " Quhen prences bene thus pullit frome thair seis." 

9 " Efter quhois death quhat strange adversiteis." 
10 " Quhat gret mysruele into this regioun rang 

Quhen ane zoung prince could noder speke nor zang." 
The two verses of Lyndsay are clear ; those substituted by 
Pitscottie seem to mean that persons who lived after James IV. 
might also say that adversity comes of refusing counsel, were it 
not they were defended by the grace of God. 











The dimming of king harie out of france to Ingland. Hou James 
erle of Arane and lord hamiltoune pretendit hiest in the Court. 
Hou the Quene tuik my lord Angus to hir husband. Hou the 
erle of Arrane desyred the lordis in ane conventioun. Hou 
maister gavin dougias zeid to treat peace betuix the erle of 
Angus and the erle of Arrane. 

James the fyft beand in the aige of tua zeiris and fyue Foi. 93 a. 
moneth quha 1 then be advyse of the lordis was crownit 
at Stirling the xx day [of March] 2 ; thairefter was in 
goverment and keiping of his mother Margarit quene 
5 of Scottland, quho gart cheis ane gaird to be about 
the king hir sone ffor saif gaird of his body, to wit, 
the lord Ewindaill and his bretherin. In this mean Thecom- 

ming of 

tyme king Hairrie of Ingland the aught came out of King Harie 
France quhene he had obteinnit his pensioun, and France - 
10 heirand of the king of Scottlandis deid was hevelie 
displeissit thairwitht and gaif command to his nobillis 
and borderaris of Ingland wnder the paine of tressone 
that ony of thame sould [not] pase in Scottland to 
1 I. A has " quhene." 2 I inserts. 



How James 
earle of 
Arran and 
lord Ham- 

iest in the 

Fol. 93 b. 

How the 
quen tuik 
the earle of 
Angus to hir 

How the 
earle of 
[Arrane] de- 
syrit the 
lordis to ane 

invaid the samin induring the kingis minoritie. And 
this he commandit straitlie and sett out lettres thair 
wpoun ffor lufe of his sister and his sister sone think- 
and that nathing sould faill on his syde in obserwing 
of the band maid betuix the king of Scottland and him, 5 
nochtwithtstanding the borderis of Scottland was ewer 
doand that they might to breik the samin. 

Zeit sune efter hend thair come great troubill in 
Scottland amang ourselffis pairtlie for the autorietie, 
quho sould be highest and have the realme in to gov- 10 
ernance and pairtlie thair was for auld feid and slaughter 
that had bene befoir in King James the fourtis tyme, 
thinkand that it was tyme to quitt commoneis quhene 
the prince was zoung and no autorietie to rigne abone 
them at that tyme. Ffor James Earle of Arrane and 15 
lord Hammilltoun pretendit hiegheist in this realme 
to haue the goverment thinkand that he was neirest of 
blude in to the kingis grace in the realme of Scottland 
at that tyme ; bot zeit the lordis of Scottland wald no- 
wayis be contentit that he had ony preheminence or 20 
autorietie sa lang as the quene keipit hir wedowheid 
and hir body cleine ffrome leichorie. Bot schort tyme 
efter this the Earle of Angus hanted the court and 
was werrie lustie in the quens sight quhom scho luffit 
and thocht maist abill and so scho tuik him to hir 25 
husband by x the advyse and consall of the lordis ffor 
they knew nathing thairof ane lang tyme efter. Then 
the Earle of Arrane beand advertissed of the quenis 
behaveour and proceidingis, assembellit all his freindis 
and kinsmen togither and thair past to Edinburgh 30 
and desyrit the lordis to ane conventioun schawand 
to thame that the quen had tint her goverment of the 
prince and the autorietie of the contrie, because scho 
had taine ane husband by 1 the lordis consent thairof 
desyrand thame that he might haue the autorietie 35 

1 "By " is here used in a sense contrary to its modern meaning, 
and means "without." 

JAMES V. 28l 

perttenant to him neirest of blude. The lordis heir- 
and this wald conclude nothing at that tyme quhill 
they war farther adwyssit. In the meane tyme the 
earle of Angus gettand wit of this conventioun and 
5 the effect of that purposse come pairtlie 1 to the toune 
of Edinburgh togither with his kin and freindis in com- 
panie quhilk was the number of iiij c speiris weill arrayit 
in jake and splent and wther airmor according to thair 
estait, syne tuik his ludgeing for that night. Bot allis 

10 sune as the earle of Arrane and bischope James Bettoun 
witht the laif of thair compleces gat witt that the earle 
of Angus was come to the toune and bot ane few number 
witht him to 2 the respect of thair multitude, gart incon- 
tinent steik the porttis of the toune and thocht to haue 

15 taine this zoung lord and put him in pressone. Bot his 
freindis advertissit thairof watchit starklie that night, 
quhill on the morne they come and schew the earle 
of Angus of the provitioun that was makand for him 
schawand him that gif he passit not haistelie to the gait 

20 and defend him self manfullie he wald be taine out of 
his ludgeing witht his enemeis and led captiue at their 
plesour. Of this the zoung lord was nawayis contentit 
bot haistit him to his airmor and caussit his freindis 
and servandis to do the samin, and passit to the gait 

25 manfullie and stude wpoun the Nether bow in arayit 
battell. Bot Mr Gawin Douglas passit betuix to sie 
gif he could finde goode wayis betuix the tuo pairties, 
and in spetiall he passit to bischope James Bettone 
quhair he was in the Blak freiris kirk for the tyme. 

30 The said Mr Gawin desyrit the said bischope James Foi. 94 a. 
Bettone to tak sum panis to labor betuix thir tuo 
pairties quhilk was at ane scherp poynt and sum sayis, How Mr 


1 me lord, ze haue the wit.' Bot bischope James Bettone Douglas 


ansuerit him again e witht ane aith, schapin 3 on his breist, P eace be the 
35 sayand, 'me lord, be my conscience I knaw not the An § us - 

1 " Pairtlie " = pertly — i.e., suddenly. 

2 We now say "in respect of." 3 I has "choppin." 


1 matter ' bot quhen Mr Gawin had hard the bischopis 
purgatioun and how he chappit on his breist and per- 
saiffit the plaittis of his jake clattering, thocht all was 
bot vaine that he had spoken and ansuerit and said 
into him * I persaue, me lord, zour conscience be not 5 
1 goode for I heir thame clatter.' Of this the bischope 
was eschameit and excussit the matter sa far as he could 
saiflie with his honestie, bot Mr Gavvin sieand him stand- 
and in this estait passit frome him to Schir Patrick 
Hammilltoun desyrand him in lyke maner to speik 10 
witht his brother my lord of Arrane that he wald be 
contentit that my lord of Angus might pase to the 
castell and speik witht the quens grace and thairefter 
to depairt out of the toune but molestatioun or trubill 
of ony man. At the quhilk requist Schir Patrick Ham- 15 
milltoun passit witht all deliegence wnto his brother my 
lord of Arrane and schew him my lord of Angus desyre 
be his brother 1 Mr Gawin Douglas, of the quhilk desyre 
the Erie of Arrane was weill contentit that my lord of 
Angus sould haue passit his bussienes in the toune at his 20 
plesour and to depairt quhene he list but molestatioun 
or trubill and this be the solistatioun of Schir Patrick 
Hammilltoun his brother. 


Hou Schir James Hamiltoun ragit 2 schir patrik for his laubouring 
of pace. Ane battel in edinburgh callit ' Cleinze Calsay.' Gret 
heirship be the erle of Angus. Hou the lord home gatherit 
ane counsall at edinburghe. 

How Schir Bot Schir James Hammilltoun his sone, that bluddie 
Hammiii- bouchour ewer thristand for blude was noway is content 25 

toun reprovit 

Schir Pat- of this appoyntment bot ragit at the said Mr Patrick 

rick Ham- J 

for his labouris, sayand to him he had no will to 

milltoun for 
his labouris. 

fight in his freindis actioun nor quarrell thocht it war 
1 I has "freind." 2 The MS. reads "reiggit." 

JAMES V. 283 

never so iust. At thir wordis the said Schir Patrick 
was so grevvit and brunt in anger as the fyre and 
ansuerit the said Schir James in this maner, sayand Foi. 94*. 
to him, ' Bastard smaike thou lies fallslie, I sail fight 
5 ' this day quhair thow dar nocht be sene,' and witht 
this ruschit out rudlie of thair ludgeingis and passit 
into the hie gait 1 in ane furieous rage. Bot quhene 
the Earle of Angus saw them command and persaifftt 
Schir Patrick Hammilltoun formest [and] witht him 

10 the Maister of Montgomrie and saw thame in sic ane 
furie, he knew weill thair was nothing bot fighting and 
cryit on his men to saif Schir Patrick Hammilltoun 
gif they might. Bot he come so far befoir the laif that 
he was slaine haistelie and witht him the Maister of 

15 Montgomrie witht money wther gentillmen and zemenis Anebatteii 
to the number of iij xx and tuelf persouns. The earle 2 burgh caiiit 

. Clenge 

and all his companie zeid bak and was schassit and Caisay. 
wan away out throw the Norlouche, and Schir James 
his sone chassit in the samin maner; and Bischope 

20 James Bettone flede to the Freiris and thair was taine 
out behind the hie allter and his rokit revin off him 
and [he] had bene slaine had [it] nocht bene [that] 
Mr Gawin Douglas requistit effectuslie ffor him saying 
it was sin to put hand in ane consecrat bischope quhair 

25 for they saiftit him at that tyme. Bot the Earle of 
Angus passit to the castell and spak witht the quen 
at his plesour and so the Douglassis keipit the gait 
and thair honour at this tyme, quhilk lang tyme efter- 
wart this skirmische was callit be the commons of the 

30 cuntrie and toune of Edinburgh ' clenze caisay ' quhilk 

was strikin in the zeir of god I m v c and fyften zeiris Thedaittof 

1 /--»*- the sam e 

m the monetht of May. d batten. 

1 I.e., High Street, as Colgate is still the name of the lower 
parallel street. 2 I inserts "of arane." 

3 I has "June." The true date appears to have been 30th April 
1520. See Notes. 


Quhilk schortlie ane quhill efter this, the Earle of 
Angus become werie prude and insolent in all his 
doingis, thinkand quho ewer had right to the autor- 
ietie he sould be vmest. 1 To that effect he searchit 2 
all cheif men and maist pairt theif and tratour batht 5 
Foi. 95 a. of Annerdaill and Clidisdaill and Tiviedaill, that his 
Great heir- companie quhair ever they past maid great heirschip 

schipe be the 

earle of thift and slaughter and spetiall sum tymes in the Merse 


and Lowthieane quhair the lord Home and his freindis 
had dominioun. The lord Home beand ane wyse and 10 
naturall man and considerit 3 the Earle of Angus his 
proceidingis and the great favour and loue that he 
had of the quene, and the wictorie he had wone of 
my lord of Arrane, thinkand gif he had raxit ony 
langer but correctioun or ane fall, that he wald ower- 15 
come the haill contrie and that be zoung consall that 
he had obtenitt him. The lord Home seand this sett 
his intent to put remeid heirinto and convenit ane 
consall be his moyance of the maist pairt of the nobil- 
Howmy itie at Edinburgh schawand into them that the realme 20 
gadderit ane was ewill gydit and ower haillit 4 be my lord of Angus 

consall at 

Edinburgh, and his men on that ane pairt and my lord of Arrane 
on that wther pairt, strywand daylie for the autorietie 
howbeit nether of thame had right thairto. Thairfoir 
desyrit thair wosdomeis that they wald send to France 25 
to the Duik of Albanie quho was the righteous gover- 
nour of this realme and desyrit him for to come 
to resaue the autorietie and gydeschip of the contrie 
to put order thairinto induring the kingis minoritie. 
The lordis heirand of this caussit the chancelar to 30 
ansuer the lord Home, quho said to him in this maner, 

1 Uppermost. See Glossary. 

2 I. A has "cherist," perhaps a contraction for " cherisched," 
which Dalzell reads. 

3 Both A and I so read. The meaning seems to be, "when he 
considerit the Earl of Angus proceidings." 

4 I has "ovirharllit." 

JAMES V. 285 

1 my lord the Duike of Albanie is ane Frinche man 
' borne, thocht he be neirest of bloode to haue the 
1 gowerment of this realme zeit he hes not our leid x 
1 nor knawis not the nature of our contrie nor our lawis 
5 ' nor executioun sa weill as our awin lordis that is 
' borne and gottin in Scottland and hes our langage ; 
1 thairffoir my lordis, I think it best for me to cheise 
1 ane of our awin lordis quho wnderstandis ws and we 
1 him and kens the quallietieis of Scottland.' Ffarther, 

10 the chancelar nominat tuo to wit the earle of Arrane 

and the earle of Lennox thinkand that thay wald cheise Foi. 9s *. 
ane of thir tua. Bot the lord Home ansuerit the chan- 
celar werie scharplie againe and said in this maner, 
' my lord, trow ze or ony lordis that is heir present 

15 'at this tyme to defraud the Duike of Albanie of his 
1 iust tyttill and right of the goverment of Scottland 
1 be zour allegeance or ony cause or motiues that ze 
1 can propone at this tyme, rTor I assuire zow he sail 
' and will come in Scottland contrair all them that 

20 ' wald nocht and gif no man will consent thairto I 
1 will consent, and faillzeing his hamecomming I sail 
' rather pase for him my self.' 


Hou the lordis send for the duik of albanie. Hou bischope Andro 
forman complenit to the lord home of the hepburnis. Hou the 
duik of albanie come out of france to Scotland. Ane Parlia- 
ment set. 

The chancelar and the lordis heirand that the lord How the 

tt r t-\ »i • • lordis consel- 

Home was so fervent in the Duike of Albanieis cause lit to send 

for the Duik 

25 speirit at the lord Home gif he wald subscryue 2 and of Albanie. 
they wald follow syne and subscryue witht him quho 
ansuerit and said he wald witht goode will and inme- 

1 Language. See Glossary. 

2 I inserts "first the electioun of the duik of albanie." 


diatlie tuike the pen in his hand and subscrywit the 
electioun. Then all the laife of the lordis and bar- 
rouns subscrywit the samin and derectit thair commis- 
sioun thairvvpoun to ane ambassadour to wit Schir 
Androw Wode of Largo, derectit him to France to 5 
the Duike of Albanie requeisting him to come in 
Scottland to resaue the goverment thairof be his awin 
iust tyttill and thair electioun and quhair thair hand 
writtis gevin thairwpoun. This Schir Androw Wode 
maid him redy and dressit his schipis to pase fordwart 10 
this message as forsaid. 

Bot in this meane tyme Bischope Androw Forman 
bischope of Murray for the tyme, and Legat of Scott- 
land, had money of the benefieces in his handis be 
ressone that he was legat, and principall of the Bisch- 15 
operick of Sanctt Androis, quho had provydit the 
bullis thairof to him self. Bot hie on novayis could 
gett them proclamett nor durst nocht intend the same 
Foi.96*. ffor feir of the Hepburnes because Pryor Johnne 

Hepburne was at that time wicar generall of the 20 
bischoperick of Sanctandrois and wpe tuik the prorleit 
thairof, thairfor he nor his freindis had no will that 
bischope Androw Formans bullis sould be proclamett 
bot stopit thame witht all thair powar, that nether 
into St androis nor Edinburgh, na man durst intimat 25 
nor proclame thame for feir of the said pryor Johnne 
Howbischop Hepburne and his freindis. This bischope Androw 
compienitt Forman seand this maid his meane and complent to 

to me lord 

Home of the the lord Home schawand to him that he was ane 


Merse mane borne and all his kin and freindis ser- 30 
vandis to him and his house ; quhair foir he desyrit 
him effectouslie to cause his bullis to be proclameitt 
and to fortiefie him aganis the Hepburnes. To that 
effect he gaue him the pryorie of Coldinghame to gif 
to his brother quhilk was wacand in his handis at that 35 
tyme be ressone that he was Legat. The lord Home 
sieand Bischope Androw Formans liberalietie to him 

JAMES V. 287 

caussit his brother Mr Williame Home to pase to 
Edinburgh witht the number of ten thowsand men 
and thair proclamett the saidis bischopis bullis con- 
trair all the Hepburneis willis and might at that 
5 tyme ; and allso past to St androis and intimat the 
samin and to gif the Bischope institutioun and pos- 
sessioun of the said bischoperick. Bot pryour Johnne 
Hepburne heirand of this conwenit his freindis and 
serwandis and tennentis, and freindis quhome he had 

to of the gentill men of Fyfe and keipit the kirk of 

St androis witht men wapouns and artaillzerie that on Foi. 96 1>. 
nowayis he would lat the said bischope enter thairin 
bot at his plesour; and in lykewyse keipit the castell 
straitlie aganis him that he wald gett no entreis nether 

15 in kirk nor castell. The bischope sieand this and 
thocht weill it was bot geir that wald make the 
matter ewin betuix them caussit his freindis to labour 
to that effect to satisfie pryour Johnne Hepburneis 
mynd and gredy appetyte ; then be the consall of 

20 wyse men gaif to this pryour the wickar generallschip 
togither witht thre thowsand pund of benince to gif 
amangis his freindis and satisfieit him on this maner. 
Bot pryour Johnne consaueit sic haitrent at the Homes 
rTor the taking pairt aganis him witht this bischope 

25 that his mallice nor invy was never quenched sa lang 
as the lord Home or his brother was on lyue as ze 
sail efterwart heir. 

In this meane tyme Schir Androw Wode past to 
France and schew the Duike of Albanie his commis- 

30 sioun that he had frome the lordis of Scottland and 
in spetiall frome the lord Home, desyrand him effec- 
touslie to come in Scottland as I haue schawin befoir 
and thair to ressaue the goverment thairof that iustice 
may be ministrat according to the lawis of the realme. 

35 Of this message and commissioun the Duik of Albanie 
was werie weill content and thankit Schir Androw 
Wode greatlie and revairdit him for his labouris and 


syne passit to the king of France and desyrit his 
licence thairinto, schawand the commissioun was brocht 
to him out of Scottland desyrand him to come to 
Scottland to be gowernour as we haue schawin to zow 
befoir, desyrand the king of France for support of men 5 
and money to pas witht him in Scottland quha grantit 
to him werie gentlie all that he wald desyre and was 
werie sorowfull at his depairting out of France because 

Foi. 97 a. he was sic ane man of weir that he left not his maike 

behind him in the realme of France. Nochtwithtstand- 10 
ing, this Duike passit to the sie witht men and artaillze 
sic as he could provyde, that is to say v c men of weir, 
xxiiij gentillmen in his gaird together witht monitioun, 
pulder and bullat sic as he might perfurneis at that 
tyme, that is to say sex cannons and sex great feild 15 
peaceis witht wther small artaillze collvering and hag- 
but and corse bowis and than passit haistalie to schip- 
burde and pullit wpe saillis to pase to Scottland. Bot 
the Inglischemen knawing of his coming maid foir 
him 1 to haue fauchin witht him bot he was so weill 20 
artaillzeit and manitt, that they durst nocht mell witht 
him j because they knew he was ane nobill man of 

How the weir they lute him pase by but ony impediement, sa 

Duike of .... 

Aibanie he come haistielie in Scottland and landit the tent 

come in 

Scottland. day of 2 in the zeir of god I m v c and xvi 25 

1 I has "maid for him and faucht [and] carmischit him be the geit 
bot he was so weill arteilzerit and mansteid that they wan litill at his 
hand and at last they considderit him to be ane guid man of weir 
and weill practissed bayth be sie and land and knawin him to haue 
sic arteilzerie and men that thay thocht thay cuild nocht be the 
better of him and thay war faine to lat him alaine at that tyme for 
thay saw na avantage to win at his hand. Thairfoir they depairtit 
and he come in Scotland saiflie." 

2 A has a blank. Dalzell reads, " at Leith in the month of May 
anno aforesaid." But I, whose text here somewhat varies from A, 
reads, "and landit at the west sie the zeir of God 1516." Albany 
landed at Ayr, 16th May 1515. — Exchequer Rolls, vol. xiv., Pref., 
p. lxvii. See Notes. 

JAMES V. 289 

zeiris quho was weill resawit in Scottland witht all the 
nobilietie and commons thairof, thankand god that 
they had gottin ane of the bloode royall of Scottland 
to rigne ower them and defend thame be iustice in 
5 the kingis minorietie. To that effect incontinent the 

lordis conwenit at Edinburgh and sett ane parliea- Anepariiea- 

m m ment sett. 

ment that the Duike of Albanie might be ressawit 
as thair protectour and governour. This parlieament 
was sett in the monetht of [Julii] J in the zeir of god 

10 abone writtin; quhilk was haldin at Edinburgh be 
consent of the quene and all the haill nobelietie batht 
sperituall and temporall witht commissionaris of bor- 
rowis, and thair ryallie and witht effect ressawit and 
admittit the Duike of Albanie protectour and gover- 

15 nour of Scottland and thair to maid the oth of fedilietie 
to him to be leill and trew and obedient into the 
kingis maiestie and in his defence of the commone 
weill and ministratioun of iustice induring the kingis Foi. 97 b. 


Hou the duik of Albanie maid his aith to be trew to the nobilitie 
of Scotland and the commonweil thairof. Hou pryour Johne 
hepburne clam nixt the governour. Hou pryour John Hep- 
burne schew the governour of Bischope Andrew formanis sub- 
stance. And hou the governour passit throw the contrie to 
wissie faultis. Hou the governour send to the king of france 
for support. 

20 And in lykewyse the Duike of Albanie maid his oth How the 
in to thame in the presentis of the haill parlieament that Albanie 
he sould be trew to God and to thair king and to thame aith to be 

trew to the 

to minister iustice equalhe baitht to great and small comon weill. 
withtout exceptioun of persouns and to defend thair 
25 common weill and libertie sa far as lay in his powar 

1 I inserts. 



How pryour 
clame neirest 
the gower- 

How pryour 
schew the 
governour of 
Forman and 
his sub- 

Fol. 98 a 

How the 
passit throw 
the contrie 
to wessie 

or possibilietie. This beand done the haill lordis and 
commons was reioyssit at the Duike of Albanie pre- 
sentis because they had so long wantit ane heid to 
governe thame so lang thinkand that thair wald be no 
more stryf nor debait in the contrie wnpunisst, bot thai 5 
wald knaw quhom to compleine quhene reif thift or 
slaughter was committit in the countrie. 

Then pryour Johnne Hepburne of Sanctandrois clame 
nixt the governour and grew greit in the court and re- 
memberit of auld malice and invye betuix him and 10 
the Homes and also of the bischope Androw Forman 
and schew the Duike, quho was then governour, of all 
the secreittis and demireittis of the lorde Home and 
his father and brother fre the feild of Bannaburne 1 into 
the feild of Flowdoun and spetiallie how the lord Home 15 
and his father had wssit thame selffis towartis the Duikis 
father and his brother in thair banischment, witht all 
wther secreittis and inventiouns that he could inwent 
contrair lord Home and his brother to cause the Duike 
of Albanie looke doune on them. Also schawand how 20 
Bischope Androw Forman had gatherit all the substance 
of Scottland into his handis be his legatis-schip and 
caussit the Duike to sture at him quhill 2 he gaif ower 
certane benifhces wnto the Duike to gif into his freindis; 
and in spetiall the bischoperick of Murray and abbot- 25 
schip of Skwne he gaif to his brother bischope Alexander 
quho inioyssit the same lang tyme heirefter and the 
abbacie of Millrose to bischope James Bettone witht 
money wther beneffices he gaif wnto the Duike to 
win his ffavour. 30 

In this meane tyme the governour past throw the 
contrie to snibe and dantoun all thift and reif and 
slaughter committit befoir in the kingis les age bot 
quhene he come to Jedburght and Kelso and Melrose 

1 I.e., Sauchie, where James III. was killed. 

2 A has "quhilk" wrongly. 

JAMES V. 291 

and thair hard the complentis of the pepill and the 
inhabitaris thairof and that maid wpoun the earle of 
Angus and the lord Home and wther great men quho 
had oppressit the contrie in the tyme quhene thair was 
5 no iustice ministrat ffor inlaike of ane heid to pleinzie 
to, the governour heirand thir great complentis was 
werie sorrowfull in his heart settand his haill intent to 
remeid the samin. Howbeit the great lordis could 
nocht be content thairwitht zeit he passit fordwart to 

10 Dumfries 1 and to the toune of Air and to the pairtis 
of the wastland and thair he hard the crewell slaughter 
betuix the lord of Montgomrie and the lord Killmauris 
and also betuix the lord of Killmauris and the lord 
Simpill. And finallie passit to the northt of Scottland 

15 and hard the compleintis thair in lyke maner, and syne 
come again to Edinburgh and thair advyssit with his 
consall quhat was best to be done in this matter and 
how he most punische maist quyitlie their iniuries done 
be the lordis quhilk he thocht was ower mekill to tak 

20 in hand to punische thame oppinlie bot gif he had 
more power nor he was, considderand himself to be 
ane stranger and not knawand the naturis and qualieties 
of thame and how that Scottis men can not [byde ex- 
treme iustice] 2 nor punischement nor zeit can suffer 

25 thair nichtbouris to leif in peace and rest besyde thame. 
Thairfoir he concludit witht himself that he wald con- 
tenew the persecutioun and persute of iustice on theme 
quhill he thocht better tyme, and incontenent send to 
the king of France schawand to him the matter how How the 

.30 Scottis men war all allayit witht wther and thair bloode send to the 

• . . . king of 

mixit so that ewerie ane tuik pairt witht wther sa against France ffor 


him that they thocht him bot ane stranger and wald not poi. 98 b. 
be contentit that he wssit iustice wpoun them, nor he 
wald not attempt the samin withtout that he had mair 

1 I has " Drumfries." 

2 I. The reading of A, " be extremlie to byde justice," is corrupt. 


power : Thairfoir beseikand his grace to support him 
witht men and money [and] munitioun according to his 
graceis honour and the wellfair of Scottland ; quho was 
weill contentit heirof and supportit it 1 according to his 
desyre baitht witht men munitioun and money and send 
him thrie schipis thairwitht quhilk land it at the wast sie. 


Hou the lordis conwenit thair consall. Hou the lordis send to 
stop the gowernouris schippis. Hou Bischop andro forman 
resonit the lordis. The lordis ansuer. Hou the lordis randerit 
the toune of glasgow unto the gowernour wpoun certaine con- 
ditionis. The conditionis grantit. 

The lordis heirand worde that the governour was de- 

terminat to punische thair oppressioun and wickitnes so 

sune as he sawe tyme convenent, they knawand that 

he had support command out of France, to that effect 10 

How the they laid thair heidis togither and conwenitt ane counsall 

lordis con- . 

wennit ane at Glasgow quhair [thair] money of the lordis assembelht 
to the number of xij thowsand men, to wit, the earle of 
Angus, the lord Home, the earle of Arran witht the 
haill lordis of the wastland and sum of the norland. 15 
Thair was na wastland men away except the earle of 
Lennox and the lord Erskine quho remanit thene witht 
the king in Stirling. The lordis beand conwennit thane 
in Glasgow, as we haue schawin befoir, hard tell that 
thair was thrie Frinche schipis landit at the wast sie 20 
witht men money and artaillzie that come to the Duike 
of Albanie ; thairfor they send incontenent ane M men 
to the said schipis ffor to stope thair landing, bot they 
war landit and away or they come. Bot zeit thai gat 
sum of thair cairttis witht pullder and bullattis and brocht 25 
them to Glasgow, and ffor dispyte cast thame in ane 
1 I has "him." 

JAMES V. 293 

great draw wall at Glasgow. Thir tydingis come to the 

governour that the lordis had rissin so aganis him and 

had distroyit his pullder and bullattis, was heavelie 

commovet at the samin and wouit singularlie to god 

5 he sould be revengit on thair contemptioun done wnto 

him or at the leist thame that was the occatioun of the Foi.oa«. 

samin and past haistalie fordwart to Glasgow intending 

to gar them leif the toune or ellis to fight witht them 

[and put them out of Glasgow or then to die in that 

10 quarrell spuritt haistalie to Glasgow]. 1 Bot bischope 

Androw Forman seand the prince myndit in this maner 

ether to fight witht thame and put them out of Glasgow 

or ellis to die in that quarell, spuritt haistalie to Glasgow 

to sie gif he might drese the lordis to obey 2 thair How bisch- 
ope Andro 

i c maiestrat as they aught, and besfane to ressone then in Forman 

J J ° ° ressonitthe 

this maner as efter followis, sayand, ' my lordis, I marwell lordis - 
1 mekill of zour wnconstancie towartis zour prince and 
1 governour ; quhy haue ze rissin so against him and hes 
' destroyit his pullder and bullettis in plaine contemp- 
20 f tioun, schawand zour selffis so rebellieous aganis him 
' that he on nowayis can be content witht out obedience 
1 and amendement of zour proceidingis in tyme coming.' 
To this the lordis ansuerit, saying, ' he is not our gover- The lordis 

• • ansuer. 

nour nor we knaw not quhairof he is committ, quhether 

25 * he be ane Frinchemanis sone or ane Scottismanis sone, 

' or gif he hes right to our autorietie or nocht.' To this 

ansuerit bischope Androw Forman sayand, ' my lordis I 

1 marvell of zour wisdomes that wald not consider that 

1 cause at the first tyme quhene ze send for him into 

30 ' France be zour hand writtis and commissioun and syne 

' thairefter ressawit him in Scottland and in plaine par- 

' lieament cheissit and admittit him to be zour governour 

' and gaif zour othis of fidilietie to him to mantein him 

1 to execute iustice according to the haill law of zour 

35 ' realme, and now ze haue rissin contrair him withtout 

1 I omits passage in brackets. 2 I has "the prince and." 



Fol. 99 b. 

How the 
lordis ran- 
derit the 
toune of 
Glasgow to 
the gover- 
nour wpoun 

The con- 

How the 
earle of 
Angus was 
stowin out 

and had 
quyitlie to 

' ony cause or motioun maid in this pairt to zow. 
' Thairfor I consall zow to leif sic thingis in tymes 
' coming, and obey zour prince as ze aught to do in all 
' efTairis neidfull and honest and according to ressone 
' and iustice and for the weillfair of the commone weill 5 
' and of the contrie, and to leif the toune at this tyme 
' and gif your prince that obedience that he may repois 
1 him a lyttill heir as ze haue done ; and gif ze wald be 
' willfull and not consent to the samin he will ether haue 
' it or ellis fight witht zow thocht ze war ten tymes mair 10 
1 nor hie ffor he cairis 1 zow nocht in his iust quarrel.' 
The lordis heirand thir wordis of the bischope Androw 
Forman consulltit togither and promissit to leif the toune 
at the governouris coming wpoun thir conditiouns fol- 
lowand, that is to say, That the governouris grace sail 15 
remitt all thingis bygaine and ressaue thame in tyme 
coming as good subiectis into the kingis grace and him 
and never to call them for nothing bypast; the quhilk 
the bischope promissit in the governouris name that it 
sould be keipit wnto thame. Then they left the toun 20 
and passit thairfre, that the governour might haue frie 
entres thairwnto quho ludgit thair that night and on 
the morne passit to Stirling and wisitit the kingis grace ; 
syne went to Edinburgh and thair remanitt quhill all 
the lordis com and maid thair obedience and gat ane 25 
remissioun of all thingis bygaine but zeit the governour 
rememberit of thame that was the occatioun of this 
rebellieoun to be satisfieit of thame quhene he saw his 
tyme. In this meane tyme the Earle of Angus was 
stowin quyitlie out of his ludging and had to the schipis 30 
and convoyit quyitlie to France and remanit ane sessone 
but companie of aney Scottismen skantlie knawand in 
quhat pairt of the warld he was in. 2 

1 I has "cuiris." 

2 Angus went to France in March 1522, and not, as the position of 
this passage would imply, about the year 15 15. See Notes. 

JAMES V. 295 


Ane conventioun set at Edinburgh. Ambassadouris send in ingland. 
Hou the quein was found with bairne to the erle of angus. 1 Hou 
the lord home was send for and his broder to the Counsall 
and hou thay enterit in and war taine and justifiet be the duik 
of Albanie. 

In this meane tyme the governour callit ane conven- 
tioun at Edinburgh to compeir for the effairis of Ingland 
and spetiallie he wraitt ffor the lord Home and Mr 
Williame his brother because they knew the effairis of 
5 Ingland best and sic matteris as was to do at that tyme. 
The haill 2 lordis compeirit at the day appoyntit, 3 amangst 
the rest the lord Home come to Edinburgh and his 
brother quho wald nocht enter in the abbay witht the How the 


rest, quhill on the morne that his brother was caussit Homeis 

brother wald 

10 than be the Duike of Albanie to send ane taikin for him nocht entre. 
to come to the consall. Because he knew the proceid- 
ingis of Ingland and thair effairis best of ony man thair- 
for the Duik of Albanie alledgit that he wald send him 
as ambassadour to Ingland at that tyme quhilk movit 

15 the Lord Home to send ane taikin to his brother ane 
ringe of his finger quhilk was ane signe betuix thame 
and caussit the said Mr Williame to come incontenent 
to the abbay to the counsall quhair the governour and 
the lordis war for the tyme. Allis sune as the said Mr 

20 Williame was enterit into the abbay zettis, the saidis 
zeittis was clossed and the frinchemen past to thair 
harneis and layit handis on the lord Home and his lord Home 
brother and pat them in pressone, to wit, they had brother was 

put in 

the said Mr Williame to the schipis and pat him in pressone. 

1 The contents of chapters are from MS. I, so the birth of Lady 
Margaret Douglas, which I inserts in chapter vi., is given here. 
See the passage from I, p. 296, note 2. ' 2 I has "counsall." 

3 I has " in the abay of halyrudes quhair it was hauldin for the 
tyme and in speciall came the lord," &c. 



How the 
lord Home 
and his 
brother was 

I, fol. 61 a. 

the castell of Inschegarvie, and keipit the lord still in 
the abbay quhill that thay sowmond ane syse and con- 
vict thame of tressone and thairefter straik the heidis 
from thame [ l at Edinburgh the zeir of god I m v c xvij 

How thair 
zeid word to 
the earle of 
Angus to 
France of 
the samin. 

The quein 
past to ing- 
land being 
with bairne 
to the erle 
of Angus. 


Hou the erle of angus gat word of the lord home and his brothir 
slauchter. Hou he returned out of france to ingland ; hou he 
was weill entertenit thair and hou the quenis grace and he re- 
turned hame to Scotland with guid pace in Scotland for fyve 
zeiris. Hou the duik of Albanie was send for to france and 
hou he pasit to france. Hou monseur tilebatie was left regent 
to the gouernouris hameriding. 

The erle of angus heirin that the duik of albanie 
had put hand in the lord home and his broder was 
nocht contenttit thinkand himself in no les danger nor 
the lord Home and his brother, considderand that he 
was participant in sic lyke crymes of leismaiestie as thai 10 
war. Thairfoir he conwoyit himself quyitlie out of 
France to Ingland quhair he was weill ressawit and 
treitit fTor the quene of Scottlandis cause because he 
was hir husband. Schort quhill heirefter the quen of 
Scottland gat word that hir husband the Earle of Angus r 5 
was commit to Ingland and passit all danger of France 
scho was werie glad and reioyssit [ 2 for scho was great 

1 I here has after "heidis from thame," the date in brackets. 
The true date is 15 16. 

2 I omits all in brackets, but inserts at the close of chapter vi. as 
follows : "And in the moneth of September in this zeir Margret 
quein of Scotland feirit the governour and left hir zoung sone in the 
castell of Stiruiling in the keiping of four lordis To wit the lord 
askyne the lord evindeill the lord grahame the lord levinstoun and 
syne the quein passit in ingland to hir brother to haue his counsall 
and support bot a littill eftir scho enterit in ingland scho beand so 
gret with chyld and constranit to remaine in ane toun of ingland 
callit hirrbuttill * quhair scho lay of hir chyld and was delyuerit of 
ane dochtar callit margret quha remanis vnto this day.+ And in the 
nixt maij heireftir in the zeir of god I m v c xvij zeiris X scho went to 

* Harbottle. t See note i, p. 297. J The true date is April 1516. 

JAMES V. 297 

witht chyld to him allmaist at hir deliuerance. Zeit 
nochtwithtstanding ffor luffe scho bure to hir husband 
and right desyris to speik witht the king of Ingland hir 
brother, scho setting all danger and perall assyde left Foi. 100 h. 
5 hir zoung sone the kingis grace of Scottland in the How the 

quen of 

castell of Stirling in keipmg witht the captane and his Scottland 

515 V . left hir sone 

gaird about him and tuik hir wewage and passit to andzeidto 

° Ingland. 

Ingland and to Londone to King Harie hir brother 
quhair scho was honourabillie ressawit and tenderlie 
10 treitit and remanitt thair at hir plesour and gat all 
thingis at hir brother king Harie that scho wald ask or 
desyre. Bot schort tyme efter that scho come thair, scho 
was deliuerit of ane dochter callit and nameit lady Mar- The quene 


gant quho remainit still thair to this l day weill intertenit of ane 


15 intending tyttill to the croune be hir or hir successioun. 

This done, quen Margarit turnit to Scottland witht hir The quen 

, and hir hus- 

husband the Earle of Angus witht great suppliecatioun bandreturnit 
fre king Harie into the Duik of Albanie to ressaue hir againe. 
husband the Earle of Angus in goode thankis and all 

20 faultis bygaine to be remittit. Of the quhilk, the Duike 
of Albanie heirand the requist of king harie was werie 
glad and accepit and grantit all thingis that the quen 
wald desyre in king Harieis name and in spetiall ffor 
ressait and intertinement of hir husband, ffor the quhilk 

25 the governour was hartlie weill contentit and] rejoysed 
thairof and procurit at hir broderis hand suplicatioun to 
the governour of Scotland to resawe hir husband the erle 
of angus and intertenit him as afhred for his saik quhilk 1, foi. 61 b. 

londoun to hir brother quhair scho was weill resawit and intertenit 
with her brother the king of ingland and obtenit all thingis that 
scho desyreit at his hand and in speciall pace and rest in Scottland 
for fyve zeiris with money vther giftis of gold and siluir this nobill 
queine obtenit at hir brotheris hand." 

1 Margaret Douglas, afterwards Countess of Lennox, born at 
Harbottle, 4th October 15 15, died 9th March 1577, so this part 
and probably the whole of Pitscottie's History must have been 
written before that date, which confirms the conjecture made on 
independent grounds in the Introduction. See Notes. 



Quein and 
the erle of 
angus re- 
turnit out of 
ingland to 

How the 
tuik the 
earle of 
angus aith 
of fedilietie. 

Peace in 

How the 
king of 
France send 
for the 

Regent till 
the govern - 
ouris hame 

Fol. 101 a. 

was grantit heireftir as ze sail heir. Bot in the maij 
heireftir in the zeir of god I m v c and xviij zeiris 1 the quein 
and hir husband returned out of ingland and come in 
Scotland quhair scho was weill resauit be the duik of 
albanie and intertenit and hir husband becaus scho 5 
brocht pace with hir. So thair continewit pace and 
rest in Scotland the space of thrie zeiris and inmeidiatlie 
he tuik the erle of angus aith of fedilietie that he sould 
be iust and trew wnto the kingis maiestie and gower- 
nouris grace induring the kingis minorietie. This beand 10 
done the realme stude in great tranquilietie and peace 
and the nobillis obeyit thair prince as they aught to do 
in all civill matteris godlie and honest, quhair throw 
the common weill flurischit ane lang quhill; quhill at 
last the king of France send lettres in Scottland desyrand 15 
the Duike of Albanie to come and speik witht him in all 
goodlie haist ffor sic effairis as he had ado at that tyme. 
The Duike of Albanie obedient to the king of France 
desyir, pat the realme in order and left Monser Dilabaty 2 
Regent in his place to his returning out of France and 20 
gaif him command to wse all men equallie, and in the 
meane tyme passit to his schipis and went to France. 


IIou luk Stirling invyit ane gentillman callet wiliam meldrum 
laird of binnis. The battell betuix the laird of binnis and the 
laird of keir. Hou monser telebatie zeid to rewenge thame 
quha hurt the laird of binnis. The seage of the peill of lin- 
lythgow. Hou monsieur telebatie zeid to the merse to hauld 
ane Court. Hou Monseur telebatie was slaine. 

In this meane tyme Dilabatie beand left regent as 
we haue schawin remanit in the abbay of Hallierudhous 

1 The true date is June 151 7. See Notes. 

2 I.e., De la Bastie. See Notes. 

JAMES V. 299 

and ane gaird of frinchemen about him to the number 
of iiij xx of hagbuttaris to be redy at his command 
quhene he chargit and so it hapnit at this tyme the 
monetht of [November] 1 and in the zeir of God I m v c 
5 and [xviii] 2 zeiris. At this tyme thair was ane gentill- 

man in Edinburgh nameit Williame Meldrum laird of wiiiiame 

. . .... .. Meldrum 

Binnis 6 quho had in companie witht him ane fair Laird of 


lady callit the Lady Glennagieis 4 quho was dochter to 
Mr Richart Lawsone provest of Edinburgh, the quhilk 
10 lady had borne to this laird tua bairnes and intendit 
to marie hir gif he might haue had the popis lecence 
because hir husband befoir and hie was sibe. Zeit 
nocht withtstanding ane gentillman callit Luke Stirling How Luke 

Stirling in- 

mwyit this lufe and marieage betuix thir tuo persouns, vyit the said 

J , ° . T . Williame 

15 thinkand to haue the gentill woman to himself in marie- Meldrum. 
age, because he knew the laird might nocht haue 5 the 
popis licence be the lawis. Thairfor he solistit his 
brotheris sone the laird of Keir witht ane certane of 
airmitt men to sett wpoun the laird of Binnis to tak this 

20 lady frome him be way of deid, and to that effect fol- 
lowit him betuix Leytht and Edinburgh and sett on 
him beneth the Rude chapell witht fyftie airmett men Thebatteii 

. betuix the 

and he againe defendit him witht fyue in number and Laird of 

. . Binns and 

faught cruellie witht thame and slew the laird of Keins the Laird of 

. . Keir. 

25 principall servandis befoir his face defendand himself, 
and hurt the laird of Keir that he was in perrell of his 
lyfe, and xxvj of his men ; zeit throw multiplecatioun of 
his enemeis was oversett and drawin to the earth and left 
lyand for deid, hocht of his legis, strikin throw the body, 

30 the knappis of his elbokkis strikin fre him and also the 

liddis of his kneis 6 nathing of lyfe left in him zeit be the Foi. ioi b. 
mightie powar of God he eskaipit the deid and all his 

1 I inserts. 2 I inserts "xviii." The true date is 15 17. 

3 See Notes. 4 Gleneagles. 

5 I inserts "have hir lesomlie be the pappis lawis." 

6 I has "liddis of his kneis." A has "knoppis," wrongly. 


The zeirs of men that was witht him and leiffit fyftie zeir thairefter. 1 

Williame J 

Meidrum. In the meane tyme come word to Monser Tillabatie 
quhair he was at that tyme in the Abbay of Hallierud- 
hous schawand to him that sic ane nobill man was 
slaine and murdreist at his hand and he incontenent 5 
gart strike ane lairum and blaw his trumpatis and rang 

How Monser the common bell commanding all men to follow him 

Tillibattie , ° 

zeidtore- baitht on fute or horse that he might revenge the said 

venge him ° ° 

wiiiif slaughter, and ruschit fercelie ford wart to the place 
Meidrum. quhair the battell was strikin and saw this nobill man 10 
lyand deidlie wondit and his men about him in the 
samin maner and passit fercelie efter the enemeis and 
committaris of the said cryme and ower hyit thame at 
Lythgow quhair thay tuik the peill of Lythgow wpoun 
thair heidis to be thair saifgaird and warand, thinkand 15 
to defend thame selffis thairin. Nochtwithtstanding this 
The seige of nobill regent lape manfullie about the house and seigit 
Lythtgow. it continuallie quhill thay randerit the samin and thame 
that was halderis thairof come into his will quho tuike 
thame and brocht thame to Edinburgh and gaif thame 20 
ane fair syse quho was all convict and condamnitt of 
the said cryme, and thairefter was put in the castell 
of Edinburgh in suire keiping induring the Regent's 
How the Syne ane lyttill thairefter the Regent past to the 25 

to the Merse Merse to the toune of Dunce and thair to hald ane 

tohaldane . . 

court. court of mstice quho was conwoyed be the laird of 

Cesfurde and Fairniehirst, geweand thame to wnder- 
stand that thay sould bring him saiflie throw the contrie 
into Edinburgh againe. Nevertheles the Laird of Wed- 30 
derburne and his compleces invyit this said Tillabattie 
for the Duike of Albanieis cause and thocht he was 
left in his place they wald be revengit on him [thocht] 

1 I.e., to 1568, if Pitscottie was right in his dates. But Mr David 
Laing thought that Squire Meidrum died before 1532. See Lynd- 
say's Works, i. p. 313. Perhaps "fyftie" should be "fifteen zeir." 


JAMES V. 301 

he was bot ane stranger, and chapit 1 him be the ost 

ane lyttill, and at ane outsyde vvatchit him, so that he 

tuik ane feir that he spurit his horse and tuik the flight 

and fled towards the castell of Dunbar 2 thinkand to Foi. 102 a. 

win the samin because his horse was goode. Nocht- 

withtstanding all was for nocht he was bot ane stranger 

and knew nocht the gait and rane his horse in ane Quhene 

• • MonserTil- 

mose 1 ' quhair he could nocht gett out quhill his enemeis labattiewas 
come wpoun him and thair murdreist him, syne cuttit 
of his heid and tuik witht them for signe and taikin 
of that murther. It was said his hair was lang lyke 
wemens and plat in ane heid lace, the quhilk Dawid 
Home of Wadderburne knitt on his saidill bow. 4 


Hou the duik of albanie gat word of the slauchter of monseur 
telebatie. The king of france ansuer to the duik of albanie. 
Hou the duik of albanie gat counsall to ask support at the 
king of france. Hou the duik of albanie cum in Scotland. 
Hou the duik of albanie raisit ane arniye and past the wast- 
land to Sillway 5 sandis. Hou the bordouraris deceavit him. 
Hou the gowernour gart bild the castell of dumbar. The 
slauchter of the pryour of Codinghame. 

Syne, eftir nowellis come to France to the Duike How the 

...,., -ii • Duike of 

15 of Albanie quno was not content witht the samin bot Albanie gat 
passit to the king of France incontenent schawand him same. 
quhat estaitt the realme of Scottland stude in that tyme 
and how they could not be contentit witht no ciwell 
man to be thair governour nor heid nor no man that 

20 ministrat iustice unto thame. Farther he schew him 

1 I inserts "choppit" in the sense of "followed." 

2 I. A has "Edinburgh " by mistake. 

3 I has "ane flot moss" — i.e., floating bog. See Notes. 

4 I adds, "This was done in the moneth of November in the zeir 
of God I m v c xviij zeiris." 5 Solway. 



The king of 
France an- 
suer to the 
Duik of 

How the 
Duike gatt 
counsall to 
seik support 
of the king 
of France. 

Fol. 1 02 b. 

How the 
Duik come 
in Scottland. 

the slaughter of Tillabattie and how he was so dis- 
pleissit thairat, bot the king of France ansuerit him, 
' my lord ze did ewill that wald not mak ane Scottis- 
1 man governour in zour absence ffor I wist weill they 
' wald invy ane Frincheman for zour saik ; zeit nocht- 5 
1 withtstanding, tak goode heart, I sail support and 
1 manteine zow to revenge that matter as ze will desyre 
4 at my hand.' Thir goode wordis and confort of the 
king of France metigat and assuadgit the Duike of 
Albanieis anger at that tyme and [he] tuike consall of his 10 
freindis and wyse captaneis quhat was best to be done 
in revenging of the cause forsaid, quho gaif him consall 
to seik support of the king of France and to pase 
haistallie in Scottland ffor revenging of the said slaughter 
dreadand gif he tairrieit that he sould haue more ado 15 
and ma enemeis start wpe aganis him in the realme 
of Scottland. To this consall the Duik of Albanie 
consentit and passit to the king of France and askit 
supplie at him to pase in Scottland ffor sic caussis as 
he had schawin his graice befoir. The king of France 20 
was weill content of his charge [and] gart furnische to 
him for zeir and day iij M men of weir togither witht 
munitioun pulder and bullatis as the Duik off Albanie 
wald devyse and gart furnische sex schipis of the best 
he had to bring him throw the sie saiflie to Scottland. 25 
Quhene this was done the Duik of Albanie tuike his 
leif at the king of France and passit to the sie and 
come to Scottland and landit the sext day in the 
monetht of 1 in the zeir of God I m v c [xix 2 ] zeiris ; 

and efter he landit in Scottland maid great and haistie 30 
persecutioun wpoun the Homes and spetiall wpoun the 
Laird of Wadderburne quho was principall slayar of 
Tillabattie. Bot zeit on nowayis he could comprehend 
him to his iustice ffor he fled in Ingland and remanitt 

1 I has blank also. 

2 I has "xix," but the true date was November 1521. See Notes. 

JAMES V. 303 

thair sa lang as the Duike of Albanie baid in Scottland. 
Zeit the Duik of Albanie passit throw Scottland and 
ministrat iustice according to his dewtie. And in spetiall How the 

• • • • 1 r -i Duike of 

he raissit ane great airme in the tyme of wmtar and Albanie 

raisit ane 

K passit to the wast border callit Sullvay sandis. and thair airme and 

J l J past to the 

was advyssit to haue seigit Cairllill ; bot the lord Daik- J a ^ or " 
aris and he appoyntit on all debaitis and redres on the 
border that he so contenuit the seigis and passit hame, 
and heirefter the nixt zeir passit to Wark and seigit 
10 it. Bot the borderaris dessaiffit him and caussit his How the 

r ii- 1 it 1 borderaris 

captans of weir to be hangit ower the wallis quhene dessaiffit 


they had braschit 1 and win the house. The Inglische- 
men seand no Scottismen bakand thame, incontenent 
they cruellie dang thame fourth- of the castell and 

15 hangit thair captanis as I haue schawin befor. The 
Duik of Albanie sieand this that he was dessawit be 
the borderaris and thame that he gaif credit to ffor 
to haue reskewit his men and bakit thame, that thai 
did nothing to him that was gude, he tuik ane anger 

20 and tuike wpe his campe and came invart into his awin 

castell of Dumbar, and thair remanit ane quhill; and How he 

gart beild 

gart craftismen and maissouns fall to wark and build the castell of 


in the samin ane great staine house and insche callit 
the wttwart blokehouse and garnist it witht artaillze 

25 pulder and bullattis. In this meane tyme the Maister Foi. 103 «. 
of Haillis and the laird of Neisbett callit Chirnesyde 
and ane Haittlie throw consall of the Hepburnes cruellie 
betraissit and murderst ane zoung innocent man pryour 
of Coldinghame, thinkand to do the Duike of Albanie 

30 ane plesour to be ane revenge and satisfactioun of the 
slaughter of Tillabattie. 

1 I has "brusched. " 




IIou Bischop Andro forman depairtit. Hou 
obtenit the wickar - generallship. Hou 
purpois to leive Scotland. Hou the 
dumbar. Quhat thre lordis was maid 
nouris absence. Hou lang the duik of 
land. Grett slauchter betuix the lord 
maister of Sempill. Hou the king was 
Hou the auld ofncaris war cheingit. 

bischop James betoun 
the gowernour tuik 
gowernour furnessit 

regent in the gower- 
albanie was in Scot- 
of kilmaurs and the 

brocht to the feildis. 

How bischop 
Betoun ob- 
tenit the 

How the 
Duike tuik 
porpois to 
gang of 

The fur- 
nisching of 

How thrie 
lordis was 
maid re- 
gentis in the 

In this zeir depairtit bischope Androw Forman 1 Bis- 
chope of Sanctandrois and Legat of Scotland. Bot 
pryour Johnne Hepbume and his freindis caussit to 
tak the castell of Sanctandrois and keip it because he 
was wicar generall for the tyme. Bot bischope James 5 
Bettone haistlie obtenit the samin be way of court and 
autorietie, and aggreit witht pryour Johnne Hepburne 
ffor his 2 wicarage and generallschip and satisfieit him 
of all wther thingis pertening to his office. 

In this meane tyme the kingis grace came to the 10 
aige of ellevin zeiris and the Duike of Albanie seand 
the realme of Scottland and the nobillis thairof of sic 
quallietieis and conditiouns that few or nane of thame 
might gif credit to wther, thairfor he was steidfastlie 
avyssit and utterlie determinat to leif Scottland and 15 
pase in France againe to his awin leving and thairfor 
he furnist Dumbar witht men and wictuallis and maid 
ane Frinchemen captane of it nameit Captane Morise 3 
and thairefter stablischit the realme in maner as efter 
followis : That is to say, he maid the Earle of Lennox 20 
and bischope James Bettone and ane Frincheman callit 
Lusence, 4 thir thrie, regentis quhill the king was xij 

1 I has on margin, " Bischope andrevv formann depairtit this lyfe 
1521." See Notes. 2 I has "wickar gennerallschip." 

3 This was Morice de Nogent 

I has " monseur lufevice. 

. See Notes. 
See Notes. 

JAMES V. 305 

zeiris of aige, ffor than he knew the lordis wald chuse 
new governouris amang them selffis, and sa the Duike 
of Albanie tuike his leif at king and consall and passit How lang 

the Duike of 

in France. Sa all the tyme that the Duik of Albanie was Albanie was 

in Scottland. 

5 in Scottland first and last was fyue zeiris * and ane half. 
This quhene the Duike of Albanie was depairtit, thair 
raise great trubill and deidlie feidis in money pairtis of 
Scottland baitht in the northt and in the wast pairtis. 
The Maister of Forbes in the northt slew the laird of Foi. 103 b. 
10 Meldrum wnder traist. Lykewayse the Laird of Drum- 
mellzeid 2 slew the lord Fleming at the halking and lyk- 
wyse money great lordis thair was great slaughter betuix, Great 

. , _ - e T _ ... . . . slaughter 

that is to say, betuix the Lord of Killmains and the betuix the 

lord of Kill- 

Maister of Simpill. This cummer draiff ower quhill maris and 

the Maister 

15 the king was xij zeiris of aige and then the haill lordis of Simpiii. 
of Scottland laid thair heidis togither and thocht that How the 
they wald bring the king to the feildis and put the Scottland 

brocht the 

governall all haill in his awin hand. Nochtwithtstandine: king to the 

& & feildis. 

the king heirand word of this preheminance was gladlie 
20 contentit to leif correctioun at the scollis and pas witht 
his lordis at libertie quhair he pleissit. 

Thus the lordis horssit the king and gart prepair for 
him all maner of ryding geir pertening to ane prince 
and syne tuik him fourtht of the castell of Stirling and 
25 brocht him to Edinburgh to the Abbay Hallierudhouse 
and thair tuike wpe house with all maner of office men 
that was necessar to be had ffor him and chaingit all his 
auld offlecearis and pat new in thair steid, that is to 
say, Thesawrar, comptrollar, secretar, Mr Messer, 3 Mr 
30 Houshald, copper, carver, Mr Stablar, Mr Huntar, Mr 
Fallcunar and Mr Portar and a fooll callit Johnne 
Makcrerie. 4 

1 I has "with sum oddis." 2 I has " Drummalzard." 

3 "Messer" — i.e., macer, which is the reading of former Editors ; 
but MS. I has " Amiser," which may be equal to " Almouser" or 
"Almoner," and if so is a preferable reading. See Glossary. 

4 I adds, " This was done in the zeir of god I m 5° xxi zeiris." 





Hou thair war foure lordis chosin to be tutoris to the king. The 
erle of Angus gridiness. Hou the erle of angus past frome 
the kingis service. Hou the erle of Angus gyddit the Court. 
Hou the quein left the erle of Angus and mareit harie Stewart. 
Hou the erle of angus causit to straik cunzie. 

How thair 
was foure 
lordis ch oss- 
nit tutouris 
to the.king. 

The earle of 



Fol. 104 a. 

Fforther thair was foure lordis chossin to be tutouris 
and governouris to the king, that all cassuallietie and 
beneffieces sould be disponit bot be thame, and that 
thai sould remaine still witht the king and gif him 
consall in all thingis pertening to his honour and the 5 
commone weill of his contrie. The king and the 
lordis remanit in Edinburgh and Hallierudhouse the 
space of ane zeir witht great cheir, treumph and mirrie- 
nes, quhill at last thair waikit sum benefice quhilk pat 
thame all at discord for dispositioun of the samin, for 10 
everie lord thocht he wald be servit according to his 
rowme and estait. Bot the Earle of Angus warrit the 
wther thrie, ffor quhene he had gottin Dunkell he wald 
haue had Coldinghame, and could not be staikit 1 sa 
bot quhene Hallierudhous waikit he wald haue it ; 15 
and schew to the lordis that he was skant of hay 
and horse corne quhene he come in the toun, thair- 
foir he behuffeit to haue that benefice witht the laif, to 
find his horse meit. And the laif of the lordis considir- 
ing the Earle of Angus that he wald not be content 20 
withtout he had all at his dispositioun and considerit 
nathing of thair expenssis in the kingis grace service that 
they had maid alsweill as he, nor wald not knaw that 
they war behind the hand in spending of thair leving 
witht the king in his service j bot the lord Hammilltoun 25 
gat Paislay to his [sone]. 2 Bot the Earle of Lennox gat 
1 "Staikit" — i.e., satisfied. See Glossary. 2 B and I. 

JAMES V. 307 

nathing, quhairof he tyirit of the court and passit hame How the 

earleis past 

to his awin contrie and so did the Earle of Arran withtin hame from 

the kingis 

ane lyttill quhill and past to Hammilltoun to his awin seruice. 
place and remanitt thair. Bot bischope James Bettoun 
5 remanitt still in his awin ludgeing in Edinburgh that he 
bigit in the Freir wynd, — for he was chancelar for the 
tyme and satt on the saitt to wse iustice, — and come no 
more toward the court and the king bot as he was send 
for and requyrit. This the Earle of Angus gydit all haill How the 

. . earle of An- 

il O king and court as he pleissit and maid his eame Arche- gus gydit the 

r court at his 

bald Douglas thesawrar of Scottland, and George his P le sour. 
brother maister houshald to the king, and him self 
lwtennent to the king throw all Scottland. Bot the 
quenis grace tyrit of him and pairtit witht him, and How the 

quen tirit the 

15 ane lyttill efter marieit Harie Stewart brother to my earle of An- 
gus and ma- 
lord of Annerdaill 1 and thairefter scho maid the said r ' ieh Harie 


Harie lord of Methven. Nochtwithtstanding my lord 
of Angus tuik lyttill sussie 2 of the samin bot gyditt 
and rullit the king as he pleissit and caussit him to 
20 ryde throw all the pairtis of Scottland wnder the pre- 
tence and collour of iustice to punisch theif and tratour ; Foi. 104 6. 
bot nane was greattar nor was in thair awin companie. 
Fforther he caussit to strike counze ane grot of xviijd How the 

earle of An- 

quhilk efterwart was calht the Douglas grott. And gusconsaiut 

H . to strike 

25 nane at that tyme durst stryue witht ane Douglas nor counzie. 
zeit ane Douglas man [ 3 flfor gif they wald they gat the 
war. Thairfoir nane durst pleinze of no extortioun, 
thift, reif nor slaughter done in them be the Douglas 
or thair men, ffor in that cace thay war not hard so 

30 lang as the Douglassis had the court in gyding. This 
they continued still ane quhill sa lang as fortune bure 
thame favour], 

1 Ihas"Evindeill." 

2 " Souci" = care, from the French. See Glossary. 

3 Dalzell omits the passage in brackets. 




Hou maister patrik hamiltoun was accusit. Hou maister patrik 
hamiltoun was condampnit : hou maister patrik appealed from 
the said sentence : hou maister patrik summoned his accusar. 
Maister patrik's oratioun. Hou maister patrik was brunt. 

How Mr 
toun was 

In this meane tyme ane cuning dark was callit Mr 
Patrick Hammilltoun l Abbot of Feme and brother 
germane to the Shereff of Lythtgow quho was sowmond 
and callit befoir the principall consall haldin at Edin- 
burgh and Santandrois ffor the tyme be bischope James 5 
Bettoun witht the rest of money of the clairge of Scott- 
land and thair he was accussit for heriesie befor the 
saidis bischope, abbottis pryouris and doctouris of 
Theologie of the Grayfrieris and Blak. His accusar 
was ane blak freir callit Campbell who red his articlis 10 
and said to him, 

The Accusar. 

' Arratick, thow said it was lesum to reid the word of 
1 god and in spetiall the new Testament.' 

The Ansuer. 
Mr Patrick ansuerit ' I wat nocht gif I said so bot 
1 I say it is ressone and lesum to all men that hes ane 15 
1 saull, to reid the word of god and that they may wnder- 
' stand the samin and in spetiall the latter will and 
1 Testament of Christ Jessus quhairbe thai may knaw- 
' ledg thair awin sins and repent of the samin quhairby 
1 they may amend thair lyffis be faitht and repentance 20 
' and come to the mercie of god by Christ Jessus.' 

The Accusar. 
1 Now arratick I sie thow affirmes the wordis of thy 
1 accusatioun.' 

1 Patrick Hamilton. See Notes. 

JAMES V. 309 

The Ansuer. 
[Mr Patrick ansuerit ' I affirme nothing bot the wordis 
' quhilk I haue spokin in presentis of this audetour. 

The Accusar. 
1 Now fforder, thow sayis that it was not lesum to wor- 
1 schip imagerie.'] 1 

The Ansuer. 
5 Mr Patrick ansuerit ' I say nocht rTarther bot that god Foi. 105 a. 
1 speikis to Mosses in the xx chapter of Exodus in the 
1 secund commandement, Thow sail not mak to thaiself 
' ony gravin image, Thow sail not bow doune to thame 
1 nor worschip thame ; and also Dawid in his paslames 2 
10 ' cursses thame that is the maker of imagis and the out- 
' settaris, manteinaris and worschipiris of the same.' 

The Accusar. 
Then ansuerit the accussar, 'Arratick, knawis thou 
' not imagierie is the buikis and leid of commone 
' pepill to put thame in remembrance of the haill Sanctis 
15 c that wrait for thair salvatioun.' 

The Ansuer. 
Then ansuerit Mr Patrick, ' Brother it aught to be the 
' priching of the trew word of god that sould put the 
' pepill in remembrance of Christ and thair sallwatioun.' 

The Accusar. 

Then sayis the accussar, ' Arratick thow sayis it is bot 

20 ' lost labour to pray or to call wpoun Sanctis 3 that wrait 

1 for thair sallvatioun and in spetiall to the blissid wirgine 

* Marrie or Johnne, James, Petter or Paull to be mediea- 

' touaris to god for ws.' 

The Ansuer. 

Mr Patrick ansuerit, ' I say with Paull, thair is no 

25 ' medieatour betuix god and man bot Christ Jessus his 

1 I omits words in brackets. 2 " Psalmes." See Glossary. 

3 I has "Sanctis depairtit for help of our salwatioun." 



Fol. T05 b. 

How Mr 
toun was 

1 sone and quhatsumewer he be that prayis or callis to 
1 ony sanct depairtit quhatsumewer they be, they spullzie 
' Christ Jessus of his office.' 

The Accusar. 
The accussar sayis, ' Arratick thow sayis all is in waine 
' our labouris maid for them that is depairtit quhene 

* we singe saull mese paslmes and deriegies, quhilkis 
1 is the relaxatioun of the saullis that is depairtit quhilk 

* is contenitt in the panis of purgatorie.' 

The Ansuer. 
Mr Patrick ansuerit, ' Broder I reid never in the scrip- 
1 ture of god of sic ane place as purgatorie nor zeit 
1 beleiffis that thair is ony thing that may purge the 
' sawle of man bot the blode of Christ Jessus quhilk 
' ransone standis not in no earthlie thing nor in saull 

* mese deriegie nor in gold nor silluer bot allanerlie be 

' repentance of sinnis and faitht in the blode of Christ 

1 Jessus.' 

The Accusar. 

The accussar ansuerit, ' my lordis ze heir he denyis 

1 the institutiouns of hallie kirk and the autorietie of our 

1 hollie father the pape. I neid nocht to accuse him 

' no more.' 

The Sentence. 

This bischope and the lordis of reliegieoun laid thair 

heidis togither and gaif sentance against this innocent 

man and condemned him to the deid ; syne brocht him 

furtht to * the Abbay kirk of Santandrois, and brocht 

him foment the auld colledge 2 callit Sanct Salluitouris, 

and thair was ane greit fyre and ane staik and ane 

skaffald quhairon they pat this innocent man in presentis 

of all the pepill. 

The Question. 

And syne they requyrit of him ' gif he wald recant the 

1 I has "off." 2 Iadds"zett." 



JAMES V. 311 

1 wordis and confessioun that he had maid in the Abbay 

1 kirk and he sould burne his faggattis and his lyf 

1 sould be saif.' 

The Ansuer. 

Mr Patrick ansuerit, 'As to my confessioun I will 

5 ' nocht deny it ffor the aw of zour fyre, ffor my confes- 

1 sioun and beleif is in Christ Jessus, thairfor I will 

4 nocht deny it ; and I will rether be content that my 

1 body burne in this fyre ffor confessioun of my faitht 

1 in Christ nor my saull sould burne in the fyre of hell 

10 ' ffor denying of the samin. Bot as to the sentance How Mr 


1 and iudgement pronuncit aganis me this day be the appeiiitfre 

the said 
1 bischopiS and doCtOUris sentance 

The Sunwwnds. 
1 I heir, in presentis of zow all appeillis contrair the 
1 said sentance and iudgement gevin aganis me and 
15 ' takis me to the marcie of god; and sowmondis zow How Mr 


' Schir freir beffor the tribunall saitt of god and Christ sumond his 


1 Jessus his sone that ze thair compeir withtin the space 
1 of xl dayis to ansuer befor that Judge for zour wrangous 
' accusatioun contrair to zour conscience.' 

The Prayer. 
20 Be this Mr Patrick left of his speiking and enterit in 
contemplatioun and prayer to the allmightie god to be 
marciefull to the pepill quho persecut him ffor thair was Thewrie- 

sone of Mr 

money of them blindit in ignorance that they knew not Patrick. 

quhat they did ; and also he besought Christ Jessus to 
25 be medieatour for him wnto the father that he sould 

strengthin him witht his hollie spreit that he might 

steidfastlie abyde the cruell panis and flames prepairit Foi. 106 «. 

for him * be thir cruell pepill and that the panis of that 

torment war not the occasioun to cause him suerue or 
3° schrink fre ony pairt of his faitht in Christ Jessus bot 

to strength and agment him in his spreit and knawledge 
1 I. A has " me." 


in the promise of god and to ressaue his saull in his 
handis ffor Christ Jessus saik ; and in his name he 
maid this oblatioun and orTring that is to say his body 
in the fyre and his saull in the handis of the allmightie 
god, and so maid ane end of his speiking. Then they 5 
How Mr layd to the fyre to him bot it wald on nawayis burne 

Patrick was 

brunt. nor kendill ane lang quhyll. Then ane baxter calht 

Myretoun 1 ran and brocht his armefull of stray and 
caist in to kindill the fyre ; ane blast of eistrene winde 
come ffourtht of the sie and raissit the flame of fyre sa 10 
wehementlie that it blew wpoun the freir that accussit 
him that it dang him to the eard and brunt all the foir 
pairt of his coull and pat him in sic ane fray that he 
come never in his right spreit againe bot wanderit about 
the space of xl dayis and then depairtit. This cruell 15 
act of persecutioun was wssit aganis this godlie man 
at Sanctandrois anno I m v c xxv zeiris in the monetht 
of September. 2 


Hou the king went to Jedwart. Hou the king was displeisit at the 
erle of Angus and wald haue been out of his handis. Hou he 
send for support of the laird bucklewch. The feild of Mel- 
reis ; the laird of Sesfurd slaine. The erle of Angus wictor. 

How the About this tyme the king went to the south land to 

king went to . . . , . . 1 . . T ., . . . 

jedburght. the ains and held mstice in Jedburght quhair thair 20 
money compleinttis came to the king of reif slaughter 
and oppressioun. Bot lyttill iustice was wssit bot be 
the purs, 4 ffor thair war mony of that contrie that was 

1 I has " Mortoun." 

2 I has " October I m v c xxvi." The true date was the last day of 
February 1527-28. See Fox's Martyrs, iv. p. 561. 

3 The numbers of the chapters in MS. I, which are wrong from 
this xmth, called the xnth chapter, have been put right. 

4 I.e., by fines or by bribes ? 



JAMES V. 313 

the Earle of Angus kin and freindis and serwandis 
that gat iustice be fawouris ; of the quhilk the king 
was nothing contentit thaiivvitht nor nane of the laif 
of the lordis that was about him fifor thai wald haue 
5 had iustice equallie wssit to all men bot perticallietie J 
or exceptioun of persouns. Bot notwithstanding the 
Earle of Angus and the rest of the Douglassis rullit 
all as they lykit and no man durst say the contraire 
quhair ffor the king was heavelie displeissit and wald How the 

Icincr w?s dis~ 

10 faine haue bene out of thair handis gif he might be piessitatthe 

earle of 

ony way. To that effect [he] wrait ane quyit and Angus, 
secreit wrytting witht his awin hand and send it to How the 
the Lard off Ballcleuch beseikand him right erTectouslie support 

the LaM 

that he wald come witht his kin and freindis and all the Buccieuch 

15 force he might and meitt him at Millrose at his hame 
passing and thair to tak him out of the Douglassis handis 
and to put him at libertie to wse him self amang the laif 
of his lordis as he thinkis expedient. This wrytting 
quyitlie send be ane of the kingis awin secreit ser- 

20 wandis quhilk was ressawit werie thankfullie be the 
laird of Ballcluch and he was right reioyssit thairwitht 
to be put to sic chargis and familiear witht the prince, 
and did great deliegence to performe the kingis wrytting 
and to bring the matter to pas as the king desyrit. And 

25 to that effect convenitt all his kin and freindis and all 
that wald do for him and to ryde and come to Millrose 
quhene he knew the kingis hame coming and brocht 
ane companie witht him, the number of vj c speiris of 
Lidisdaill and Annerdaill and contriemen and clannes 2 

30 thairabout and held thairselffis quyit quhill that the king 
returnit out of Jedburght and come to Millrose and to 
remane thair all night. Bot quhene the lorde Home, 
Cesfurde, [and] Fairnehirst tuik thair leif frome the king 
and returnit hame then appeirit the laird of Balcluch in 

35 sight and his companie witht him in arrayit battell in- 
1 I.e., without partiality. 2 I has " commonis." 


tending to haue fullfillit the kingis petitioun, and thair- 
foir come stoutlie fordwart in the baksyde of Halliedaine 
hill. 1 Be that the Earle of Angus and George Douglas 
his brother witht sindrie wther of thair freindis seand 
this airme command they merwellit quhat the matter 5 
menit quhill at last they knew the laird of Ballcluch 
witht ane certane of the theiffis of Annerdaill witht 
him they war the les effrayit and maid thame man- 
fullie to the feild contrair thame ; and said into the 
king on this maner 'schir, zone is Ballcleuch and 10 
' theiffis of Annerdaill witht him wnbesett zour grace 
c frome the gaitt. Bot I wow to god, schir they sail 
' ether fight or flie and ze sail tairrie heir on this 
Foi. 107 «. 'know and my brother George witht zow, witht ony 

1 wther companie zow pleis, and I sail pase and put 15 
1 zone theiffis of the ground, and red the gaitt into 
1 zour grace or ellis die for it.' The king tairieit still 
as he devyssit and George Douglas witht him witht 
sindrie wther lordis, sic as the Earle of Lennox and 
the lord Erskine and sum of the kingis awin serwandis ; 20 
bot all the laif past witht the Earle of Angus to the 
feild againe the laird of Ballcluche quho iunit and con- 
tent cruellie baitht the saidis pairties ether aganis wther 
The feild of witht wncertane wictorie. Bot at last the lord Home 
mure. heirand thir wordis of that matter how it stude returnit 25 

againe to the king in possibill haist witht him the laird 
of Cesfurde and Fairniehirst to the number of iiij xx 
speiris and sett on fercelie wpoun the lape and winge 
of the laird of Ballclucheis feild and schortlie buire him 
bakvart into the ground quhilk caussit the laird of Ball- 30 
cleuche and the rest of his freindis to ga bake and flie ; 
quhom on thay followit ane chase be the laird of Ces- 
furd and Fairniehirst quho followit so furieouslie at the 
The laird of fute of ane peath the laird of Cesfurd was slaine be the 
slain. schot of ane speir witht ane Ellvand 2 quho was then 35 

1 I has •■ Halidoun hill." 2 I has " Ellatt," both = Elliot. 


JAMES V. 315 

serwand to the laird of Ballcleuch bot quhene the laird 
of Cesfurde was slaine the chase ceissit. Bot the Earle 
of Angus returnit againe witht great merienes and wic- The Earle 

of Angus 

torie and thankit god that he had saiffit frome that 
5 chance, and passit witht the king to Millrose quhair 
they remanitt all that night quhill at on the morne 
they passit to Edinburgh witht the king who was werie 
sade and dollarous of the slaughter of the laird of Cesfurde 
and money wther gentillmen and zemenis slaine be the 
10 laird of Ballcleuch conteinand the number of iiij xx and 
fourten quhilk albeit in defence of the king and com- 
mand of his wrytting howbeit it was not knawin to 
ewerie man quhilk caussit the king to be so [werie 
heavie sad and] * dolarous. 2 


Hou bischop James beatoun counsallit the king to send for support 
of the erle of lennox. Hou the king send for the erle of 
lennox. Hou the erle of Angus gadderit ane armie for support 
of the king. Hou the erle of Angus gadderit ane armie aganis 
the erle of lennox. 

15 [The king beand werie sad and dolorous becaus he 
cuild] 3 on nawayse be quyt of the Earle of Angus and 
his freindis and thairfoir he caist his ingyne to seik 
remedy heirinto and send for bischope James Bettone 
to haue his consall how he might best be quytt off 

20 the Earle of Angus and the rest of his kin [and] 4 freindis. 

This bischope being ane wyse man gaif the king con- Foi. 107 b. 
sail to send for the Earle of Lennox to sie his mynd 
thairwnto because he was neirest of kin to the king 

1 I inserts. 

2 I has ' ' This battell was struckin in zeir of god I m v c xxiii years 
and in the month of July." The true date was 1526. See Notes. 

8 I. A is slightly different. 4 I inserts. 



How the 
king send for 
the earle of 

How the 
earle of Len- 
nox gadderit 
ane airme 
ffor support 
of the king. 

How the 
earle of An- 
gus gadderit 
ane airmie 
aganis the 
earle of 

Fol. 108 a. 

and of his surname he war meatest and ablist of ony 
ffor to deliuer the king to his libertie. 

The king heirand thir wordis send for the Earle of 
Lennox and spak witht him and gaif him commissioun 
to raise his leigis as he pleissit to that effect that he 5 
sould com to Edinburgh witht all the powar that he 
might be, and tak the king out of the Douglassis handis 
perforce. The Earle of Lennox heirand this charge 
and commissioun of the king was weill contentit to 
obey the samin and to that effect gaderit all that he 10 
might in Fyfe Angus Streerne 1 Stirllingschyre and 
all the haill wastland, and come to Stirling witht the 
number of ten thowsand men quhair bischope James 
Bettone mett him witht all the gentillmen of Fyfe and 
thair accompaned witht him to the effect forsaid, and 15 
also the Maister of Killmaris come to him out of the 
wast, Kyle, Carrick, Cuninghame, quhilk was in number 
ij M men, and tuik his wangaird in hand to come ford- 
ward to the toun of Edinburgh. Bot the Earle of Angus 
knawand this nobill man the Earle of Lennox gadder- 20 
and aganis him witht bischope James Bettoun and the 
Maister of Killmaris, and hearand that they war so 
greit of number knew weill it was nocht done by 2 the 
kingis adwyse quhairat he was greatlie astoneist. Zeit 
nochtwithtstanding he tuik sic curage and hardement 25 
that he knew weill thair was no remedie bot ether to 
do or die, and send incontenent to all his kin and 
freindis, and in spetiall to the lorde of Home and 
Fairniehirst and the laird of Cesfurde, also he send 
to the lord Hammilltoun schawand him his enemeis 30 
the Earle of Lennox was to come witht ane airmie to 
tak the king frome him beseikand him that he wald 
concur witht him and support him in that cause quhilk 
was ffor his awin weill; sayand, 'gif that the Earle of 
' Lennox owercome him that the nixt day he wald 35 
1 Stratheam. 2 " By " = without. 

JAMES V. 317 

' do siclyke witht him, thairfor best it war to debait 
1 witht baitht thair powaris and strengthis in tyme.' Of 
this desyre lord Hammilltoun was werie weill contentit 
and promist to meitt the Earle of Angus witht all his 
5 kin and freindis at Lythtgow. Bot on the morne efter- 
hend the Earle of Lennox come out of Stirling witht 
thre great ostis marchand fordwart to Edinburgh thair 
to sett fordwart his porpois and intent quhilk he had 
taine in hand at the kingis command. 


Hou the erle of angus desyrit the king to male ane proclamation. 
Hou word come to edinburgh that the erle of lennox was 
within ane myle. Hou George Douglas desyrit the king to 
pas ford ward to help his brother. Hou word cam to the king 
that the armyes was in sicht of wther. Hou the king went 
furth with the toune of edinburgh and leith. The erle of len- 
nox slaine. The feild of linlythgou. Hou Andro Wood of 
largo saivit the erle of glencairne. 

10 [Sa schone as the Earle of Angus knew of thair com- How the 
ing he went] 1 and schew the king the maner how it gus desyrit 

the king to 

stude, desyrand his grace gar mak procliematioun baitht makanepro- 
in Leytht and Edinburgh that all maner of man betuix 
sextie and sexten zeiris sould ryse incontienent to follow 

15 the king and debait his graice. They heirand thir 
wordis of the earle of Angus and knew the matter how 
it stude, gaif bot lyttill ansuer agane wnto the Earle 
of Angus. The earle seand that the king was slaw 
in the matter wist weill thair was nathing bot ether 

20 do or die and thairfor maid him manfullie to the feildis 
and caussit his freind Archibald Douglas, provost of 
Edinburgh to ring the common bell and put the toun 
in order, and command thame to ryse and come witht 
the king in all haist for to defend him aganis his 
1 The words in brackets are from I. A is slightly different. 



Word come 
to the toune 
of Edin- 
burgh that 
the earle of 
Lennox was 
withtin ane 

How George 
Douglas con- 
sallit the 
king to pas 
fordwart to 
help his 

Fol. 108 b. 

How worde 
come to the 
king of the 
tua airmeis. 

How the 
king come 
fourtht witht 
the toune of 

enemeis ; and left his brother George witht the king 
to cause him ryse and come fordwart for to support 
him ffor he wald pase incontienent fordwart to meit 
the lord Hammilltoun quho was abone Lythtgow in 
redynes witht ane great number of ij M men, and the 5 
Earle of Angus past fordwart himself witht the Homes 
and Karis quhilk was in number ij M men. Be this the 
word come to the toune of Edinburgh that the Earle 
of Lennox was withtin ane myle to Lythtgow witht 
thrie greit ostis to the number of xij m men weill fur- 10 
nist witht artaillze, and was porpossit to come to Edin- 
burgh gif he war not stopit. Than George Douglas 
heirand this desyrit the king right effectouslie for to 
ryse and pase fordwart to help his brother and support 
him aganis his enemeis schawand how neirhand they 15 
war bot the kingis grace tuik lyttill thocht of the matter 
and was werry slaw in his fourtht ryding. Bot at last 
the post come frome the Earle of Angus schawand the 
king that baitht the airmeis was in sight of wther and 
was porpossit to fight, thairfor prayand the kingis grace 20 
to come fordwart witht the toun of Edinburgh to res- 
kew the Earle of Angus or ellis he wald be lost be 
ressone of the number of the wther pairtie. Then 
the king gart blaw his trumpitis and lap on horse and 
gart ring the common bell of Edinburgh commanding 25 
all maner of man, so ischit fourtht of the wast port 
and all the toun of Edinburgh and Leytht witht him 
the number of iij m men and raid fordwart to the craigis 
of Corstorphin. They hard the artaillze schot on baitht 
the sydis lykeas it had bene thundar. Then George 30 
Douglas cryit on the king beseikand his grace for godis 
saik to ryde faster that he might reskew and help his 
brother. Be this the post come and schew the king 
that baitht the feildis war iunitt and fightand furieouslie 
witht wther on the wast syde of Lythtgow tua mylieis 35 
be wast the toune and that the Earle of Ana;us and the 


Earle of Glencaimeis was zokit togither and the lord 
Hammilltounis force and the Earle of Lennox in lyke 
maner and baitht fightand furieouslie. Then the king 
raid fast to sie the maner bot incontinent thair mett 
5 him ane post schawand to him that the Earle of Lennox 
men war fled frome him and he beleint that he had 
tint the feild. Bot then the king was werie sorrie and 
cryit on all his serwandis and all that wald do for him 
to ryde to the feild and stanche slaughter, and in 

10 spetiall to saif the Earle of Lennox gif he could be 
comprehendit allyue. Witht this the kingis serwandis 
and sindrie gentillmen passit at the kingis commande- 
ment, witht Androw Wood of Largo quhilk was the 
kingis [commandement and ane of his] 1 famellear ser- 

15 wandis and carwer to him, and at that tyme haistit 
thair horse allis fast as they might beir thame, to 
the feild to keip the kingis commandement to saif all 
frome slaughter and in spetiall the Earle of Lennox 
quhom he 2 fand lyand slaine in the deid thraw The earle of 

20 cruellie be Schir James Hammilltoun that tyrane efter siaine. 
that he was taine in the feild be the laird of PerdifTan 3 The feild of 


and his wappouns taine fre him. In this meane tyme Foi. io 9 «. 

Schir James Hammilltoun that cruell murtherar gart 

schut him fre his takoris and thair slew him withtout Thetyrannie 

of Schir 

2K marcie and so did witht all that he might owertak that James Ham- 

J . ° milltoun. 

day in the feild. Thair war money markit that day 
witht his mark. 4 Bot we will 5 returne to Androw 
Wode and the kingis serwandis quho raid suoftlie 
throw the feild to saif all freindis that thay might 
30 comprehend on lyffe, [quhill] 6 at last they fand the 

1 I omits passage in brackets, which is probably a miscopy 
from two lines below. 2 I has "thay." 

3 The Laird of Pardovan was William Hamilton. 

4 I adds "throche the chaftis with ane sword quhilk was callit 
efterhend the merciles mark of schir James Hammiltoun." 

5 I adds "speik no moir of his tyrannie bot." 

6 A has here as in other places "quhilk " for "quhill." 



How Schir 
Wode saiffit 
the earle of 

Earle of Glencairne still fightand witht xxx men leift 
of all his airmie on lyue wnslaine and fled frome him, 
bot zeit was in sic ane strength that his enemeis might 
on nawayis war him sa lang as he had ony men left 
on lyue to defend him. Bot inmedeatlie Androw Wode 5 
the kingis serwand tuik him and saiffit him and brocht 
him away on lyue and conwoyit him to ane quyit 
place quhair nether the Douglassis nor the Hammill- 
tounis might comprehend him to do him skaitht. This 
beand done the kingis serwandis come throw the feild 10 
and saw the lord Hammilltoun standand murnand be- 
syde the Earle of Lennox, sayand, 'The wyssist man 
' the stoutest man the hardiest man that ewer was brede 
1 in Scottland was slaine that day,' and tuik his clok of 
skarlat and cust [it] wpoun him and gart watchmen stand 15 
about him quhill the kingis serwandis come and burieit 
him. This matter beand fmischit and money slaine 
and taine on baitht the sydis and in spetiall the Earle 
of Lennox witht money gentillmen of the wast land 
witht him and in lyke wyse the Earle of Glencairne 20 
ewill wondit to the deid and money of his freindis 
and serwandis slaine and allso sum gentillmen of Fyfe 
baitht taine and slaine to wit, the Laird of Lethine 1 
slaine witht money wther gentillmen taine. This cruell 
and wnhappie feild was strikin in the zeir of god I m 25 
v c xx 2 zeiris and in the monetht of September. 

1 I has "Lethame." Perhaps David Sibbald, Laird of Letham, 
in Fife, is referred to. 

2 I has apparently " 1522," but in both cases the date is bungled, 
and it is not certain what date the scribe of MS. I, who used Arabic 
numerals, intended. The true date was 1526. See Notes. 

JAMES V. 321 


Hou the king went to linlythgow. Hou the king was effaird of the 
erle of Angus. Hou the king went to Edinburgh. Hou the 
Douglasis fieyit Bischop James beattoun and also the quein. 
Hou George douglas dressit the bischop and his brother the 
erle of angus. Hou the douglasis thocht to haue forfalt the lord 

Quhan this battell was finischit in maner foresaid 
the Earle of Angus returnit to the king witht gloir and 
wictorie weill commendit of all men ffor the chance 
and wictorie that fell into him. Then the kingis grace 
5 witht the Earle of Angus and Lord Hammilltoun witht 
Hums and Karis went all that night to Lythtgow and 
thair remanit in great mirrienes ; bot the kingis grace 1 Foi. 109 b. 
so sorowfull and dollarous ffor the tinsall of his kins- 
man 2 the Earle of Lennox and money wther gentillmen 
10 witht him quha was perischit be the kingis occatioun 
ffor they interpryssit the matter at the kingis command. 
And ffarther, the king was werie effrayit and dispairit The king 

effrayit of 

of his awin lyffe because he knew weill the Earle of theearieof 


Angus wnderstud that he had interpryssit sic actis aganis 
15 him and nothing prosperit weill witht the king aganis 
the said earle. Thairfor he was right effeirit that they 
wald put handis in his awin body considdering all thingis 
succeidit so weill witht thame ; bot zeit I can not find 
that never the Erie of Angus nor nane of the Douglasses 
20 faillzeit to the king in ony pairt 3 thocht they war 
cowetous and gredy, and oppressouris of thair nicht- 
bouris zeit they war ever trew and kind and serueabill 
to the king in all his affairis, and oftymes offerit thair 
bodyis in ieoparde ffor his saik. This beand done the 

1 I has "was bayth sad and dolorous." 

2 I has "eame." 3 See Notes. 



The king 
went to 

How the 
flieit Bisch- 
ope Bettoun 
and also the 

How George 
greit the 
bischope and 
his brother. 


How the 
thocht to 
haue forfaltit 
the Lord 

king returnit to Edinburgh werie sad and sorowfull 
that he on nowayis could come to his porpose. Bot 
zeit he remanit quyit withtin him self, and the Douglassis 
tuik it ewer hie wpoun thame quhair throw thay begouth 
to punische all thame that come against thame witht 5 
the Earle of Lennox ; and spetiallie thay flieit bischope 
James Bettoun sua that he staw away and durst not 
ane lang tyme be sen and so did Margarit the quen 
of Scottland, and zeid wagabund dissagyssit ane lang 
quhill ffor feir of Douglassis. Then the Douglassis had 10 
the king to Fyfe and thair passit thair tyme ane quhyll 
in Sancttandrois ; bot they could not find the bischope 
ffor he was keipand scheip in bogrimmow 1 witht ane 
schiphirdis claithis wpoun him lyke as he had bene 
ane scheiphird him self. Be this way he eskaipit thair 15 
furie for ane quhill, bot George Douglas was werie wyse 
and knew the bischope of Sanctandrois to be ane greit 
man and had money cassuallietieis, and had money and 
teindis to be gottin at his hand. Thairfor withtin ane 
lyttill quhyll he dressit the said bischope and his said 20 
brother for certaine teindis and tax 2 that the bischope 
gaif him witht wther commoditieis that he gat at the 
said bischopis handis quhilk neidis nocht to be re- 
hearssed at this tyme ; bot alwayis he was restoirit to 
the court and thair faworaris againe and so was the 25 
quenis grace ane lyttill thairefter that no man persewit 
hir bot lat hir tak hir awin plesour because scho was 
the kingis mother. 

At this tyme the Douglassis pat sair at the Lord 
Lyndsay and thocht to haue forfaltit him bot he gaif 30 
largelie of his landis into the courteouris to eskaip 
thair invy ffor the present tyme, thinkand that court 
wald not lest lang. 

1 I has " balgrummow." - J.e., tacks or leases. 

JAMES V. 323 


Hou bischop James beatoun callit the king and the douglasis to 
the pach. Hou the erle of Angus passt to lowthiane. Hou 
George douglas raid to dundie. Hou archbauldy douglas 
past to Sanctandrois. Hou the king fled from the douglasis 
out of Falkland to Stiriling. Hou archbauld douglas cam 
heime. Hou petter Carmichal cam and schew Archbauld 
douglas zat the king was away be flicht to Stiriling and eschapit 
out of the douglasis handis. 

In the meane tyme bischope James Bettoun [callit] 1 How the 
the king and the Douglasses to the pasche to Sanct- Bettoun 
androis and thair maid thame great cheir and blythtnes king and 


and gaif thame great giftis of gold and silluer witht to the 

° ° pasche. 

5 fair haiknayis and wther gifts of tax 2 and steidingis 
that they wald desyre of him that he might paciefie 
thair wraith thairwitht and obtein thair fawouris. So 
the king tairrieit thair for ane quhill quyit and wssit 
hunting and halking wpoun the watter of Eddin, quhill 
10 at last the Earle of Angus werieit 3 in Fyfe and thair- 

for he askit leif at the king to pas ower to Louchlevin 4 How the 

earle of An- 

to sie his bussienes and left witht the king Archebald gus passk to 


his father brother and George his awin brother and 

James Douglas of the Parkheid quho was captane to 

15 ane gaird of men that was about the king. Bot withtin 

tua dayis Archebald Douglas thesawrar askit leif at HowArch- 

. , . .... _ bald Doug- 

the king to pas to Dundie to his bussienes for ane laspastto 


day or tua, — sum sayis he had ane gentillwoman thair 
quhome he raid to wessie, — and in lyk maner George 
20 Douglas raid eist to Sanctandrois to the bischope to How George 


gett his tak performitt and endit at his handis lyke as raid to s. 

he had promist him befoir and left witht the kingis 

1 I has "callit," A "caussit." 2 I has "tackis." 

3 I has " vireit sair of " = wearied sorely of life. See Glossary. 

4 B has " Lauthiane, I "Lowthiane." 



grace James Douglas of the Parkheid witht ane hunder 
gentillmen witht him to waitt wpon the king quhair 
ewer he passit. Bot quhene George Douglas come to 
Sanctandrois and remanitt thair mekill of ane day in 
dressing of his bussienes, in the meane tyme the king 5 
passit to the park at Falkland thair to haue houndit 
ane deir and thocht in his awin mynd that the tyme 
was convenent for him to mak him self frie at libertie. 
The Earle and Archebald and George war all absent 
at that tyme out of his companie, thairfor he bethocht 10 
Foi. no*. him of ane craftie meane to ieopardie him self in this 
maner as efter followis, that is to say, he callit wpoun 
the laird of Feme l quho was forester of the said Wode 
and Challmerlane of Fyfe at that tyme and caussit him 
to gar wairne all the haill tennentis of the kingis landis 15 
and gentill men thair about that had spediest dogis 
that they wald come to Falkland wode to meit him 
on the morne at sewin houris ffor he was determinat 
that he wald slay ane fatt buke or tua ffor his plesour. 
And to that effect gart wairne the cuikis and stewarttis 20 
to mak his supper redy be foure houris 2 and commandit 
James Douglas of the Parkheid to pas the sunner to 
his bede that he micht wait wpon him tymmos in the 
morning, and then the king quhene he had suppit 
lyttill quhill past to his chamber and loussit his claithis 25 
and maid him to his bede, caussjt to bring his col- 
latioun and drank to James Douglas, sayand to him 
that thai sould haue goode huntting on the morne and 
bad him be tymmos, and syne the king went to his 
bede. Then James Douglas of the Parkheid seand 30 
the king in his bede he wont 3 all had ben sickar 
anewch and passit in lyke maner to his bede. Quhene 

1 I has "farnnie" — i.e., Fernie. 

2 B lias " disjoyn ready the morne " ; I has " reddie that he micht 
gang to his bed the schowner and haue his disiune reddie be." 

3 I has ' ' wenit " — i.e., weened. 

JAMES V. 325 

the watche was sett and all thingis was at quyitnes 
the king callit on ane zemen of the stabill and desyrit 
ane of his abullzementis, hose, cloke, cott and bonnett 
and put wpoun and slipit 1 out of the gouernouris of 
5 the challmer and the zemens of the stabill lyke as he 
had bene ane of thame, and was wnpersaiffit of the 
watchis quhill he had past into the stabillis ; and caussit 
to sadill ane horse for him self and ane led, and tuik 
tuo servantis witht him to wit Zacharie Harcar 2 ane 
10 zoung man 3 of the stabill with ane secreit challmer How the 

king fled out 

boy and lap on horse and spurit haistalie his ioyrnay of Falkland 
to Stirling and wan thair be the briking of day, ower Douglasses 
the brige and syne gart steik it againe behind him 
that no man sould win that passage withtout his licence : 

15 Syne passit to the castell and was ressawit thair be the 
captane thairof quho was reioyssit grittlie of his coming 
and prepairit the castell witht all neidfull thingis ffor 
his coming, syne gart steik the zettis and drew downe 
the portculeis and pat the king in his bed to sleip 

20 because he had ridin all night. Foi. m a. 

We will lat him sleip in his bede and returne to 
George Douglas 4 quho come hame to Falkland at How George 

. , . Douglas com 

tuellf 5 houns at evvin quho requynt at the portans hame againe. 
quhat the king was doand. Thai ansuerit and said 

25 that he was sleipand in his bed in his secreit challmer 
and so said the watchemen of the gaird that watchit 
him ; and George 4 heirand this passit to his challmer 
to his bede and tuike him rest, quhill on the morne that 
the sone was wpe, syne come the baillze of Aber- Ho wPetter 

30 nethie, to witt, Petter Carmichall and knokit at George 6 Si™ icha11 
challmer doore and waknit him and speirit quhair the dou^L that 
king was. George 4 ansuerit and said, ' he is in his away!" 5 

1 I inserts "furth with the grumes." 

2 I has "Jockie Hairt and ane vther secret serwand." 

3 I has " zeoman." 

4 I has " Archbauldy Douglas thesaurer." 

5 I has "alewin." 6 I has " the Thesauraris. " 


' challmer sleipand.' The baillie said, ' nay, he is passit 
* the brige of Stirling.' Then George [ x gat wpe haistalie 
and pat on his claithis and went into the gaird and to 
the porteris and speirit for the king. They ansuerit 
and said he was in his challmer in his bede ; then 5 
George] wentt to the challmer and knokit, bot nane 
ansuerit him ffor the doore was lokit, 2 and dang it wpe 
and fand no man thairin. Then he cry it, ' fy, Tressone, 
the king was gain, they knew nocht quhair.' Sum said 
he was passit to Banbreich to ane gentill woman, and 10 
wther said he was ridin to Stirling. Then George 3 lape 
on horse to ryde to Banbreich bot withtin tua myle he 
mett the earle of Rothes and schew him that the king 
was nocht thair. Then they passit to Falkland againe 
and tuik consulltatioun quhat was best to be done, and 15 
send ane haistie post to the Earle of Angus to Tam- 
tallan. 4 Be that, Archebald Douglas came out of 
How the Dundie and then they forgaderit altogither [ 5 to wit the 
wasrydand earle, George, and Archebald] and raid [alltogither] to 
the king. Stirling to the king. 20 


Hou the king maid proclamatioun. The douglasis consultatioun. 
Hou the king send for his lordis. The kingis lamentatioun to 
the lordis. The erle of Angus and his kin summond. The 
erle of Angus bannisit and put to the home. The oratioun 
anent the samyn. 

Bot sa schone as the king gat word of the Douglassis 
coming [he] send ane harrott of armes to the mercatt 

1 I omits words in brackets. 

2 I has "and the key with the king. Than he perceauit the dor 
to be lokit and." 3 I has no name here. 

4 I has " to aduerteis and schaw the maner how it stud. Be this 
George Dowglas come out of lowthiane and than," &c. 

5 I omits words in brackets. The date of the king's escape was 

JAMES V. 327 

crose, and thair be sound of trumpit commandit the How the 

king gart 

Earle of Angus, George Douglas, Archebald Douglas makproche- 


thesawrar witht all the rest of thair kin and freindis 
allayis, that nocht ane of thame sould come neir the 
5 kingis grace withtin the space of sex myleis wnder the Foi. m 6. 
paine of treassone. This proclamatioun being maid, 
the Earle of Angus and his freindis, adwertissit thairof, How the 


laid thair heidis togither and consultit quhat was best consuitit 


to be done tuiching that proclematioun. Sum said it 
10 was best to pase ford wart bot the earle and George 
concludit that they wald obey the king and his proclie- 
matioun, and returnitt again e and past bakwart to 
Lythtgow and thair remanitt ane day or tua quhill they 
gat word from the king quho was at that tyme richt 
15 bussie sendand for his lordis to haue thair consall : — To How the 

king send for 

witt, he send for the earle of Huntlie, the earle of ail the lordis 

to ane 

Argyle, the earle of Atholl, the earle of Glencairne, the consaii. 
earle of Menteith, the lord Ghrame, the lord Living- 
stoun, the earle of Rothes in Fyfe, the lord Lyndsay, 
20 the lord Sincklar, the lord Ruthven, the lord Drowmond, 
the lord Annerdaill, 1 the lord Maxwell, the lord Simpill, 
the earle of Eglintoun, witht bischope James 2 and con- 
wenitt thir saidis lordis at Stirling to ane consall the 
secund day of Julij 3 anno I ra v c xxiiij zeiris. And thair The king 


2K the king schew to thame his mynd witht great lemen- oftheearie 

J & . of Angus to 

tatioun, how he was haldin in subiection thir zeiris his lordis. 
bygane be the Earle of Angus his kin and freindis 
quha oppressit the haill contrie and spullzett it wnder 
the pretence of iustice and his autorietie and had slaine 
30 money of his lieges kinsmen and freindis 4 because they 
wald haue had him out of thair handis and put him to 
libertie as he aught to haue bene at the consall of his 

1 I has " Evindeill." 2 I has " Beattoun." 

3 I has "August 1525," Dalzell "June 1527." The true date 
is 1528. See Notes. 

4 I adds, "for his saik speciallie the Erie of Lennox his tender 
cousing becaus," &c. 



Fol. 112 a 

The earle of 
sowmond to 
the law. 

The earle of 



The wrie- 

haill lordis and not to haue ben subiectit nor correctit 
witht no particular man by the rest of my nobillis. Thair- 
for [he] desyrit the lordis that he might be satisfieit of 
the said earle his kin and freindis, ffor he wowit singu- 
larlie that Scottland sould nocht hald thame baitht quhill 5 
he war revengit on him. And this x the lordis heirand 
the kingis complent and lementatioun and also the great 
rage and furrie and malice that he buire towards the 
Earle of Angus and his kin and freindis, they concludit 
all and thocht it best that he sould be. sowmond to 10 
wnderlay the law and gif he fand nocht cautioun to enter 
nor zeit compeir himself that he sould be put to the 
home and banist during the kingis will. This was 
forder proceidit conforme to the lordis desyre and con- 
sail; the earle his kin and freindis war sowmond to find 15 
caution to wnderlay the law withtin ane certane day or 
ellis to be put to the home. The day the earle com- 
peirit nocht nor nane 2 for him and so he was put to the 
home witht all his kin and freindis so money as was 
continitt in the sowmondis that compeirit nocht was 20 
banist and haldin tratouris to the king. Now thairfoir 
we may sie that all new court 3 is nocht constant in 
eard bot ay is changeabill except the court of hevin 
celestiall quhairin thair is no [warience bot all constante 
luf in god into his glorie. Ffor this man the Earle of 25 
Angus having the court and king at his plesour and 
culd never be seperatit fre his grace nether be wisdome 
nor powar of mans ingyne bot quhene he was standand 
in his hieest degrie thinkand himself in peace and tran- 
quilietie witht his prince, dreadand no trubill nor cummer 30 
to come heirefter because he had debaittit so money 

1 " This " = thus. 

2 John Ballentyne, his secretary, appeared and protested on 4th 
September, but his protest was overruled, and sentence pronounced 
on 5th September 1528. — A. P., ii. p. 322 et set/. See Notes. 

3 I has "sie all that no court is constant, &c, bot all is varient 
and cheingabill." probably the right reading. 

JAMES V. 329 

trubillis befoir in his defence and had faughin so cruellie 
befoir and maid sic slaughter to defend his awin right 
and autorietie witht the king in tyme bygane; thinkand 
than that thair was no man to persew him rTor he had 
5 evin the wpper hand wpoun all thame that intendit to 
put him ffrome the court or gyding of the kingis grace : 
[ x Bot quhene the mightie god quho hes powar abone 
all earthlie men seand the proppit tyme of this mans 
feliecietie in court that it was neir spendit and caussit 

10 the court change by the expectatioun of man withtout 
ony cause movit the kingis hart to banische and forfalt 
this man as I haue schawin to zow. Thairfor lat everie 
man that desyris to be hie in court witht king or quen Fol. 112 b. 
or to ring in autorietie abone his nichtbouris, lat ws 2 

15 tak exampill of this forsaid buke that we haue writtin 
befoir, and in spetiall of this man, 3 the haistie change 
and deprevation that came sudenlie on him by the con- 
sideratioun of man. Thairfor lat all courteouris I say 
serue first god and syne thair prince and do to thair 

20 nichtbouris and brether as they wald be done witht all 
and then they sail obteine the fawour and mercie of 
god and come to his court that ringis in glorie and 
felicitie, 4 warld withtout end. Amen.] 

1 Dalzell omits the passage in brackets, which is both in A and I. 
He also abbreviates the earlier part of the chapter. 

2 I has "him." 

3 I inserts " the erle of angus." 

4 I. A has "fidilietie." 




Ane proclamatione made. The seige of tantalloun. Hou the king 
tuk arteilzerie out of the castell of dunbar. The slauchter of 
david falconer. Hou the king maid moyanis with the captane 
of the Castell of Tantalloun. Hou the captane desyred the 
erle of angus to furneiss him victuallis. The castell randerit 
at the kingis comand wpon certane conditionis. The condi- 
tionis grantit. 

Ane proclie- 



Ane wther 
tioun maid. 

The seige of 

Now we will returne to our historic The Earle of 
Angus his kin and freindis beand at the home in this 
maner as we haue schawin of befoir, the king maid pro- 
vitioun and procliematiouns throw all his realme to all 
and sindrie his lieges witht certefiecatioun quho ressawit 5 
this earle or his freindis quhatsumewer they war thay 
sould be haldin tratouris to the croun and participant 
of that factioun and cryme that the said earle and his 
freindis war conwickit. Ffarder the king made proclie- 
matioun into Fyfe, Angus, Stretherne, Stirlingschyre and 10 
Lowtheane, Merse and Tiwedaill to compeir at Edin- 
burgh the 10 day of December anno I m v c and xxvij 
zeiris, 1 that they may compeir the said day at Edinburgh 
witht xl dayis wictuall to pase witht him to Tamtallane 
to seige the samin; and to that effect gart send to the 15 
castell of Dunbar to Captane'Morise 2 and thair borrowit 
sum artaillze and layit great pledgis for the samin, 
because the castell was then in the Duik of Albanieis 
handis and the artaillze thairof his awin, bot it was 
ewer at the kingis plesour quhene he had ought to do 
and be the command of the said Duike of Albanie. 
Bot zeit for restoiring and deliuering of the samin and 
obserwing of ane goode order caussit the lordis to pase 
in pledge for the said artaillze quhill it war deliuerit 

1 I has " October 1525." The true date is October 1528. 

2 Maurice de Nogent. 


againe ; and ressawit the samin [in] maner as efter How the 

r 11 • r 1 1 kin & tuike 

followis, [that is to say, tuo gret cannonis, that is to theartaiiiz 

out of 

say, 1 thrawmmouth and hir marrow, witht tua greit Dumbar. 
battartis 2 and tua myans 3 and tuo doubill fallcons and °- II ^ a - 
5 foure quarter fallcons 4 witht thair powder and bullatis 
and gouneris for to wse them conform e to the kingis 
plesour]. Syne passit fordwart to Tamtallan and seigit 
the samin the space of xx dayis bot they come no speid ; 
quhither the castell was so strong or the gouneris cor- 

10 rupit be the Earle of Angus moyans, I can nocht tell. 
Bot the king left it and was constranit to depairt hame 
to Edinburgh againe withtout ony succes of wictorie or 
ony hope of the winning of the said castell bot had 
baitht mony men and horse slaine at the persuite of the 

15 said castell; and at his returning had ane nobill captane 

of weir slaine callit Dawid Falcunar quho was slaine and Thesiaugh- 

ter of Dawid 

murdreist cruellie be the handis of Archebald Douglas Falcunar. 
wmquhill thesawrar and father brother to the said earle. 
At quhose slaughter the king was hevelie displeissit and 

20 lamented the same greatlie, casting all the ingyne that 
he might be his consall to obtein the castell of Tam- 
tallan, knawand weill gif he had the castell thair wald 
be no ressorting to the earle nor to his freindis into that 
contrie. Thairfor he caussit sindrie lordis and gentill- 

25 men to mak moyans witht the said captane callit Simon 

Penango, 5 promissand to him great giftis and rewairdis How the 

. . . . king maid 

batht of land, [and] geir, witht the kingis spetiall favouns moyan witht 
and remeit of all thingis bypast to the said captane and his Tamtallan. 
brother and his freindis or serwandis quhome he desyrit 
30 excepand the Douglassis. In all thingis off thir offeris 

1 I has " thrawin mouthed and hir marrow," &c. Dalzell in a 
note, p. 337, calls this passage in brackets from "a recent manu- 
script." He may have seen a recent copy, but the passage is 
plainly from an old text. 

2 "Battardis." See Glossary. 

3 "Myans" — i.e., half-sized cannons. 

4 See Notes as to these kinds of artillery. 5 I has " Pannago." 



Fol. 113 b. 

How the 
captan de- 
syrit the 
earle of An- 
gus to fur- 
nische him 

The castell 
wpoun thir 

the captane tuik to be advyssit be ane certane day and 
syne promissit to gif the king ane ansuer conforme to his 
desyre ; and in the meane tyme the said captane sent to 
the earle, Archebald and George, to wit quhat was thair 
myndis, schawand to thame that he was ewill wictillit 5 
and wantit artaillze pulder and bullattis, thairfor de- 
syrand the said earle and his freindis to furneische him 
thairwith withtin ane certane day or then wtherwayis it 
war force to him to rander the forsaid castell to the 
kingis grace or wtheris in his name that persewit it. 10 
The earle heirand this message of his captaine was 
nowayse contentit heirof because he knew weill he could 
on no wyse support him of his desyre nether witht 
artaillze pulder nor bullattis because he had nane at 
that tyme nor could provyde nane haistallie, nor zeit 15 
could he furnische thame witht wictuallis nether be sie 
or land because the king had watchis on thame, that is 
to say, schipis on the sie and gentillmen on the land 
ewer watchand that no furnisching sould come to the 
said castell. The captan luikand for ane 1 ansuer of 
his maister the earle and of his freindis in this behalf 2 
appoyntit witht the king and randerit the said castell to 
him on thir conditiounis as efter followis, that is to say 
that the kingis grace sail remitt to the said Captane 
Simon all offences done be the said Symon to the kingis 
maiestie or wther wayse contrair the commone weill sail 
gif him ane frie remissioun thairof to him and to his 
serwandis and sail grant to him all [bygane] bagage 
saifand 3 the said castell, of all maner of thingis saifand 
artaillze and wappouns wssit in defence of the place ; 30 
thir salbe deliuerit to the king bot all wther furnisching 
gold and silluer clething or abullzementis or wictuallis 

1 I has "getting this." 

2 I has " of angus knawand no support to cum to him be the said 
erle nor his freindis. " 

3 I omits " bygane," and reads " all bag saiff in the," &c. Dalzell 
reads " bag and baggage." 

james v. 333 

salbe the said captans to dispone at his plesour. Of 
this appoyntment the king and his counsall was werrie The CO n- 
weill content and ressaiffit the said castell of Tamtallane grantit. 
fre Symon the captane and revairdit him according to 
the kingis promise. 


Hou the king garnesit tamtalloun. Ane proclamatioun maid. Hou 
the douglasis past in Ingland. Ane parliament set. The 
douglasis foirfaltit. The cheinging of the kingis ofticearis. 
Ane Convention set at edinburgh. Ane proclamatioun maid. 
Hou the king passit to Meggitland. John Armstrong 

Schortlie heirefter the king gart garnische the Castell How the 
of Tantalloun witht men of weir and artaillze and pat nischitthe 


in ane new captane, to wit Oliepheir Sincklar and caussit Fol- „ 
maissouns come and rainforce the samin wallis quhilk 
10 was left waist of befoir, as transses and throw passagis 
and maid all massie wark to that effect that it sould be 
wnwinabill in tymeis comming to ony enemeis that wald 
come to persew it. Syne gart mak procliematiounis Prodiema- 

tioun maid. 

throw all the realm e that no man sould foster, succour 
15 or sustene no Douglasses withtin thair boundis, and 

thairefter gart bring in thair rentis, maillis and dewtieis 

to the kingis awin profeit, to that effect that they sould 

be poore and haue no strength in tymes coming. 

The Douglasses seand this that they could on nawayse 
20 obteine the kingis fawour that they might remaine in 

Scottland, thai consultit amang them selffis and past to How the 

tii i'i 1 1 r ii- i • Douglasses 

Ingland, quhair they war ressawit thankfullie and inter- past in 


teined tenderlie witht king Harne the aught quho sus- 

tenit thame werie honourable ane lang quhyll. This 

25 beand doun the king heirand tell of thair absence gart 

sett ane parlieament at Edinburgh the 25 day of Marche mem sett. 



The Doug- 
lassis for- 

The chang- 
ing of the 

Ane conven- 
tioun maid 
at Edin- 

Ane proclie- 



Fol. 114 b. 

How the 
king passit 
to Meggat- 



in the zeir of god I m v c xxvij zeiris 1 and thair in 
presentis of the king and his thrie estaittis, the said 
Earle of Angus his kin and freindis war all forfaltit and 
thair landis annexit to the croun ; and this forfalting 
and proces led as I haue schawin zow, the king past to 
Stirling and thair remanitt ane space and changit money 
of his offieceris that is to say, thesawrar, comtrollar, 
secrietar, and Maister houshald witht mony wther offeceris 
quhilk pleissit him to remove for the time and pat wtheris 
in thair plassis, that he thocht mair expedient to be in 
thair rowmes. Syne heirefter maid ane convention at 
Edinburgh witht all his haill lordis and barrouns to 
consult how he might stanche all thift and reif withtin 
his said realme and cause the commons to leif in peace 
and rest quhilk lang tyme had bene perturbit lang befoir 
ffor fault of goode gyding of ane 2 king. To this effect 
the king maid procliematioun to all lordis barrouns and 
gentillmen landit friehalderis that they sould compeir 
at Edinburgh with ane monethis wictuallis to pase witht 
the king quhair he pleissit, to that effect to dantoun the 20 
theiffis of Annerdaill and Liddisdaill witht wther pairtis 
of that cuntrie and allso wairnit all gentillmen that had 
goode dogis to bring them witht -them that he might 
hunt in the said contrie as he plessit. The quhilk the 
earle of Argyle, the earle of Hountlie, the earle of 25 
Atholl and also all the rest of the gentillmen of the 
hielands brocht thair houndis witht them in lyk maner 
to hunt ane deir witht the king as he pleissit. The 
secund day of Juin the king passit out of Edinburgh to 
Meggatland to the huntting with money of the nobillis 30 
and gentillmen of Scottland witht him to the number of 
xij M men and thair passit to Meggatland and huntit 

1 I has "9 March 1526." The true date was September 1528. 
There does not seem to have been a second forfeiture, but in 1540 
Parliament ratified an extract of the sentence. — A.P., ii. p. 401. See 
Notes. 2 I has "ane"; A has "auld," wrongly. 

James v. 335 

all the contrie and boundis, that is to say Cranmat, the 
Paiplaw, Sanct Marie Leuis, Callenrick chapell, Ewsdoris 
and Langoupe, 1 and I hard say he slew in the boundis 
xviij xx of hairttis. Efter this huntting he hangit Johnne johnne 


Armestrang and his compleces to the number of xxxvj 2 hangit. 
persouns of the quhilk thair was werie mony sorrowfull 
bath in Ingland and Scottland. 3 

This beand done the king returnit hame to Edinburgh 
the xxviij day of Juin in the zeir of god I m v c and xxviij 


Hou the king passit to the hieland to the hunting. Hou the erle 
of Athole maid ane curius pallice. Hou the erle of Athole 
maid ane bancatt to the king. The erle of Atholes expensis. 
Hou mony wyld beistis the king sleu in the hieland at this 

And efter this the king remanitt in the castell sum 
tymes mekill of the winter tyde. Syne the nixt sommer How the 
passit to the hieland to hunt in Atholl and tuik witht tothehie- 
him his mother Margarit quen of Scottland and ane huntting. 

15 ambassadour of the paipis quho 5 was in Scottland for 
the tyme. The Earle of Atholl heirand of the kingis 
coming maid ane great provisioun ffor him in all thingis 
pertening to ane prince, that he was as weill servitt and 
eassit witht all thingis necessar pertening to his estaitt How the 

20 as he had bene in his awin palice in Edinburgh. He to the king 
wantit no thing ffor I hard say this nobill Earle of Atholl Royaii 

gart mak ane curieous palice to the king and to his 
mother and to the ambassadour quhair they war honour- 

1 I has " crannat, the pappart law, sanctmarielowis, callenrik 
chappell, eusdorris and langop. " Dalzell omits. For the locality 
of these places, see Notes. 2 I has "xxvj." 

3 The true date of the king's return seems to have been July 1529. 
B has the rest of the story as in Freebairn's and Dalzell's editions. 
I follows text. See Notes. 4 I has "August 1527." 

5 I has " paippis callit quha. " The name is blank. See 




abill ludgit as they had ben in Ingland France, Itallie 
and Spaine ffor thair huntting and pastyme quhilk was 
buildit in the midis of ane fair medow ane faire palice 
of greine tymmer wond witht birkis l that war grein batht 
wnder and abone, quhilk was fesnitt in foure quarteris 5 
and everie quarter and nuike thairof ane greit round 
as it had bene ane blokhouse quhilk was loftit and iestit 2 
the space of thrie house hight ; the fluir 3 laid witht greine 
cherittis 4 witht sprattis 5 medwartis 6 and flouris. Then 
no man knew quhairon he zeid bot as he had bene in ane 10 
gardin. Farder thair was tua great roundis in ilk syde of 
the zeit and ane greit portculis of trie falland doune the 
maner of ane barrace witht ane greit draw brege, and ane 
great fowsie 7 and strak 8 of watter of sextene foot deipe 
and xxx futte braid of watter and also this palice withtin 15 
was weill syllit and hung witht fyne tapistrie and arrasis 9 
of silk, and sett and lightit witht fyne glassin wondowis in 
Foi. 115 a. all airttis [so] that this palice was allis pleisantlie decoirit 
witht all necessaris pertenand to ane prince as it had 
bene his awin palice royall at hame. Farder this earle 20 
Theearieof gart mak sic provitioun ffor the king and his mother 
anebankitto and that stranger the ambassadour that thai had all 
maner of meittis, drinkis, deliecattis that was to be 
gottin at that tyme in all Scottland either in burght or 
in land that might be gottin for money; that is to say, 25 
all 10 kynd of drink, as aill, beir, wyne, batht quhyte wyne 

1 "Birkis"= birches. " " Iestit "=joisted. See Glossary. 

3 I has " fluir layd with greine scheirrittis with sprottis medwartis 
and flouris that na," &c. 

4 " Cherittis "= " scharits," sods of turf. See Glossary. 

5 " Sprattis " — i.e., rushes. See Glossary. 

6 " Medwartis " — i.e., meadow-sweets. 

7 " Fowsie " = fosse. See Glossary. 

8 I has " stank " = pool ; "straik" = tract or stretch.' 

9 I has " arasis," a kind of tapestry from Arras ; A has " arrows," 

10 Dalzell omits these details in the text, but puts them in a note 
as from a later MS. 

james v. 337 

and clairit, mallvesie musticat 1 and allacant, inchethrist 
and accqquitie. Ffarder thair was of meittis, of breid 
quhyte breid maine breid 2 and gingebreid, 3 witht flesches, 
beif, muttun, lambes, 4 cuning, 5 cran, 6 suan, wile guse, 
5 pertrick 7 and plever, 8 duke, 9 Brissill cok 10 and powins 1] 
togither witht blak cok and murefoull and cappercallzes ; 
and also the stankis that was round about the palice was 
sowmond full of all deliecat fisches, as sallmond, troutis 
and perches, pykis and eilis and all wther kynd of 

10 deliecat fisches that could be gottin in fresche watteris 
was all redy to be prepairit for the bancat. Syne was 
thair proper stewartis and cuning baxteris and also ex- 
cellent cuikis and potiseris 12 witht confectiounis and 
drogis ffor thair desairtis. All thir thingis beand in 

15 order and prepairit as I haue schawin, hallis, chameris 
and witht costlie beding, weschell and naiperie accord- 
ing for ane king, nathing deminischit of his ordour more 
nor he had bene at hame in his awin palice. The king 
remanit in this present wildernes at the huntting the 

20 space of thrie dayis and thrie nightis, and his companie 
as I haue schawin to zow affoir. I hard men say that 
ewerie day was the Earle of Atholl in expenssis ane Theearieof 
thowsand pound. This ambassadour of the paipis seand expenssis 
this great bancat and treumph being maid in ane wilder- 

25 nes, quhair thair was not toune neir be xx myle, thocht 
it ane great merwell that sic ane thing sould be in Scott- 

1 I has " muscatie and allagant, inpechryst and attaquytie" — i.e., 
Muscatel and Alicante, Hippocras and Aqua Vitse. See Glossary. 

2 " Maine breid " = almond bread, or a light fine kind of bread. 

3 " Gingebreid " = probably gingerbread, but I has "gaige." 

4 I adds, " veall and venisoun, guse, gryce and capoun and," &c. 

5 " Cuning " = conies, or rabbits. 

6 " Cran " = cranes or herons. 

7 " Pertrick " = partridges. 8 " Plever " = plovers. 

9 I has "duik, draik, mortoun and murfowll with goudneis 
brissell cok pownis blakcok and caperkeillzie." See Glossary. 

10 ' ' Brissill cok "= turkeys ? 

11 << Powins " = peacocks. 12 I has " potingareis." 




land considerand that it was bot the erse of the warld 
be wther contries, thair sould be sic honestie and 
polliecie in it and spetiall in the hieland, quhair thair 
is bot wode and wildernes. Bot maist of all this am- 
bassadour merwellit quhene the king depairtit and all 
his men tuike thair leif, the hieland men sett all this 
fair palice in ane fyre that the king and his ambas- 
sadouris might sie thame. Then the ambassadour said 

Foi. us t- to the king, ' I merwell that ze sould tholl zone fair 
1 palice to be brunt that zour grace hes ben so weill 
1 ludgit into.' Than the king ansuerit the ambassadour 
and said, ' it is the wse of our hielandmen thocht thay 
1 be newer so weill ludgit, to burne thair ludging quhene 
1 they depairt' This being done, the king turnit to 
Dunkell that night and on the morne to S. Johnstoun. 

How money I hard say the king at that tyme in the boundis of 

wyld beistis 

Atholl and Stretherne, that is to say Benglow, Benewrne 
and Bencrwine, 1 betuix the hillis and in the boundis 
forsaidis slew xxx scoir of heartis and hyndis witht 
wther small beistis as re and rebuke, 2 wolf and fox, 
and wyldcattis. 3 

1 I has "begining at beneurie and benecrumie betuix thir hillis," 
&c. The text is a better reading. The hills meant are probably 
Ben a Glo and Ben Iutharn, in Blair Atholl, but the third has not 
been identified. See Notes. 

2 Roe and roebuck, female and male roe-deer. 

3 I adds, " This was in the zeir of god I m v c xxviij zeiris." The 
true date is 1531. 

the king 
slew in the 


r 5 

james V. 339 


IIou the king passit to Sanct Johnstoun dundie and Sanctandros. 
Hou the king biggit ane fair pallice in the abay of halyrudes. 
Hou ane ambassadour come out of ingland. Hou the quene 
tuik ane enterprys. Hou the king promisit to gang to ingland 
to the king thairof. And hou the bischopis wald nocht suffer 
him. And hou thay buddit him nocht to gang. Hou the king 
of Scotland met lord Williame. 

Heireftir the king past to Sanct Johnstoun and re- How the 

..... . . king past 

manit thair at his plesour, and syne ane day or tua toSanct 


to Dindie quhair he was honourable ressawit and weill 
intertenit be the constabill thairof and the honest bur- 
5 gessis thair and remanit thair thrie dayis, and syne 
passit to Sanctandrois and his mother witht him and 
the ambassadour and thair remanit quhill the Michall- 
mas perdoun 1 and was weill intertenit be bischope James 
Bettoun and pryour Patrick Hepburne. Syne passit to 
10 Stirling and remanitt thair the maist pairt of the winter; 
syne the nixt spring of the zeir come to Edinburgh and 
foundit ane fair palice in the Abbay of Hallierudhous and How the 
ane greit towre to him self to rest into quhene he pleissit ane fair 

palice in the 

to come to the toun. Ffarder he send to Flanderis and Abbay Hai- 

15 brocht hame artaillzie and harneis witht powder and 
bullat and pickis witht all kynde of wther 2 munitioun 
pertenand to ane prince and garnischit his castellis 
thairwitht, to wit, the castell of Edinburgh, the castell 
of Stirling, Dumbartane and the Blaknes ; and ffarder he 

20 translaitit the palice of Lythtgow and bigit ane prettie 
palice in the castell of Stirling. 3 In this zeir thair came 

1 "Perdoun" — i.e., the Sunday before Michaelmas day. See 
Glossary. 2 I has " ordour of." 

3 This differs from the table of contents, which says James built 
the palace at Holyrood, but he also built the palace at Stirling. 
See Notes. 




Howane ane ambassadour out of Ingland nameit Lord Williame 


come out of witht ane bischope witht him in companie with money 
wther gentillmen to the number of iij xx of horse in tryne, 
quhilk was all abill men and waillit l men ffor all kynd of 


Fol. 116 a. 

How the 
quene tuik 
ane inter- 

games and pastymes as schotting, lepping ryding and 5 
warsling. 2 Bot they war weill sayit 3 or they past out of 
Scottland [and] that be thair awin provocatioun bot ewer 
they tint, quhill at last the quen of Scottland the kingis 
mother fawored the Inglischemen so because scho was 4 
the king of Inglandis sister; and thairfor scho tuik ane 10 
interpryse of aircharie wpoun the Inglischemenis handis 
contrair the kingis grace hir sone and ony sex in Scott- 
land that he wald waill ether gentillmen or zemen that 
the said Inglischemen sould schute aganis thame ether 
at prickis, 4 reveris 5 or at buttis as the Scottis pleissit. 15 
The king heirand this of his mother was contentit of hir 
bonspell 6 and gart her pand 7 ane hunder crouns and ane 
tune of wyne wpoun the Inglischemenis handis and hie 
incontienent laid done sa mekill ffor the Scottismen. 
The feild and the ground was in Sanctandrois and the 20 
men chossin, thre landit gentillmen and thrie zemen 8 
to schut aganis the Inglischemen to wit, Dawid Wemes 
of that Ilk, Dauid Arnet of that Ilk, Mr Johnne Wader- 
burne wickar of Dundie; the zemen Johnne Thomsone 
of Leytht, Stewin Taburner witht ane 9 Baillzie, ane 25 
pyper, that schot felloun neir and warrit the Inglische- 
men of tymes be neir schutting, bot the rest of airchouris 

1 "Waillit" — i.e., "waled " or chosen men. See Glossary. 

2 * ' Warsling " = wrestling. 

3 " Sayit " = assayit — i.e., tried. 

4 "Prickis" or "prickes," and " prickewandes," were marks 
used in archery. See Glossary. 

5 " Reveris " = rovers — i.e., arrows shot at an elevation, contrasted 
with " buttes," when the bow is held level. See Glossary. 

6 " Bonspeil" = game. See Glossary. 

7 "Pand" — i.e., pledge. See Glossary. 

8 " Zemen " = yeomen. 

9 I has "callit." 


schott far and wight, 1 and warit the Inglischemen of the 
interpryse and wan the hunder crouns and the toune of 
wyne ffrome the quens grace and so maid the king werie 
mirrie that his men had win the game. 
5 Ffarder this ambassadour was ressawit and gat pre- 
sents in Sanctandrois quhair he presentit his commis- 
sioun fre the king of Ingland into the king of Scottland 
promissand him gif he wald come to Ingland to speik 
witht him he sould mak him Duke of Zork and gover- 
10 nour and protectour of Ingland and put his zoung sone 
in his handis in keiping induring his minorietie. The 
king was werie weill contentit witht his desyre and 
promissit to Lord Williame that he sould come quhene How the 

king pro- 
he saw tyme conwenent and his realme stabhschit and missit to 

pase to Ing- 

1 c put to order, he sould nocht faill to come to his onkill land to the 

king thairol. 

the king of Ingland to him in quhat place he pleissit. Foi. u6b. 
This being done the ambassadour passit hame into 
Ingland witht the kingis grace ansuer to thair maister 
the king of Ingland quho was werie hartlie weill content 
20 and werie glad, beleifand the king of Scottlandis promise. 

Never-the-less the wickit bischopis of Scottland wald How the 

bischop wald 

nocht tholl the king to pas thair, bot caussit him to not suffer the 

king to pas 

send ane ambassadour to excuse him that he might in ingland. 
nocht come at that tyme because in the northt pairtis 

25 of his realme thair was great slaughter and he might 
nocht come till he punischit thame. Ffor the bischopis 
coniectit in thair myndis that gif king Harrie mett witht 
our king of Scottland that he wald cause him to cast 
doune the abbayis of Scottland lykeas he had done in 

30 Ingland ; thairfor they budit the king to byde at hame How they 

. .. . budit him 

and gif him nj M pund be zeir of thair benefices for to nocht 1 
sustein his house and expenssis thairon. Bot in this 
mean tyme thair raise great trubill and heirscheipis in 
the borderis, that the king of force behuffit to send his 
35 brother the Earle of Murray to the borderis and maid 
1 "Wight" — i.e., strong. 



How the him lutennent generall and devydit the haill realme of 

realme of ° J 

Scottiand Scottland in foure pairtis and caussit ewerie ane of 

was devydit *■ 

"afrtis 6 thame to keip thair quarteris quhilk contenitt the space 
of ane zeir quhilk was callit efterwart be the common 
pepill the quarter-raid. Zeit the king was constranitt to 5 
send ane ambassadour to Ingland nameit the bischope 
of Aberdene, 1 witht him thrie ancient knyghtis to 
wit [Schir William Scott of Balwirie] Schir Dawid 
Barklay of Collernie, Schir Alexander Stewart of 

i.foi. 79*. Gartlies. 2 [ 3 Thir ambassadouris passit with the 10 
kingis commissioun and promeisit that he sould 
meit the king of ingland in zork the day and place 
was set that is to say within zeir and day the king 
sould come and meit lord William 4 the ambassadour 
of the king of inglandis at ane pairt callit 5 15 

vpoune the bordouris betuix bayth the realmes and 
thair lord William the ambassadour was reddie at the 
day appointit to haue had resauit the king of Scotland 
conforme to his promeis and thaireftir to haue convoyit 
him to Zork with mony of the nobillitie of ingland for to 20 
haue met with^king harie his vnckill quha than was at 
Zork remaineing vpone the king of scotlandis cuming to 
him as his promeis was. Ffor the quhilk caus king harie 
of ingland had maid gret preparatioun of all thingis 
necessar for thair royall estait of the king of scotlandis 25 
cuming and for his awin honour and magnificence of his 
realme and nobillitie thairof for I hard say thair was 
nevir sic provisioun nor preparatioun maid for na 

1 "Mr William Stewart," according to I. He was bishop in 
1532. See Notes. 

2 B puts Stewart first and adds "Schir Dauid Weymes of that 
Ilk"; I adds, "with Androw Fernie of that Ilk and Michael Scot 
zoung laird of balwirie with vtheris dyuerss gentilmen." Sir William 
Scot and Andrew Fernie were two of Pitscottie's authors. See 

3 The passage within brackets is from I. Bishop Stewart went as 
ambassador to England in 1 533 (Keith's Scotch Bishops). See Notes. 

4 Lord William Howard. 5 The place of meeting is blank. 

james v. 343 

tryumphe nor meiting that evir was nather within 
the realme of Scotland nor in ingland seine thay war 
first inhabitite as was than prepairit be the king of 
ingland for meitting of the king of Scotland quhilk 
5 sould haue beine at Zork gif all promeisis had stand 
quhilk was maid be the king of Scotland bot in the 
meintyme the king of Scotland wald fayne haue keipit 
his promeis becaus his awin ambassadouris had promeisit 
the samyn in his name ze 1 and had conclwdit pace thair- 

10 vpoun and intercheingit the gret seallis of bayth the said 
realmes for securetie of the samyn. Thairfoir the king 
was laith to haue brokin the samyn bot euill and per- 
wersit cunsall gave him sic terrouris and feir of 
the king of Ingland Sayand to him that he wald do 

15 nothing bot desawe him. Bot zit the king of Scotland 
dewysed ane craftie meane in his awin conseit how he 
micht meit lord William and be vnknawin and keip his 
promeis to him and to that effectt he passit to the bor- 
dour syd disagyssit with four and twenty hors to the 

20 plaice appoincted quhair he sould meit lord William 
to wit at the kirk of 2 Bot quhen he come 

thair he was areyit and prepairet in ane serwandis 
claithes that they sould nocht knaw him bot that he 
sould keip the promeis of meitting and be thair in 

25 proper persoun and be vnknawin bot quhen the king 
of Scotland lichtit at the ludging and place quhair lord 
William remanit for that tyme it happnit lord Wil- 
liam for to be at the kirk heirand mes nocht knawand 
the suddane cuming of the king of Scotland nor had 

30 set na waches thairvpone. The king of Scotland 
seand all quyett and lord William absent and seand the 
disihone 3 prepairit heistelie he and his cumpanie eittit 
the samyn and payit the oistler of the lwdging thairfoir. 
And syne he lap on hors and quhen he was on horsback 

1 " Ze " = yea. 2 Blank in text, and also in I. 

3 "Disihone" — Fr. dejezme, or breakfast. See Glossary. 


tuk instruments that he had keipit his promeis to lord 
William and fand him absent and na man thair for him. 
Thairfoir the king left the effectt of the instruments 1 be- 
hind him to lat lord William sie that he had beine thair. 
Syne spurred his hors and red hamevvard againe to scot- 5 
land so be this meane he ansuerit lord William bot quhan 
lord William returned frome the kirk and knew that the 
king of Scotland had beine and had mockit him in that 
maner he become as ane man bereft of his wit or ane 
madman seand that he had frustrat him sellff of his 10 
besienes quhilk he was directit be his maister king 
harie. Bot zit quhan he had ressounit with him sellff 
and saw thair was na remeid he returned heimward to 
Zork to his maister king harie and schew him the maner 
hou the king of Scotland had mockit him and schew him 15 
that he was nocht myndfull to cum to him at that tyme. 
Of thir nowellis the king of ingland was verie heavilie 
displeissit and promeisit that he sould nevir cum so far 
north againe in the realme of ingland for nothing that 
sould happin.] 20 

Thir ambassadouris 2 fforsaid passit witht the kingis 
commissioun 3 and ane secreit wrytting writtin witht- the 
kingis awin hand seillit on the bak thairon that no 
man sould oppin the said wrytting quhiil it was pre- 
sentit to the king of Inglandis grace, giffand the 25 
bischope strait command that no man sould sie the 
samin nether withtin nor withtout and that he wald 
keip the samin secreit nor schew it nor rewell it nocht 
to nane wther bot to him self allone, and send him 
ansuer thairwpoun writtin witht his awin hand that 30 
Fol. 117 «. no scrybe nor consall nor nane wtheris sould knaw 
the secreittis betuix thame tua bot them selffis allaner- 

1 That is, a copy of the purport of the instruments or documents 
of protest. 

2 The Scotch ambassadors. This passage to the end of the 
chapter is omitted here, but inserted later in MS. I. 

3 I places what follows in 1542. 

james v. 345 

lie. The ambassadouris past to Ingland at the kingis 
commandement and thair was weill ressawit be King 
Harrie at Loundoun quhair they presentit thair com- 
missioun to king Hairrie in the king of Scottlandis 
5 name witht the secreit writting, in the kingis 1 awin 
hand, desyrand him to keip the same quyit and 
secreit that no man sould sie it bot him self allaner- 
lie, and to send the king of Scottland his ansuer 
againe thairwpoun writtin witht his awin hand lyke 

10 as he had done to him. Of the quhilk the king of 
Ingland was werie glade and promist the samin, that 
no man sould sie the said wryttin bot his awin body. 
This being done, the ambassadouris passit to thair 
ludging and maid mirrie till on the morne they war 

15 send ffor to the castell lyke wther ambassadouris as 
was thair. The bischope being sett in the consall 
conforme to his estaitt seand the bourde all full of 
wryttingis and lettres of sindrie ambassadouris of wther 
contrieis ewerie ane for thair awin effairis as they had 

20 ado, bot in spetiall 2 he saw the kingis secreit [wrytting] 
lyand oppin and patent to all the haill consall to reid 
quha plessit. At this the bischope was werie angrie 
and thocht the king had nocht done his dewtie to his 
maister the king of Scottland in the putting of the 

25 writting befor all the haill consall, considderand the 
kingis promise. Ffor this cause 3 the bischope start 
frome the burde and tuik the king of Ingland be the 
hand and lede him to the wondow and said to him 
thir wordis as efter followis, that is to say : ' Schir 

30 ' and it pleis zour Maiestie and I durst say it witht 
1 zour licence, ze haue sellit 4 our maister the king of 

1 A has " Hairrieis" wrongly. 

2 I here places " Schir James Leirmonth of Darsay lmicht." 

3 I has " Sir James passed to the king and fell upon his knees." 

4 I has "faillit." "Sellit" in the text is perhaps what has now 
become schoolboys' slang, or it may be the/" in "faillit" miscopied 
as long s. See Glossary. 



Fol. 1 17 b. 

Scottland.' The king ansuerit the bischope sayand 
god forbid Schir bischope that I do so, to sell my 
sister sone; be the mese or I sell him I had rather 
put the croun of Ingland in ieopardie aganis ony 
man that wald preif the samin bot gif ze can gar 5 
me not wnderstand quhairin I haue sellit him ze 
salbe the authour of the samin ze sell zour self.' 
The bischope ansuerit, 'Schir witht zour pardone, ze 
promist that the secreit writting that I presentit to 
zow from his grace, that no man sould sie it bot 10 
zour awin body, and now Schir it is heir present 
and patent befoir the consall oppin that all men 
may reid it that pleissis.' The king ansuerit, 'Be 
the mese,' sayis he, 'lord bischope ze ar all dessawit 
ffor no man is zonder bot my awin body in thame 15 
and thame in me, ffor thair is nan zonder dar tuiche l 
it wnder the paine of hanging quartering and drawing, 
forfalting of thair landis ; and gif zour king wse ony 
wther privie means bot be his honest and wyse con- 
sall in the goverment of his realme and his awin 20 
body, he will not rax lang nor zeit haue his realme 
in peace and rest. Thairfor schaw him, I nor hie 
nor nane wther king may be raknitt be 2 our consall 
to do ony gode act or to govern our realme in 
peace and rest for manteining of our common weill 25 
and preserwatioun of our awin bodyis.' Be this the 
king had endit his speiche 3 he sat doun and the 
bischope to the consall quhair 4 all matteris war drest 
and ane goode ansuer gevin to the bischope concern- 
ing his commissieoun. Bot he was not haistalie de- 3° 
liuerit at that tyme bot remanit in Ingland the space 
of ane quarter of ane zeir, and efter this the bischope 

1 B has "reweill." 2 I.e., without. 

3 I differs here, placing the incident at a later date under different 
circumstances. Dalzell gives the same version as A. 

4 Dalzell. A reads "how." 

JAMES v. 347 

com hame and schew the king the maner and how 
he had spede in this commissioun tuching my lord of 
Angus and the Douglassis and saw the king of Ingland 
sa gine to intertein thame that the king tuik ane greit 
5 suspitioun of thame and of thair faworaris that was in 
Scottland for the tyme. And spetiall for Drumlainrick 
witht wther of the surname of the Douglassis. 


Hou the lady glames was brunt. The maister of forbes justifeit. 
Ane combat betuixe the laird of drumlenrieg and the laird of 
hempfeild. The burning of the wickar of dolor. 

The lady Glames 1 quho was accussit at that tyme How the 

c - , . . . - . lady Glames 

tor crymes of leismaiestie, was convic thairof and wasbruntt. 
10 brunt wpoun the castell hill of Edinburgh. And in 

that meane tyme the maister of Forbes was convict How the 

r , -..-.- . . maister of 

for the same treassoun and lustieneit, quho confessit Forbes was 
quhene he dieit he was innocent off the cryme quhilk Fo]> Il8 a% 
they layit to his charge and accussit of, bot he knew 
15 weill it was the innocent slaughter of the laird of 
Meldrum that caussit him to die that deid and nocht 
for treassone committit aganis the kingis grace. Sone 
efter this thair was ane combatt of singular battell betuix Ane singular 

combatt be- 

the laird of Drumlanrick 2 and the laird of Hempsfeild 3 tuix the 

laird of 

20 quho provockit wther in barras 4 to fight to deid ffor Dr V m j ai j ri . c )j 
certane poyntis of treassone was rehearssit betuix thame {■f i Jj emps " 
tua. Bot quhene the day was sett and they compeirit 
at Edinburgh in the barras baith inairmeit at all pairtis, 5 
Drumlanrick being sum thing sand blind and saw nocht 

25 weill and straik so furieouslie and so heat at his 
marrow, quhill he knew 6 quhither he hat him or 

1 See Notes as to Lady Glamis and the Master of Forbes. 

2 Sir James Douglas. 3 Sir Robert Charteris of Amisfield. 

4 I.e., in the lists. 5 I has "peicis." 6 I has "nocht." 


nocht; bot in the meane tyme the laird of Hempsfeild 
suord brak betuix his handis and then the king 1 gart 
cray to the heraldis and men of amies to red them and 
so they war stanchit and faught no more. And in lyk- 
wyse thair was money southland men that appeillit wther 5 
in barras 2 to fight in singular battell 3 to the deid for 
certane crymes of leismaiestie. 

Ffarder, in this zeir thair was certane godlie men 
quho professit the evangell of Christ was callit and 
accussit befoir the bischopes and kirkmen and was con- 10 
The burning demtt and brunt be the kingis commissioun at Edinburgh 

of the wicar 

ofDoiiour. the zeir of god I m v c and xx 4 zeiris, the names of thame 
to wit, the wickar of Dollour Mr Normand Gowrlay, 
Dawid Strattoun ane brother of the laird of Lowrinstoun. 
The accussatioun of the wicar of Dollour and the artickellis 15 
thairof conteinand these heides as efter followis, that is 
to say, Mr Johnne Lauder rede the artickillis, sayand 
in this maner, * Fallis arratick, thow sayis it is nocht 
c lesum to kirkmen to tak their teindis offringis and 

Foi. n8*. ' croce presentis, thocht we haue bene in wse of the 20 
' samin constitut and [ordanit be] 5 the kirk, our kingis 
* and our hollie father the pope lies confirmed the 
1 samin.' The wicar of Dollour ansuerit sayand, ' Brother 
1 I said nocht so bot I say it is not lesum to kirkmen to 
1 spend the teindis and the patromeney of the kirk as 25 
' they do on harlattis and houris and deliecat clething, 
1 ryottous bancating and vvantoun playing at cairttis and 
1 dice, and the kirk rewin and the pullpit doun and the 

1 Dalzell inserts " on the castle wall," a mistake. See Notes. 

2 I inserts "befoir the kingis grace." " Barras " = lists. 
:i Freebairn reads "for ane singular combat." 

4 I has "xxix." The true dates are February 1539, when Thomas 
Forret, Vicar of Dollar, was burnt, and August 1534 when Galloway 
and Strattoun were burnt. Galloway is called Gowrlay by Knox 
(Hist, of Reform., i. 58), but Dalzell in his edition has by mistake 
Galloway, and so also has Freebairn. See Notes. 

5 I. A has "order of." 

james v. 349 

•' pepill nocht instructit in godis word, nor the sacra- 
' mentis trewlie ministrat to thame as the scriptour of 
1 Christ commandis.' The accusser ansuerit, ' Denyis 
1 thow that thing that is oppinlie knawin in the contrie 
5 ' that thow gaif againe to the parochinaris the kow and 
1 the wmest cloth, sayand, thow had no ressone into 
' thame.' The wicar ansuerit and said, ' I gaif thame 
' againe to them that had mair mister 1 of thame nor 
' I had.' The accusar says, ' Arratick, thow teichit 

io ' and leirnit all thai parochinnaris to pray into god 
1 the primer in Inglische, 2 and the ten commandis, 
' quhilk is contrair to our actis ; sail the common pepill 
1 knaw ony pairt or poynt of the scriptour of god in 
1 Inglische nor ony pairt of the scriptour sould be rede 

15 'in Inglishe nor na buikis conterfitt thairwpoun sould 
' be wssit in Inglische.' The wicar ansuerit and said, 
1 Brother, my parochinaris and congregatioun was so 
' rude and barbarus that they understud na lattin, that 
1 it was forst to me on my conscience to teiche and 

20 ' learne thame the wordis of thair sallwatioun in 
' Inglische, that is to say, the ten commandis quhilk 
' is the law of god quhairby they myght knaw thair 
' sinns, and repent and forbeir the same in tymes coming; 
' and also the beleif quhair they might knaw thair faith 

25 ' into god and Jessus Christ his sone and the hollie 
' gost, death and resurrectioun and everlasting lyfe throw 
1 Jesus Christ. Fforder I teichit thame the dominicall 
' wrisoun quhilk we call the Lordis prayer in thair awin 
' mother tounge to that effect that they might knaw and 

30 ' wnderstand quhom to pray [to] 3 and in quhose name 

'they sould pray, quhat they sould desyre or aske in Foi.119 
1 thair prayer and quhat hope they sould haue in obten- 
' ing of the samin.' The accussar ansuerit, ' Arratick, 

1 " Mister " — i.e., need. See Glossary. 

2 I adds, " the paternoster in inglis and alsua teichit thame the 
belief in inglis," &c. 3 I inserts. 


1 quhy did thow by 1 our actis and constitutiouns and 
' the ordour and commandement of our hollie father the 
' pope and all the Catholick kirk.' The wickar ansuerit, 
' werelie brother, I awow 2 the ordour and commande- 
' ment of our maister and sawieour Jesus Christ and his 5 
' apostill Paull quho schawis his doctrin into the Cor- 
1 rintheans in the 14 chapter, sayand, I had leiffar speik 
1 fyue wordis to the wnderstanding and ediefiecatioun 
' of the pepill nor ten thousand wordis in ane langage 
' quhilk they wnderstand nocht nor is nocht ediefieit 10 

* thairwitht.' The accussar ansuerit and said, ' Fallis 
1 Arratick quhair findis thow that.' The wickar ansuerit, 
1 Brother, in my book quhilk is heir in my slef.' The 
accussar start to him and pullit the booke out of his 
sleif and held it wpe and schew it to the pepill, sayand, 15 
' Se the Arratick, he hes the booke hudin in his sleif, 
' se lo it is heir that makis all this pie and commer 
c in the hollie kirk and amang the prelattis thairof.' The 
wickar ansuerit, ' Brother, ye culd say better arid ze 
1 pleissit bot god forgiue zow that callis our names 3 the 20 

* trew scriptour of god to be the booke of arracie ' ; and 
witht this turnit him to the pepill and said wnto thame, — 
1 My deir bretherin and hartlie freindis, beleif nocht this 
' wickit man that callis this booke arracie ffor I assure 
' zow thair is nathing in this buike bot the latter will and 25 
1 testament of our maister and sawieour Christ Jesus 
' writtin be his foure evangellistis to our leirning and 

* instructioun for our sallwatioun in Christ.' The accussar 
ansuerit, 'Arratick thou can nocht deny bot the new 
1 testament in Inglische is contrair to our actis and 3° 
1 forbidin be the pope and is anewch to burne the theif.' 

FoLxxg*. Than the consall of the clargie gaif sentance wpoun 

him to be bruntt for the wssing of the samin book, the 

new testament in Inglische. And in lykewyse they con- 

1 « By "—i.e., contrary to. 2 I has " follow." 

a "Our names " = overnames — i.e.. nicknames. 

JAMES V. 351 

demnitt Dawid Strattoun because he wald nocht abiure 
and burne his faggat; the quhilk the king desyrit him 
greatlie for to do, and procurit for his lyfe at the bischopis 
handis quho was contentit to gif him the samin, to witt, 
5 his lyfe sa that he wald burne his faggat, quhilk he wald 
nocht consent to do and thairfoir they brunt him. I 
know no cause quhairfoir bot that he discordit witht his 
persone ffor wnpayment of his teindis ; and in lyke wayse, 
Mr Normond Galloway was condemnit and brunt, I 

10 knaw no cause quhairfoir bot because he was in the 
eistland 1 and cam hame and marieit ane wyfe contrair to 
our actis, because he was ane preist. Ffor they wald 
thoill no preistis to marrie bot they wald punische and 
burne him to the deid, bot gif he had wssit ten 2 thowsand 

15 huris he wald nocht haue been brunt. 


Hou the king wardit certaine gret men of the border. Certain 
lordis and gentillmen banisst. Hou the king send to den- 
mark for gret hors and meiris. Hou the king send ambassa- 
douris to the duik of Wandoune. Hou the king was boune 
to france and hou he returnit againe. 

3 This being done the king passit to the Iillis 4 and How the 
thair held courttis of iustice and punischit baitht theif the g y fiHs. ° 
and tratour according to thair demerittis. And also he 
caussit the great men 5 to schaw thair haldingis quhair 
20 throw he fand money of the saidis landis in non entrie, 
the quhilk he confiscat and brocht thame to his awin 

1 "Eistland"— i.e., Scandinavia. Cf. "Eistland boards." See 
Glossary. 2 Dalzell has "ane." 

3 I places this journey to the Isles after the death of Queen 
Magdalen, which is right. The true date appears to have been 
1539. 4 I has "with ane gret navie." 

5 I has " deniwassellis " — i.e., duniwassals = gentlemen. See 
Glossary. ' ' To schaw thair haldingis " = to produce their titles. 
See Notes. 


wse and efterward annexit thame to the croune as ze 
sail heir ; and syne brocht [them] x hame [witht] money 
of the great men of yillis captiue witht him, sic as Mak- 
clode and Makclane of the Lewis, Makconell, Makclain, 
Malcumtosche, Johnne Mullzalt, Makky and Makkein- 5 
zie, 2 witht money wtheris I cane not rehearse at this 
tyme. Sum of thame he pat in waird and sum in the 
court and sum he tuik pledgis for goode rulle in tymes 
cumming, so he brocht the yillis baitht northt and south 
in goode reull and peace quhair throw he had great 10 
profeit seruice and obedience of the pepill. And lang 
tyme efterhend and allis lang as he had the heidis of 
the contrie in subiectioun they leiffit in great peace and 
rest and had great richis and pollacie in the contrie 3 be 
the kingis iustice. The king sieand that he had dant- 15 
tonitt the northt cuntrie and the yillis thairof to this 
Foi. 20 *. effect and purpois, quhair throw thair was peace and 
rest and he had great profeit of the samin and that 
be the taking of the heidis men of the contrie and 
putting of them in waird quhair throw he had great 20 
loue to the commons because they had peace and 
rest in his tyme, the king reioyssit. Quhene he had 
brocht the wyld hieland and the yillis to this stabilietie 
and perfectioun of peace and rest he kaist him also witht 
all the ingyne he might to bring the southland and the 25 
bordararis of Scottland to the same stabilietie and per- 
fectioun lyke as he had done befoir in the yillis ; [ 4 to 
that effect chargit certaine of the greit men of the Southt 

1 I omits words in brackets. 

2 I has "Makgloyd, Crutok M c gloyd of the Lewis, M c ConelI, 
M c clene, Malcumtosh, Johne Mudroyd, Makky and M c keinzie." 
Dalzell's reading is corrupt as to these names, the last of which he 
makes " Macinlucifer." "Mullzalt" in the text, and "Mudroyd " 
in I, is John of Moydart, who was a Macdonald. The other names, 
though misspelt, are sufficiently intelligible. 

3 I has " be the kingis guid ordour and gydment and als," &c. 

4 I places the passage in brackets immediately after the Vicar of 
Dollar's trial. 

JAMES v. 353 

land and bordaris forsaid to enter in waird in the castell How the 

king chairgit 

of Edinburgh, Blaknes and Dumbartane, thair to re-